口譯志工動機之功能分析研究：以慈濟基金會為例

全文

(1)A Thesis Presented to the Graduate Institute of Translation and Interpretation, National Taiwan Normal University 國立臺灣師範大學翻譯研究所碩士論文 . A Functional Analysis of the Motivation of Volunteer Interpreters: A Case Study of the Tzu Chi Foundation 口譯志工動機之功能分析研究：以慈濟基金會為例 Thesis Advisor: Dr. Tze-wei Chen 指導老師：陳子瑋博士. Advisee: Li-Wei Tsai 研究生：蔡力薇. March 2016 中華民國一〇五年三月.

(2) Acknowledgment This is definitely the ultimate term paper. It took about a year, and it felt like the longest year of my life, so I am relieved it is finally printed and ready to find its home in the university library, getting the occasional visit by those who are interested in the topic. There are many who have contributed directly or indirectly to this project and to my enjoyment of graduate school. To avoid turning this thesis into a gratitude journal as it would have been with the long list of people I’d like to thank, here I’ll only mention the top contributors and keep the rest in my humble heart. I want to thank my dad-inlaw for making me a recipient of his special scholarship; my husband for his loving support; my parents for always checking in on me and the progress of my study; my six peers 昊昊, 宜欣, Novi, 君君, 品儒 and 福福, who went on a graduation trip with me to Okinawa, for their friendship and silliness; WXF, my partner in crime when it comes to retail therapy; my old friend Tim in South Africa, whose expertise in statistics made chapters four and five possible; and last but not the least, my thesis advisor, for his guidance and professionalism. Thank you all J Leeway. .

(3) Abstract Demands for volunteers have always existed, especially for non-government and nonprofit organizations. Research has shown that understanding motivation is pertinent to the recruitment, management and retention of volunteers. This study focuses on the motivation of a special type of volunteer— volunteer interpreters— whose service is becoming increasingly valuable to organizations that branch out to different parts of the world. Using the Tzu Chi Foundation as a case study, this research project aims to investigate the effect of demographic characteristics and volunteer background on the relevance of certain motivations. A functional approach is adopted to analyze volunteer motivations. From a functional perspective, people volunteer in the service of different underlying functions that includes Values, Understanding, Social, Enhancement, Career and Protective. A 32-item modified Volunteer Functions Inventory is used to measure the motivation of volunteer interpreters. Findings indicate that volunteer interpreters place relatively more importance on the functions of Values, Understanding and Enhancement, and that demographic variables directly influence an individual’s perception of the relative importance of motivations. In particular, volunteer interpreters who are certified by Tzu Chi and volunteer interpreters who are professional interpreters view the Career function in very different lights. The results of this research offer practical suggestions to NGOs in increasing the effectiveness of their recruitment and management strategies.. Keywords: volunteer interpreters, volunteer motivation, VFI. . i .

(4) 摘要志工人手的需求從未間斷，非政府和非營利組織尤需人力挹注。研究顯示，了解動機有利於志工的招募、管理和繼續服務的意願。本研究針對特定志工族群，即口譯志工，來探討志工動機。對於業務拓展至海外的組織來說，口譯志工所提供的服務可說是越來越重要。本研究以慈濟基金會為例，從功能性的角度分析志工動機，並探討人口特性和志工背景是否會影響特定動機的重要性。以功能性角度來看，同樣是在做志工，背後的動機截然不同。對志工來說，志工服務包含幾項功能，如價值、知識、社交、自我發展、生涯和自我保護。本研究以含有三十二項動機的志工功能量表測量口譯志工動機，得到下列結果。口譯志工認為，價值、知識和自我發展這三項功能有較高的重要性。此外，人口特性也會直接影響不同動機的相對重要性。以生涯功能的重要性來說，受證口譯志工和身兼專業口譯員的口譯志工，看法就大相逕庭。非營利組織可參考本研究成果的實用建議，用以有效提昇志工招募與管理的策略。關鍵詞：口譯志工，志工動機，志工功能量表 . . . ii .

(5) Table of Content. Abstract……………………………………………………………………………..... .i Table of Content…………………………………………………………………..… iii List of Tables.………………………………………………………………………... v List of Figures………………………………………………………………………. vii Chapter 1. Introduction 1.1 Research background……………………………………………………………. 1 1.2 Research question….……………………………………………………………. 9 Chapter 2. Literature Review 2.1 Defining volunteering…………………………………………………………... 10 2.2 Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of volunteers………………... 19 2.3 Motivation to volunteer ………………………………………………………… 23 2.4 Theories and models of motivation………………………………………………27 2.5 The functional approach to volunteering……………………………………….. 33 Chapter 3. Research Method 3.1 Participants and materials……………………………………………………….. 40 3.2 Pilot test ………………………………………………………………………… 42 3.3 Procedure ……………………………………………………………………….. 44 Chapter 4. Results and Discussion 4.1 Data analysis……………………………………………………………………. 46 4.1.1 Survey reliability and validity………………………………………… 46 4.1.1.1 Reliability…………………………………………………… 46 4.1.1.2 Construct validity…………………………………………… 47 4.2 Descriptive statistics…………………………………………………………….. 47. . iii .

(6) 4.2.1 Volunteer interpreter profile: demographics and volunteering background…………………………………………………………...47 4.2.2 Scores and ranking of the volunteer functions………………………... 54 4.2.2.1 Protective……………………………………………………. 54 4.2.2.2 Values……………………………………………………….. 55 4.2.2.3 Career……………………………………………………….. 56 4.2.2.4 Social………………………………………………………... 57 4.2.2.5 Understanding………………………………………………. 58 4.2.2.6 Enhancement..………………………………………………. 59 4.2.2.7 Overall mean score and ranking of the functions…………… 61 4.2.3 Additional qualitative information……………………………………. 63 4.3 Results from ANOVA and t-tests..……………………………………………… 65 4.3.1 Enhancement vs. Education...………………………………………… 65 4.3.2 Experience as a volunteer interpreter.………………………………… 66 4.3.3 Access to Tzu Chi..…………………………………………………… 67 4.3.4 Volunteer certification vs Career...…………………………………… 69 4.3.5 Professional and non-professional interpreters vs. Career……………. 72 Chapter 5. Discussion and conclusion 5.1 General discussion…………………………………………………………......... 76 5.2 Practical implications………………………………………………………….... 80 5.3 Limitations………………………………………………………….................... 83 5.4 Concluding remarks…………………………………………………………...... 83 Reference…………………………………………………………............................ 85 Appendix 1………………………………………………………….......................... 89. . iv .

