中國新詩運動與意象派:詩學、科學及意識型態之宰制 279
The Chinese New Poetry Movement and
The Imagist Movement:
Poetics. Technology. and Ideological Domination
La Ch 甘19-cheINTRODUCTION
The Meeting of East and West:
Scientific Knowledge and Narrative Knowledge
In the past six centuries, the West has leaned heavily towards either unadulter-ated praise or unqualified condemnation of China. Misconceptions of Chinese civiliza-tion seemed to live long and die hard. The emergence of a more balanced view of the achievement and limitation of Chinese civilization is not witnessed until the begin-ning of the twentieth centuη.
At the outset, the conception of China as a land of great material prosperity, owing its sorigin to the accounts of Macro Polo (12547-1324?) and other overland travelers of the thirteeth and fourteenth centuries, cast a powerful influence on Euro-pean impressions of China. Gradually Polo's description caught the imagination of ad-venturous navigators of the whole of Europe, for example, Columbus (14467-1506) got a copy of Polo's book and annotated it carefully before he started his voyage spon-sored by Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain.(1) The success of Columbus' expedition brought Spanish and Portuguese sailors to the coasts of South China during tht: period
280 教學與研究第十三期
of great sea exploration in the sixteenth century. They too were impressed by the
ma-terial prosperity of China. Galeote Pereira, one of the Portuguese navigators, in his
travel account, praised the great cleanliness of the Chinese towns by comparison with
the squalidness of European cities. The superb highway conditions, "the wholesomeness
of the climate, the richness of the soil, and the plenty enjoyed by a happy and hard司
working peasant population" were emphasized, even the conditions of the poor being
compared "very favorably with their plight in Europe.川2) The belief in the opulence of
the Orient lingered on and developed into a sinophilism. In 1798, Thomas Robert
Malthus declared, with all his confidence, that China was the richest country in the
world.(3)
With the arrival of Jesuit missionary in the late sixteenth centu旬， China,
be-sides the vision of her fabulous prosperi句， had became a monolithic Confucian state, a
count可 of high moral standards and political virtues under the writings of Matteo
Ric-ci and his successors. Stream of books, pamphlets, and letters about China poured
in-to Europe, deeply influencing thinkers of the Enlightenment. Gottfried Wilhelm van
Leibnitz (1646-1716) commented that "The condition of affairs among us seems to be
such that, in view of the inordinate lengths to which the conception of morals has
ad-vanced, I almost think it necessa可 that Chinese missionaries should be sent to us to
(2) Raymond Dawson, The Legacy ofChi血" (London, 1979), pp.6-7. In a description of the Macartney em.
bassy published in 1797, Sir George Staunton, despite the many frustrations endured by the mission,
in-dulges in occasional eulogies of China which clearly owe more to his reading and to a hang-over from the sinophilism of the early part of the century than to direct observation. Perhaps the most remarkable
of these is the passage in which he says that "in respect to its natural and artificial productions, the
policy and uniformity of its government, the language, manners, and opinions of the people, their moral
maxims, and civil institutions 司 and the general economy and tranquillity of the state, it is the grandest
collective 。阿ect that can be presented for human contemplation or research." Cf. Sir George Staunton 司 Macartney's Embassy ω0間" (London, 1797), vol. i, p.26.
中國新詩運動與意象派:詩學、科學及意識型態之宰制 281
teach us the aim and practice of natural theology, as we send missionaries to them to instruct them in revealed theology."(4)
Voltaire (1694-1778), one of the leading exponents of the teaching and attitude of Confucius, pointed out that the Chinese "have perfected moral science and that is the first of the sciences."(5) In his Essai sur les Moeurs, he quoted lines written in praise of Confucius by another French philosopher:
De la seule raison salutaire interprete, Sans eblouir Ie monde, e的irant les esprits,
n
ne parJa qu 切 sage et jamais en proplJete; Cependant on Ie cru~ et meme en sonp砂:f.(6)Confucius, therefore, became a kind of patron saint of the ·thinkers of the Enlighten-ment.
the laws of t由ha剖temp抖ire were to become the laws of all na剖tions昀s." Pierre Poivre (1719-1786) enthusiastically cried, "Go to Peking! Gaze upon the mightiest of mortals; he is the true and perfect image of Heaven!"(7) Oliver Goldsmith (1731-1774) in his The σι izen of the World also considered China as "an Empire which has thus continued 恤， variably the same for such a long succession of ages" and become "something so pecu-liarly great that I am naturally led to despise all other nations on the comparison." Goldsmith didn't realize that his praise would be turned into condemnation by philosophers like Condorcet (1745-1794) and Hegel (1770-1831) half a century later. Condorcet criticized that China "was condemned to shameful stagnation" and her 、ninterrupted existence has dishonoured Asia for so long." Hegel pointed out that
(4) Raymond Dawson, 7加 legacyof 臼J徊" (London, 1979),p.358. (5) Voltai間， Oeuvres 白'JlJpletes (Gotha, 1785), vol. xvi, p瓜
(6) Ibil么 p.86.
(7) A.H. Rowbotham, Missionary and Mandarill (Berkeley, 1942), p.223; and G.F. Hudson ‘ Ell.呵。 and C lJi-na, (London司 1931)， p.318.