(7) List of Tables Table 1.1 Functions served by volunteering and their assessment on the Volunteer Functions Inventory (VFI) …………………………………………………………. 37 Table 4.1 Survey reliability………………………………………………………… 47 Table 4.2 Descriptives: overall means and standard deviation…………………….. 61 Table 4.3 Descriptives for item number 26 “Volunteering as an interpreter makes me feel important”……………………………………………………………………… 65 Table 4.4 Descriptives for item number 28 “Volunteering as an interpreter makes me feel needed”………………………………………………………………………… 65 Table 4.5 Descriptives for item number 6 “I volunteer as an interpreter because I am concerned about those less fortunate than myself”………………………………… 66 Table 4.6 Descriptives for item number 16 “I volunteer as an interpreter because my friends volunteer as an interpreter”………………………………………………… 67 Table 4.7 Descriptives of the Social function for how volunteers first came to know Tzu Chi…………………………………………………………………………….. 67 Table 4.8 Descriptives for how volunteers first heard of Tzu Chi for item 3 “Being a volunteer interpreter relieves me of some of the guilt over being more fortunate than others” …………………………………………………………………………….. 69 Table 4.9 Descriptives for Career function: certified and uncertified Tzu Chi volunteers………………………………………………………………………….. 69 Table 4.10 Descriptives for item 12 “I volunteer as an interpreter because I can make new contacts that might help my business or career” for certified and uncertified Tzu Chi volunteers……………………………………………………………………… 70 Table 4.11 Descriptives for item 13 “Volunteering as an interpreter allows me to explore different career options” for certified and uncertified Tzu Chi volunteers… 70. . v .

(8) Table 4.12 Descriptives for Career function for volunteers who were or are professional interpreters or not……………………………………………………… 72 Table 4.13 Descriptives for item 12 “I volunteer as an interpreter because I can make new contacts that might help my business or career” for volunteers who were or are professional interpreters or not……………………………………………………… 72. . vi .

(9) List of Figures. Figure 4.1 Age group of survey respondents……………………………………….. 48 Figure 4.2 Educational attainment of survey respondents………………………….. 49 Figure 4.3 Employment status of survey respondents……………………………… 49 Figure 4.4 Nationality of survey respondents………………………………………. 50 Figure 4.5 Means through which survey respondents first found out about Tzu Chi..50 Figure 4.6 Number of interpreting services provided to Tzu Chi by survey respondents………………………………………………………………………….. 51 Figure 4.7 Survey respondents source of interpreters training……………………... 53 Figure 4.8 Mean scores for the items under Protective function…………………… 55 Figure 4.9 Mean scores for the items under Values function………………………. 56 Figure 4.10 Mean scores for the items under Career function……………………… 57 Figure 4.11 Mean scores for the items under Social function……………………… 58 Figure 4.12 Mean scores for the items under Understanding function…………….. 59 Figure 4.13 Mean scores for the items under Enhancement function……………… 60 Figure 4.14 Overall result for the modified VFI …………………………………… 60. . . vii .

(10) Chapter One. Introduction. 1.1 Research background Volunteerism is an activity that is widely associated with community upliftment, social development and on a more personal level, the empowerment of others and self. The practice is defined by France’s National Center for Volunteering (Centre National du Voluntariat) as possessing five main conditions: “the volunteer is a person who commits himself (commitment) of his own free will (freedom of choice) without profit motive (non-profit objective) in an organized action (belonging to a group or structure) to the service of the community (common social interest).” (Beigbeder, 1991, p 103). In defining this type of prosocial behavior, Penner (2002) proposes that not only does volunteering occur in an organizational setting, it is also a planned, long-term commitment to the wellbeing of strangers. These conditions of volunteering combined imply that volunteer work must be a truly meaningful and rewarding pursuit for people to want to invest their time and effort without financial remuneration, all for the benefit of others. For decades, researchers have been fascinated with the subject of the intentions, or the motivations, of volunteering, for the complexity of human needs as well as the versatility of volunteer motivation as a research topic. At the very least, investigating volunteer motivations will lead to greater understanding of volunteers’ needs and the dynamics between volunteers and volunteer-involving organizations.. Statistics show that a substantial number of people donate their time to service work in the United States. Between September 2013 and September 2014, approximately 62.8 million people volunteered through or for an organization at least once. . 1 .

(11) (Volunteering in the United States, 2014, Bureau of Labor Statistics1). That is, one in every five Americans acted prosocially in the one-year period. In the United Kingdom, volunteering is a sizeable part of the economy, with assets of £40bn and annual spending of nearly £11bn (Bussell and Forbes, 2002, p. 244). The assistance volunteers provide to the needy and the community at large renders them “the social glue that links disparate members of a multicultural society, contributing to the greater public good through the creation of social capital.” (Stukas et al, 2009, p. 6). Be it the human or social capital, or economic output, the importance of the contribution of the volunteer sector therefore cannot be overrated. By virtue of their sheer number, volunteers are a major source of labor for many organizations (Cnaan and Amrofell, 1994, p. 345), not to mention free labor for that matter. Without this grassroots labor force a country “would need a much larger public sector or would lose considerable charitable, cultural and educational activities” (Freeman, 1997, p. 145). Nonprofit organizations, which fulfill important social functions that would otherwise have to be performed by the government (Wymer et al, 1997, p. 3), stay afloat on the goodwill from the public and are thus, to varying degrees, dependent on the nationwide pool of free manpower. The continued success of their programs is ensured by the use of volunteers (Gage and Thapa, 2012). Volunteers take care of an assortment of tasks, “enabl(ing) administrators to sustain current services and expand both the quantity and diversity of services without exhausting the agency’s budget.” (Cnaan and Goldberg-Glen, 1991, p. 270). That is why for nonprofit organizations, attracting inexpensive voluntary labor is of substantial practical importance (Pearce, 1993, p. 59). Arguably, volunteers make an attractive human resource, helping to facilitate daily operations at minimal cost to organizations. 1 http://www.bls.gov/news.release/volun.nr0.htm . 2 .

(12) The demand and supply of voluntary labor, however, has not always enjoyed a stable equilibrium, especially in the recent years where the demand has outweighed supply. The increase in the range of voluntary work coupled with the rapid growth in the number of voluntary organizations resulted in greater competition for limited resources, both financial and human (Bussell and Forbes, 2002, 244). The situation is intensified by the decline in the number of people volunteering (Bussell and Forbes, 2008; U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics). Human service agencies and nonprofit organizations are therefore under growing pressure to enlist more helpers and improve their approaches on retaining the existing ones. Researchers believe that due to the proactive, premeditated, voluntary and sustained nature of volunteerism, exploring and analyzing one particular element in prosocial behavior— motivation— will unearth a wealth of information for organizations wishing to better manage their volunteer force. Clary et al (1998) argue that it may be productive to adopt a motivational perspective because “the fundamental concerns of motivational inquiry with understanding the processes that move people to action— the processes that initiate, direct, and sustain action— are precisely the concerns engaged by the questions ‘why do people volunteer?’ and ‘what sustains voluntary helping?’” (p. 1517). The authors hold the view that beginning with recruiting volunteers, creating satisfying experiences for volunteers, to fostering commitment to service, every one of these aspects engages the motivations underlying volunteerism. Similarly, others propose that understanding volunteer motivation is paramount to volunteer recruitment, management and retention (Cnaan and Goldberg-Glen 1991; Bussell and Forbes 2002). Faced with the expanding need for volunteers and the low exit barriers. . 3 .

(13) associated with volunteering, the study of volunteer motivation is deemed both timely and important (Phillips and Phillips, 2010, p.12).. In the study of volunteerism, motivation forms a particular area of interest and has led to the largest body of academic research on volunteers (Pearce, 1993, p. 11). Theories of volunteerism are inclined to include and discuss volunteer motivation, if not at length then at least mentioned briefly as an important component of the volunteering process. Many studies support the idea of the association between motivation and the psychological and social rewards offered by volunteerism, whereby individuals engage in service work in return for various non-monetary payoffs (Gidron 1978; Farmer and Fedor 1999; Cnaan and Goldberg-Glen 1991). Motives are also rarely singular; motivational research support a multimotivational view, arguing that a diversity of motives are at play for volunteering (Philips, 1982, p. 118; Yeung, 2004, p. 26; Manatschal and Freitag, 2014, p. 309). A large number of studies examine and divide motivations into categories; consistently, research has shown that one of the primary motives of volunteering is related to altruism, that the driving force behind volunteering is the opportunity to help others, give back and make a difference (Anderson and Moore, 1978, p. 123; Clary et al, 1996, p. 499; Allison et al, 2002, p. 248; Snyder and Omoto, 2009, p. 10). Interest in volunteer motivation has also shifted focus from general volunteer motivation theories to studying specific demographic groups or volunteer segments. For instance, Omoto and Snyder (1995) on identifying the psychological and behavioral features of AIDS volunteers, and Bang and Ross (2009) on the impact of motivation on volunteers at international sporting events.. . 4 .

(14) The functional approach to volunteering has been a hugely popular choice to consider and examine the underlying motivational processes of volunteerism (Francis 2011). A main tenet of the functional approach is that people can adopt the same attitudes or perform the same actions in the service of different underlying functions, and these functions influence the initiation and maintenance of voluntary helping behavior (Clary et al 1998). In the case of volunteering, individuals may engage in volunteer work for a diverse range of reasons, mostly for personal or psychological benefits. Clary and his team identified six primary motives potentially served by volunteering (Values, Understanding, Social, Enhancement, Career and Protective); based on these six broad functions a 30-item Volunteer Functions Inventory (VFI) was developed to measure the relevance of different volunteer motivations. The functional approach also proposes the matching hypothesis, stressing the importance of matching volunteers’ motives with the opportunities afforded by the volunteering experience or environment. The better the match, the more satisfying the experience is, and the more likely the volunteer will continue serving. This study will make use of the functional analysis to investigate the motivations of volunteers, specifically volunteer interpreters, who are serving with the Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Foundation (hereon referred to as Tzu Chi Foundation or Tzu Chi), a nonprofit charity organization in Taiwan that has branched out globally.. In Taiwan, up to December 2012, some 890,000 people volunteered with 24,680 registered volunteer groups (Volunteer services update, Ministry of Health and Welfare2). The number of Taiwan’s nonprofit nongovernmental organizations has 2 Volunteer Services, Ministry of Health and Welfare, http://vol.mohw.gov.tw/vol/home.jsp?mserno=200805210006&serno=200805210011&menud ata=VolMenu&contlink=content/now.jsp&level=2&logintype=null . . 5 .

(15) risen considerably especially at the turn of the millennium (Chung, 2005), illustrating perhaps the coming of age of the country’s third sector. There is great diversity among the functions and the missions of these organizations, but most of them have a similar focus in their work, that is, economic or humanitarian aid (ibid), whether it is for the needy in Taiwan or abroad. Organizations that have reached out beyond national boundaries include Taiwan Roots Medical Peace Corps, World Vision Taiwan, Eden Social Welfare Foundation, Chou, Ta-Kuan Foundation, the Tzu Chi Foundation and so on. The need for volunteer interpreters has increased, to ensure that the organizations are able to carry out its work wherever they are in the world and work with people from a diversity of cultural backgrounds, without the hindrance of language differences. As already mentioned, this study uses the Tzu Chi Foundation as an example to examine the motivations of its volunteer interpreters. A greater understanding of their intentions and needs will benefit Tzu Chi and all the other charitable and nonprofit organizations that require the service of volunteer interpreters.. Tzu Chi Foundation is one of the biggest charity organizations native to Taiwan. The NGO was founded in 1966 in Hualien, Taiwan, by Buddhist nun Dharma Master Cheng Yen. Beginning with only a handful of volunteers, there are now offices and branches providing international relief work in approximately 71 countries and regions; in the United States alone, there are more than 100 offices and facilities3. Almost all the Tzu Chi offices and branches outside Taiwan have been established by volunteers who were originally from Taiwan (Lin, 2012). Local volunteers were gradually recruited working alongside employees. Volunteers typically outnumber 3 . http://tw.tzuchi.org/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1098&Itemid=248&la ng=en . . 6 .

(16) employees, and the situation is even more so outside Taiwan. The Tzu Chi Foundation’s main focus is on charity work, but it also actively contributes in the areas of medicine, education, environmental protection, international humanitarian aid and the establishment of a bone marrow registry4. To provide an idea of the scale of just one segment of Tzu Chi’s humanitarian aid, in 2012, with the help of 106,844 volunteers the NGO held more than 300 winter aid distributions across 19 countries and regions, benefitting 153,882 needy families5. . In terms of Tzu Chi’s volunteer structure, people who help out at Tzu Chi’s activities are generally regarded as volunteers or trainee volunteers. For those trainee volunteers who aspire to become a commissioner or a Tzu Cheng Faith Corps member (put simply, they are volunteers who shoulder more organizational responsibilities), he or she must undergo a year’s training that involves classes on Buddhist philosophy, Tzu Chi’s history and missions, volunteering skills; these classes or gatherings provide opportunities for volunteers to get to know other like-minded individuals. At the end of the one year and deemed committed and qualified by superiors, the trainee will be certified as a commissioner or a Tzu Cheng Faith Corps member6 (Ting, 1999, p. 265).. According to Lin (2012), Tzu Chi’s organizational culture is unique as the founder subscribes to belief that members of the foundation should “organize with precepts and manage with love”. In such a spirit, members are encouraged and expected to 4 . http://tw.tzuchi.org/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=96&Itemid=182&lang =en . 5 . http://tw.tzuchi.org/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1098&Itemid=248&la ng=en . 6 http://www.life-respect.tcu.edu.tw/fruition/91sr/sr_s8.htm. . 7 .

(17) manage and discipline themselves with love (for the smooth running of the foundation) and through observing Buddhist precepts. In Ting’s 1999 study of Tzu Chi, he observes the most fundamental organizational expectation of its members and volunteers is the engagement of helping behavior. In Tzu Chi’s context, all the interactions and cultural norms within Tzu Chi point to helping behavior (p. 25). Furthermore, one of Tzu Chi’s mission statements explicitly states that altruistic behavior is the top priority for any Tzu Chi participant (p. 205). In other words, as part of Tzu Chi, one is expected to extend a helping hand and give of oneself, in action and in conviction. Moreover, the influence of religion and culture also plays a role in how volunteer work is perceived in Tzu Chi’s context. Buddhism encourages people to give while the Chinese culture believes in the accumulation of merits through doing good deeds (Ting, 1999, p. 93, 95).. Bilingual or interpreting services needed by the foundation include docents, escort interpreting, and consecutive and simultaneous interpreting at conferences and seminars held for Tzu Chi volunteers from all over the world. In the organizational structure of the Tzu Chi Foundation, volunteer interpreters are grouped under a subdivision called Foreign Language Team (FLT). Members of the FLT typically hail from bilingual backgrounds; if not, they are at least highly interested in learning and using a second language. “Retreats”, or training seminars, are held regularly for volunteer interpreters to increase their knowledge of the foundation, sharpen interpreting skills and so on. Around 300 people registered as volunteer interpreters for the FLT, but only 70 of them are actively involved. The regions of Taipei, Taoyuan, Hsinchu and Kaohsiung organize regular gatherings and enjoy a sound. . 8 .

(18) contact network among the volunteer interpreters (G. Lin, personal communication, November 19, 2015).. This study carries a degree of personal relevance as the researcher is a Tzu Chi volunteer and has been involved with a number of its charity projects over the years, such as home visitations to the sick and poor, aid distributions and so on. In addition, the researcher has also served as a volunteer interpreter on several occasions, providing simultaneous interpreting in a conference setting. These first-hand experiences with Tzu Chi lend the researcher the motivation to carry out the study.. 1.2 Research question Relatively little attention has been placed on volunteer interpreters among the vast literature related to volunteerism and volunteer motivation. Volunteer interpreters are a niche group among the myriad types of volunteers, and they are highly specialized, serving a vital function in bridging communication gaps. The main purpose of this study is therefore to examine the underlying motivational processes of volunteer interpreters in hopes that the results from the analysis would go on to help NGOs like the Tzu Chi Foundation better enlist, manage and maintain their volunteer interpreters. The research questions for this study are outlined as follows: 1. What are Tzu Chi volunteer interpreters’ motivations for service work, and how do these motivations compare with each other in terms of their importance? 2. Do different demographic characteristics or variables from volunteer background result in a difference in volunteer interpreters’ perceived importance of the motivations?. . 9 .

(19) Chapter Two. Literature review 2.1 Defining volunteering Broadly speaking, volunteering is a form of helping. This section begins by considering volunteering as an act of helping that belongs to “part of a cluster of helping behaviors” (Wilson, 2000, p. 215). Helping comes in different forms, and the distinctions are significant in the discussion of volunteering. Omoto and Snyder (1995) identified two distinct traditions of research in psychology that investigate specific forms of helping: spontaneous and obligated helping. The former involves situations where unexpected opportunities to help strangers arise, and “the help of interest here is… usually confined to relatively brief encounters, and generally entails neither prior nor future contact between helper and recipient.” (p. 671). An example would be helping a lost child find his parents or stopping to call for an ambulance upon sighting a car crash. Obligated helping is where, out of legal, ethical or familial obligations, people provide continuing care and support to relatives suffering from chronic diseases (p. 4). However, Omoto and Snyder bring to light a third form of helping that encompasses features from both spontaneous and obligated helping: volunteerism, where help (that may be sustained) is provided to strangers. This kind of assistance is distinct in that volunteers deliberately seek out opportunities to extend a helping hand (Omoto and Snyder 1995, Clary 1996), rendering such acts “proactive rather than reactive”(Wilson, 2000, p. 216). As opposed to being spontaneous, volunteering “involves a premeditated decision to assist” (Cnaan and Amrofell, 1994, p. 344). Individuals intending to volunteer are inclined to mull over their prospective role as a helper, going as far as “deliberat(ing) long and hard about the initiation, extent and precise nature of their involvement.” (Omoto and Snyder, 1995, p. 672). Such. . 10 .

(20) deliberation will also include “the degree to which particular activities fit with their own personal needs” (Clary et al, 1998, p. 1517). One could conclude concisely here that volunteering is a prototypic type of planned helping (Clary et al 1998) that is nonobligated; such care and assistance are typically offered to strangers.. As a specific form of helping, volunteering can be further divided into two types, namely formal and informal volunteering. According to Hodgkinson and Weitzman (1992), the INDEPENDENT SECTOR, which is a coalition of nonprofit foundations, defined two types of volunteering: “Formal volunteering involves regular work with an organization; informal volunteering involves helping neighbors or organizations on an ad hoc basis, such as babysitting for free or baking cookies for a school fair.” (Cnaan & Amrofell, 1994, p. 343). Wilson and Musick (1997) share a similar view: “Formal volunteering is typically carried out in the context of organizations; informal volunteering (which in this context means helping friends, neighbors, and kin living outside the household) is more private and is not organized.” (p. 700). The difference between formal and informal volunteering appear to hinge on the relationship between the individual volunteering and the one(s) on the receiving end, in combination with the frequency and the organization of helping. Within formal and informal volunteering Cnaan and Amrofell have also listed subcategories as follows. Formal volunteering includes serving with non-profit organizations, the government and for-profit organizations, while informal volunteering involves helping individuals in need and informal voluntary groups (1994, p. 343). According to the above classifications, this particular study focuses on formal volunteering with a nonprofit organization.. . 11 .

(21) Knowing that volunteering is a form of helping is merely the first step in grasping what this prosocial phenomenon involves. To achieve further understanding of what volunteering is, a few definitions from literature will help shed some light. According to Cnaan et al (1996), the word volunteer has its root in modern and biblical Hebrew meaning “to willingly give” (p. 366). Haski-Levanthal (2009) however suggests that the epistemological origin of ‘volunteer’ lies in another ancient language: “(v)olunteering is based on the Latin voluns (choose) or velle (want): the choice and the (free) will to help are essential to determine volunteerism.” (p. 272). Whichever language the word first appeared in, both sources emphasize the willingness of an individual to help and give. The term ‘volunteer’ first appeared in the 1750s to denote civilians mobilized for military service, without pay (Cnaan and Amrofell 1994). Since then, what constitutes volunteerism has evolved into a multitude of versions, illustrating the complexity of the phenomenon. A very straight-forward definition of volunteerism will serve to kick start the relevant discussions. Put very simply, it is “any activity in which time is given freely to benefit another person, group, or organization.” (Wilson, 2000, p. 215). While this definition is not incorrect, theorists on volunteering would be instantly tempted to question its adequacy and offer their own versions or revisions. Let us consider an earlier definition: a volunteer is someone who “works in a particular institution on a regular basis, of his own free will and without receiving direct economic rewards for his work.” (Gidron, 1978, p. 19). Wilson’s definition of volunteerism is hereby enriched with the addition of the temporal, volitional and reward elements of volunteering, which are all essential parts of the volunteering experience. The next definition incorporates the humanitarian dimension of volunteering: “To volunteer is to choose to act in recognition of a need, with an attitude of social responsibility and without concern for monetary profit,. . 12 .

(22) going beyond one’s basic obligations.” (Ellis and Noyes, 1990, p. 4). These three definitions, each a decade more recent than the former, have their overlaps and different focuses; although individually they suffice to summarize volunteerism, just one on its own or even the combination of all three cannot describe volunteering in its entirety. Cnaan et al (1996) observe that “(t)oo often, the term is a catch-all for a wide range of nonsalaried activities” (p. 365) and has no clear and coherent definition in literature. In a 1994 study on volunteer activity analysis, it was found that in over 300 articles and reports reviewed, “the overwhelming majority did not define volunteer and assumed that it is a robust and agreed-upon phenomenon.” (Cnaan and Amrofell, 1994, p. 336). The lack thereof is perhaps due to the complex nature of the phenomenon of volunteering. Bussell and Forbes (2002) argue that attempting to define volunteer may be daunting as “(v)olunteers are an extremely diverse group, active in a wide variety of contexts. This makes the definition of a volunteer a more complex task than one would expect.” Scholars therefore advise against lumping volunteers under one single category.. To fully clarify the term volunteerism and describe what it entails, scholars and professionals have attempted various methods and models. Cnaan and Amrofell (1994) developed a systematic framework to define the boundaries of volunteerism and in the process illustrated the wide scope and the characteristics of volunteering. The phenomenon of volunteering is reviewed in ten complementing facets spanning volunteers’ characteristics, the nature and reward of the work, volunteers’ management, as well as the beneficiaries, who are the receiving end of the service. Cnaan and Amrofell’s study is a competent starting point in exploring the major components of volunteer activity and succeeds in illustrating that volunteers are best. . 13 .

(23) understood as a multidimensional rather than unidimensional commodity. Volunteers, young and old, come from all walks of life with their own intentions and agendas; they operate in diverse contexts, and the work itself takes many forms. Bussell and Forbes also stress that volunteers should not be viewed as one homogenous group. In their 2002 review of the literature on volunteering a classification model was developed, identifying the four key aspects of the volunteer market. The model has fewer categories than that of Cnaan and Amrofell’s, choosing to focus entirely on the individuals who volunteer than including also the other parties involved in the volunteering process, such as the beneficiaries and volunteer administrators. The model consists of the four Ws of volunteering: What (definition), Where (context), Who (Characteristics of volunteers) and Why (motivation) (p. 245), highlighting important issues such as the notion of free will in volunteering, the varied contexts within which volunteering activities are found in, the demographic characteristics of people who volunteer, and the motives behind volunteering. The topic of volunteer motivation will be discussed in more detail later in this chapter.. In defining volunteering, Cnaan et al (1996) reviewed a dozen popular definitions and assessed them in terms of how broad or pure of a definition they are, but concluded that none of these frequently cited definitions succeeded in ultimately distinguishing who is or who is not a volunteer. However, through an analysis of these definitions the study was able to identify four key dimensions that are common in most definitions of volunteering, which is helpful towards understanding what volunteering entails. These are: the voluntary nature of the act, the nature of the reward, the context or auspices under which the volunteer activity is performed, and finally, who benefits. Within these dimensions are yet more categories or continuums. Cnaan et al also. . 14 .

(24) believe that it is relevant to understand the public’s perception of what constitutes as a volunteer because the “definitions often are a social construct” (Cnaan et al, 1996, p. 366). A conceptual analysis was thus conducted on the costs and benefits of volunteering to the individual, with cost being items such as time spent volunteering, effort, and income and social pleasures foregone, while benefits include tangible ones such as monetary rewards, and intangible gains like enhanced social status and opportunities, business contacts, work experience, and skills acquisition (p. 373). The finding supports the hypothesis of the study that “an individual who incurs a high net cost (broadly defined as costs minus benefits, possibly normalized) is likely to be viewed as more of a volunteer than is someone who incurs a low net cost.” (Cnaan et al, 1996, p. 378-379). In other words, for an individual to be perceived as a volunteer, what he has to forgo or contribute to the voluntary work must exceed what is gained from the experience. If instead an individual appears to have reaped more personal benefits in the volunteering process, he is less likely to be considered a volunteer in the eye of the public. The result implicates that an essential part of volunteering is the notion of selflessness and the desire to help those in need as opposed to advancing one’s own interest. The discussion of the existence of altruism in volunteering will take place later in the chapter, along with the motivations of volunteering.. Even though an individual who volunteers will more or less benefit from service work and that altruism may be at play, Wilson and Musick (1997) subscribe to Smith’s (1981) view that the essence of nonspontaneous, repeated volunteer activities does not lie so much in the return or motive but more on the free will to contribute to a desired end. They introduce the perspective that volunteering is productive and ethically guided work that involves collective action (to varying degrees). An integrated theory. . 15 .

(25) on formal and informal volunteering is constructed, conceptualizing the resources or inputs (determinants) required to enter into voluntary work7. There are three types of resources needed, namely human, social and cultural capitals, and that “different forms of volunteer work draw on different kinds of capital” (Wilson and Musick, 1997, p. 709), and these capitals help predict volunteering. Human capital includes education, income (an indication of dominant status) and health status. The authors find that the more educated, wealthier and healthier people are more likely to volunteer and are more desirable to agencies seeking volunteer labor. Social capital is related to one’s social connections. Socially active people are more exposed to opportunities of volunteering because “most volunteers are recruited by friends, relatives, and associates” (p. 709; Pearce 1997:67). People with children are in the same position because they are exposed to more opportunities for service work through school or opportunities presented by fellow parents. Lastly, cultural capital focuses on the moral component of culture. This type of capital yields social profits in the form of symbolic goods like titles and memberships, which cultivates social esteem. “The possession of symbolic goods enables people to ‘act out’ their values, to demonstrate their ‘good taste’” (p. 696), a taste for volunteering, where one is able to show a caring, compassionate side. The authors employ the concept of the culture of benevolence, which is related to the value attached to charitable work. According to the authors, “the culture of benevolence is institutionalized in churches (more so than in workplaces or schools). If this is true, religious practice should increase the likelihood of volunteering. We therefore treat religiosity as one indicator of the cultural capital necessary for volunteering” (p. 697). Similarly, Penner (2004) 7 The research compares formal and informal volunteering for mutual influence and yielded some interesting results regarding the correlation between the two types of volunteering. However, the results will not be discussed here because informal volunteering is not relevant to this particular study. . 16 .

(26) proposes a conceptual model of the initial decision to volunteer, in which religious beliefs form part of the personal attributes that are conducive to volunteering. The model draws attention to four factors that affect the decision to volunteer, namely demographic characteristics, personal attributes (including beliefs, attitudes, needs and motives and personality), the social pressure to volunteer and finally, volunteer activator. The last factor represents stimuli that would trigger the desire to volunteer, such as the loss of a loved one to disease, an image that might provoke altruistic feelings or the occurrence of a significant historical event such as the September 11 attacks. In addition to confirming that major historical events “can serve to activate a person’s willingness to volunteer” (p. 655), it was also discovered that both prosocial personality (the inclination to harbor other-oriented empathy and frequent engagement in helping others) and the strength of one’s religious beliefs positively correlate with volunteering. Data revealed “(v)olunteers were more likely than nonvolunteers to be members of an organized religion and held stronger religious beliefs” (p. 661). Religion instructs or encourages one to act on morality and virtue, preaching the importance of the inherent duty to extend a helping hand. For example, “(f)or Christians, service to one’s neighbor is a moral obligation” (Beigbeder, 1991, p. 109). Religiosity has a particular relevance to the current thesis that studies volunteer interpreters for Tzu Chi, a religious charity organization that incorporates Buddhist teachings into its volunteer training programs. The humanitarian work performed by the organization is also informed by Buddhist philosophy. Wilson and Musick’s theory predicts that religiosity “ prepares people for participation in volunteer work” (p. 699, 709). Therefore, for those who already subscribe to the Buddhist (or any other religion for that matter) teachings of compassion, empathy and deliverance from suffering, volunteering would be an excellent way to express those values.. . 17 .

(27) A well-known explanatory model is the Volunteer Process Model (VPM) proposed by Omoto and Snyder (1995). The model considers AIDS volunteerism in three chronological stages concerning the volunteering process, namely antecedents, experiences and consequences, specifying volunteers’ psychological and behavioral features of each stage. The antecedents stage focuses on the helping disposition, the motivation and needs, and the circumstantial characteristics that may prompt entry into volunteering. The second stage concerns experiences of volunteering that may help encourage or discourage volunteers’ involvement, the determinants of which are volunteers’ satisfaction and organizational integration. There is strong support from literature that continuing involvement is ensured by both work satisfaction and integration into volunteer organizations. The final stage looks at the consequences of AIDS volunteerism, with the primary consequence being the length of service. Here, it is also argued that service work can have a positive impact on volunteers’ perceived attitude towards AIDS and volunteering in general. The key findings indicate that social support is negatively correlated to the length of service, and a helping disposition “did not, in this study, guarantee longer life as an active AIDS volunteer.” (Omoto and Snyder, 1995, p. 682). Motivation is the most significant factor to sustained volunteering, and interestingly enough, “it appears that the opportunity to have personal, self-oriented, and perhaps even selfish functions served by volunteering was what kept volunteers actively involved.” (Omoto and Snyder, 1995, p. 683). Volunteerism, generally associated with the desire to do good, can in fact and very often does serve ulterior motives. Before delving into the discussions surrounding volunteers’ motivation and needs, which has become rather integral (even if only mentioned in passing) in almost every study concerning volunteerism,. . 18 .

(28) let us first take a look at the volunteers’ attributes and demographic characteristics that are related to volunteering.. 2.2 Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of volunteers As already established, volunteers come from all walks of life. Penner (2004) states that “not all people are equally predisposed to volunteer. Demographic and personal characteristics play a significant role in the decision to volunteer” (p. 662). Understanding what kind of individuals are more likely to volunteer will help contribute to a better understanding of the motivation behind volunteering as there are well-supported correlations between the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics and volunteering. Moreover, “(e)stablishing meaningful segments of the volunteer ‘market’ could lead to more effective targeting of particular groups and, thus, more effective recruitment and retention strategies” (Bussell and Forbes, 2002, p. 248). There are of course many attributes that can be correlated to volunteering, such as race and family relations, but this study has chosen to focus on the key characteristics of age, gender, socioeconomic status and education.. Age is a significant variable in volunteering because at different stages in life one’s attitude (on volunteering), human capital and access to social resources vary. Volunteering may start as early as school age as “young people are asked by schools to engage in volunteer work as part of their curriculum.” (Cnaan and Amrofell, 1994, p. 340). However, according to Wilson (2000), as adolescents enter into young adulthood the rate of volunteering tends to fall. The decline is due to “the structure of school-related activities giv(ing) way to the social freedoms of the single and childless life” (p. 226), a stage in life where volunteering may take a backseat because of. . 19 .

(29) “greater mobility in pursuit of education and careers” (Pearce, 1993, p. 69). Volunteering has been revealed to peak in middle age (Wilson, 2000, p. 226); similarly, Bussell and Forbes (2002) have found that “(i)ndividuals over the age of 50 are more likely to volunteer than younger people.” (p. 248). If volunteering requires that one has disposable time on hand, then retirement, which generally occurs after the age of 50, presumably frees up the time that was once committed to work, thus allowing people the chance to engage in community service. However, “(n)umerous studies have shown that retirement does not draw people into the volunteering labor force, but it does increase the number of hours worked among those already volunteering” (Wilson, 2000, p. 226). It is volunteers who will spend even more time on service work once they retire. Yet older people have also been reported to be less likely to engage in volunteer work because “they are more likely to experience health problems” (Wilson and Musick, 1997, 706), demonstrating that health is an important human capital in volunteering. Between early adulthood to middle age, more emphasis has been placed on the correlation between one’s changing social circumstances and volunteering. It is a time period in life when the career is being established or takes off and families are formed, which affects the desire and opportunities to involve in volunteer work. For instance, Freeman (1997) reveals that “(v)olunteering is positively associated among spouses” (p. 148). When one volunteers, the spouse tends to get involved too. The fact that people with children are also more likely to volunteer “suggests that some volunteering produces services for children, possibly through a reciprocal altruistic relation” (p. 152). The frequency of volunteering though is dependent on the age of the young: it increases as children grow up and need less rearing (Wilson, 2000, p. 225), illustrating that familial commitment does play an important part in influencing volunteering. It has also been. . 20 .

(30) observed that those “who report frequent conversations and meetings with friends and acquaintances are more likely to volunteer than people who rarely get out or who have few friends” (Wilson and Musick, 1997, p. 699). Sociable people are naturally inclined to gravitate towards others, and being volunteers give them the opportunity to meet and work with new people and at the same time contribute something to the community, which adds meaning to everyday social interactions.. Gender is another variable of great interest. On one hand, women seem to volunteer more than men (Wilson and Musick 1997; Freeman 1997; Bussell and Forbes 2002), on the other, voluntary participation by gender may be region-specific, where in North America females are slightly more likely to volunteer than males, but in Europe there is no overall gender difference (Wilson, 2000, p. 227). Pearce (1993) even suggests that when socioeconomic status is controlled, “men are likely to be volunteers than are women.” (p. 68). Based on the evidence from many studies, volunteering is gender-specific. Men more often volunteer to serve on boards; women for community services (Cnaan and Amrofell, 1994, p. 340). “(W)omen were more likely to join religious or service organizations, while men joined professional associations and lodges that are functional for their careers (Hausknecht 1962)” (Pearce, 1993, p. 68), while political volunteers are more likely to be male (Bussell and Forbes 2002). However, these studies did not explain the gender difference in the type of voluntary work.. In terms of the socioeconomic factors contributing to volunteering, it is generally agreed that “socioeconomic status has a strong positive direct effect on formal volunteering” (Wilson and Musick, 1997, p. 708). Pearce notes that there is. . 21 .

(31) overwhelming support in the argument that “(t)hose with higher income, educational level, occupational status, and family/lineage status and those who own more property are more likely to volunteer, to volunteer for multiple associations and organizations, and to assume leadership roles in their organizations than are those who have fewer of these advantages.” (Pearce, 1993, p. 65). Freeman’s assessment of volunteer activities in the US through national surveys also shows that “volunteers have higher wages and family incomes.” (1997, p. 146). People with a higher socioeconomic status (which represents stronger capabilities and better resources) make attractive volunteer recruits. It has also been suggested that “well-educated and wealthy people have reached a point in their lives where they are more likely to concern themselves with the needs of others as opposed to the needs of themselves and their immediate family (xxx)” (Penner, 2004, p. 649). The effect of the socioeconomic variable is not limited to adults either. Children from families with higher occupational status are also more likely to volunteer (Sundeen and Raskoff, 1994, p. 392).. An individual’s education attainment is almost unanimously regarded as an effective predictor of volunteering (Anderson and Moore, 1978; Pearce 1993; Clary et al 1996; Wilson 2000; Bussell and Forbes 2002; Penner 2004). Many studies have discovered that “(t)he higher the educational level, the higher the probability that a person will volunteer (Sundeen (1988) and Tomeh (1973), quoted from Cnaan and Amrofell (1994) p. 340). The positive correlation has been attributed to the following factors: educated people are more likely to be asked to volunteer; education boosts volunteering because it heightens awareness of problems, increases empathy and builds self-confidence (Wilson, 2000, p. 219). It has also been observed that “(a)n increase in educational level is accompanied by a more frequent desire for self-. . 22 .

(32) fulfillment and development” (Anderson and Moore, 1978, p. 123), which can be achieved through volunteering. Another interesting point is how the salience of education varies by the type of volunteer work, increasing if the task assigned requires literacy skills as opposed to social skills. As an example, the level of one’s education is negligent for informal community work (Wilson, 2000, p. 220). One argument begs to differ on the positive correlation between education and volunteering. As stated previously, people with children are more likely to volunteer due to increased social capital. Presumably then, childless people have fewer social connections and motives to volunteer. It has been observed that “the more highly educated people have fewer children then do less well-educated people… the indirect effect of education is to reduce the likelihood of volunteering” (Wilson and Musick, 1997, p. 700). In this situation, education is still a variable on volunteering, but an adverse one. All in all, these (sometimes competing) demographic and socioeconomic characteristics reiterate that volunteering as a phenomenon is complex and multidimensional; a host of variables, which affects an individual throughout his life, will always be at play to influence the motivation, type and the level of involvement in service work.. 2.3 Motivation to volunteer Volunteering involves work. It requires the setting aside of personal commitments in order to contribute to the benefit and well-being of others who are not necessarily less fortunate. It can be effortful as “(s)ome forms of volunteerism entail commitments that extend over considerable periods of time and sizable personal costs.” (Omoto & Snyder, 1995, p. 672). Unlike employment, the time, energy, labor and skills spent on volunteering do not garner monetary return, thus ruling out financial rewards as a motivation. At times volunteering can even expose a person to potential health risks if. . 23 .

(33) you consider Omoto and Snyder’s 1995 field study on the motivation and commitment of volunteers serving patients living with HIV/AIDS. Given how timeconsuming, labor-intensive and even risky volunteering can be, it almost seems counterintuitive to want to be a volunteer. And the intention to volunteer cannot even be explained in terms of opportunity cost because people with a high value of time actually volunteer more than those with a low value of time (Freeman, 1997, p. 146). Therefore, the question of burning interest for many researchers is, what is in it for volunteers? More importantly are the very benefits that organizations can offer to volunteers that help prolong their services. The answer possibly lies in the initial motivations of volunteers who have served for a long time (or what Cnaan and Goldberg-Glen (1991) call “habitual” volunteers). Understanding volunteer motivation is highly pertinent for human service agencies because the information is helpful for volunteer recruitment, management, coordination and ultimately, retention. After all, “(v)olunteer work which is not regular and sustained may cause more harm than good to the service recipient.” (Gidron, 1978, p. 18). Without a doubt, having the knowledge of what motivates one to volunteer can help focus recruitment messages and make them more appealing and persuasive to potential volunteers (Cnaan and Goldberg-Glen 1991, Allison et al 2002). Recruitment, however, is merely the first stage in the management of new blood. Pearce offers a caveat on volunteer retention, stating that “volunteer based organizations which depend primarily on service-based recruitment appeals need to consider that this initial burst of enthusiasm, alone, is probably not sufficient to maintain organizational commitment.” (1993, p. 78). Individuals new to volunteering are originally driven by their own agendas, such as doing good or championing a worthwhile cause. However, the continuity of service cannot run solely on that burst of enthusiasm but rests on how their expectations. . 24 .

(34) match the rewards offered by the volunteer experience. Phillips (1982) argues that efforts to retain volunteers must have a different focus than those designed to recruit volunteers. Volunteer sustainability is more likely possible when expectations are adapted to the rewards available or are congruent with the reality (Phillips 1982, Gidron 1978). Put simply, it is about ensuring that volunteers get what they were looking for so they can keep contributing. The longevity of service is most crucial for volunteer organizations and for effective delivery of human services because “(t)he more time per episode that volunteers give, the greater their impact on those receiving help and on the agency as a whole.” (Cnaan and Amrofell, 1994, p. 344).. Surely there must be compelling incentives, both tangible and intangible, that motivate one to act prosocially. Smith’s (1982) popular definition of volunteer (cited in Cnaan and Amrofell, 1994, p 336) provides certain insight: “an individual engaging in a behavior that is not bio-socially determined (e.g., eating, sleeping), nor economically necessitated (e.g., paid work, house-work, home repair), nor sociopolitically compelled (e.g., paying one’s taxes, clothing oneself before appearing in public), but rather that is essentially (primarily) motivated by the expectation of psychic benefits of some kind as a result of activities that have a market value greater than any remuneration received for such activities”. The significance of the psychological dimension in the motivation of volunteering is echoed by Clary et al (1996), where, in their analysis of the 1993 survey of volunteers conducted by the Independent Sector, found that “many people apparently found compelling reasons, and very likely compelling psychological reasons, for engaging in the unpaid work of volunteerism.” (p. 486). Psychological reasons or psychic benefits can be said to primarily form the basis of one’s motivation, but volunteers also expect to gain from. . 25 .

(35) the experience certain social and personal payoffs. Cnaan and Amrofell argue that “(a)lthough the term volunteer implies not-for-reward service, we must also assume that people would not invest time and energy in an activity that provides no gratification.” (1994, p. 346). In this sense, volunteer activity goes beyond a unidirectional flow of giving; the relationship between volunteers and the organizations they serve with is one of reciprocity, where both parties benefit from some form of partnership.. Regarding reciprocity, Manatchal and Freitag (2014) discuss two kinds of reciprocity in volunteering: strategic and altruistic. The former involves acts of volunteering in expectation of egoistic returns, while the latter goes by more selfless norms. It was found that “high levels of strategic reciprocity are only related to formal volunteering in non-solidary8 as opposed to solidary organizations… By contrast, we found a negative relationship between strategic reciprocity and the likelihood for solidary formal volunteering, whereas altruistic reciprocity is not related to formal volunteering for non-solidary associations, nor is strategic reciprocity to informal volunteering” (Manatschal and Freitag, 2014, p. 226). This indicates that people who pursue goals that are self-oriented are less likely to be serving with nonprofit organizations; by extension, volunteers for nonprofit are, in comparison, more altruistically inclined. So, even though volunteering is multimotivational in nature (Haski-Levanthal 2009; Snyder and Omoto 2009), according to Manatschal and. . 8 Non-‐solidary and solidary associations defined: “Non-‐solidary associations in particular secure . advantage for their clientele and pursue individual material goods, which are individual, scarce and excludable. Sports clubs, interest groups, leisure organizations, civil service and political groups are assigned to this category. Solidary associations pursue inclusive social goods, characterized as social, non-‐scarce and non-‐excludable. Religious associations, charitable organizations, cultural clubs, human rights and environmental organizations belong to this category.” (Manatschal and Freitag, 2014, p. 215) . . 26 .

(36) Freitag, prosocial inclinations seem to be a key feature in the intentions of those who volunteer with charity organizations.. 2.4 Theories and models of volunteer motivation Volunteerism is oftentimes regarded as an activity with an element of exchange involving costs and benefits (Bussell and Forbes, 2002, 246). Even though volunteers “do not expect financial gain for their services, there is very clear evidence that volunteers do expect other considerations from the organization they work for” (Farmer et al, 1999, p. 352). In many studies of volunteer motivation, the notion of benefits or rewards is regarded as a decisive factor in influencing an individual’s decision to volunteer and the subsequent will to continue service work. In other words, rewards that come in various kinds (tangible, intangible, personal, social) are significant motivators for volunteerism. Cnaan and Goldberg-Glen (1991) theorize “the individual rewarding phenomenon explains MTV9”. In other words, although individual volunteers may perceive different combinations of issues to be rewarding, all continuing volunteers benefit from the volunteer experience.” (p. 282). Previous studies on volunteer motivation frequently stress the diversity of motives behind acts of volunteering (Philips, 1982, p. 118; Yeung, 2004, p. 26; Manatschal and Freitag, 2014, p. 309). The theories and models of volunteer motivation tend to conceptualize and compile these assorted motives into inventories of categories or dimensions. As noted by Cnaan and Goldberg-Glen (1991), many researchers characterize the decision to volunteer as a multifaceted phenomenon, by creating multi-category models. The classifications can be general or fairly detailed, depending on the theoretical considerations of the particular research. Some of the categories from the 9 Acronym for the motivation to volunteer . 27 .