"We have before us the oldest state and yet no past, but a state which exists today as we know it to have been in ancient times. To that extent China has no history."(8)
The high prestige of China has disappeared gradually after the Industrial Revo-lution (1760-1830) and French Revolution (1789); and the results of Opium War (1840-1842) shook the ve可 complacen可 enjoyed by the Chinese intellectuals. The fact was recognized that Europe was ahead of China in the natural sciences; and "once the compensating pre-eminence in moral science, attributed to the Chinese by Voltaire, had been denied, the former eulogies of the celestial empire gave way to the view that the Chinese were a nation as morally corrupt and as badly governed as they were backward and unprogressive in science and technology."(9) When the balance be喝 tween the moral science, or what Jean-Francois Lyotard called the "narrative" knowl-edge, and the natural science, or the scientific knowledge, had been tilted, the barriers of East-West communication increased more than ever.(10) A crude and false antithesis
between the materialistic West and a spiritual East appeared. The idea has been in-tensified as a prop to the self-esteem of the educated Chinese when they have had to acknowledge the material superiority of Europe. But to people such as Rudyard Kipling (1865-1936), it was the scientific knowledge that meant everything: it was not only a way of life but a foundation that one's Weltanschauung or ideology was built upon. Kipling pessimistically, or rather chauvinistically, asserted that "East is East and West is West" and that the two would never meet. What he meant was that the West could come to the East and vice versa, but that since they were on different levels, the true meeting of the two would never occur.
Although scientific knowledge had become the major barrier to East-West
rela-(8) Raymond Dawson, The Legacy of αI徊， pp.14-15.
(9) fbI訝， pp.360-361.
(10) Jean-Francois Lyotard 司 The Pas.個adem 白'ndition: A R中'arton Knowledge, (Paris, Minuit, 1979), pp.18-22.
中國新詩運動與意象派:詩學、科學及意識型態之宰制 2自
tion, it turned out later to be also the intermediary for the intercommunication of the two great civilizations. From the last years of the nineteenth century, the urgency of acquiring the newly developed Western scientific knowledge was increasingly shared by the younger generation of Chinese intellectuals. The principles of the scientific knowl-edge extended a great influence to those of the narrative knowlknowl-edge in the form of many an ideolo由， which fostered kaleidoscopic "isms" in literature, philosophy, political and economic thoughts. The ideas of evolution and revolution began to dominate the mind of Chinese thinkers who were in revolt against the traditional culture and its in-stitutions.
With the fall of the Manchu monarchy in 1912, China began to launch her rugged and difficult voyage in the wake of modernization which was to lead to Marx-ism-Leninism and later, in 1949, the replacement of Confucian thought by Maoism which put China behind the iron curtain for about thirty years. After the end of Mao's Cultural Revolution (1965-75) and his death, China continued her voyage of modernization in 1979 and opened her doors to the West again.
The first meeting of the East and West in the twentieth century was brought about by two great literary figures, Hu Shih, a Chinese student in the United States and Ezra Pound, an American poet in the United Kingdom, two decades before Kipling's death. It eventually changed the whole nature of both Chinese and Anglo-American literature in the last four scores of years. Their meeting halls were located in the following two big cities, Peking and London; their subject, poetry. Although they have never met each other, and their objectives in literature are very different, they shared a much similar ideology with a firm belief in the development of scientific knowledge. From then on, a formal interaction between Eastern and Western ideas
and literatures began.(11)
The meeting in Peking was called the May Fourth New Literature Movement (1915-1919) and the one in Iρndon was known as the Imagist's Movement (1912-1915). Both were literary movements with a focus on poet可 and enjoyed many a follower in
a ve可 short period of time. Alt!lOugh they did not last ve可 long， their influence,
however, was immensely important to each other in the development of modern poet可
respectively.(12)
The background of the meeting of the peots of the East and the West was in-deed ve可 complicate. It can be traced to the causes of opium War. After the steam engine was perfected in England in 1765, it gave immense impetus to the other Euro-pean countries; the West started its "Industrial Revolution" 一the shift in manufactur-ing that resulted from the invention of power-driven machinery to replace hand labor with improvements in machines for processing textiles. In the succeeding decades steam replaced wind and water, the prima可 source of power of the agricultural society, in one after another type of manufacturing; and at once, after centuries of almost imper-ceptibly slow change, there began that ever-accelerating alteration in economic and so-cial conditions which were embodied in the expansionist movement, capitalism and im-perialism that made the rest of the world colonies of the West in the nineteenth 臼n tu可 and two world wars in the twentieth centu可﹒ Opium War, the first confrontation
(11) Achilles Fang, II, "From Imagism to Whitmanism in Recent Chinese Poetry: A Search for Poetics that Failed," India.別 的'iversity Conference on Oriental- Western Literary Relations (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1955), pp.l77-189. See also
c.T.
Hsia 夏志清 ， Wen-hsueh te ch'ien-tu 文學的前途(The Future of Literature), (Taipei: Chun-wen-hsueh, 1976),pp.2日9.
(1月 Officially the May Fourth Movement began in August, 1919 and was a movement of multi-dimensional aspects involving a revolution in politics and .culture. One of the indirect causes of the movement was Hu Shih's "Eight Don'ts." Consuetudinarily, the term May Fourth Movement is used by scholars as syn-onym for the New Cultural Movement, New Poetry Movement or Literary Revolution.
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realm of Postmodernism. The poetic revolution started by the young poets of the West shortly before World War I was only a beginning.
The Imagist's movement, influenced by the Chinese and Japanese classical poet-句， was initiated by the modernist American poet, Ezra Pound, who was then living in
London, fought against romantic fuzziness and facile emotionalism in Anglo-American
poet可. While Pound was taking an artistic approach toward the new literary materials he imported from the East, Hu Shih, one of the leaders of the New Chinese culture movement, applied a more pragmatic approach to the imported poetic imagination and materials from the West as part of the Chinese modernization project that focused on the propagation of a scientific view of life. Hu and his followers believed that their experiment with Chinese language in poetry would bring new ideas to the Chinese people. It would propagandize new ways of thinking that would modernize the spirit of the common men.(14) As for Pound, the aim of introducing a new way of writing
po-etry was not limited in exploring new sensibilities for the readers of the twentieth cen-tu叮﹒ What Pound wanted to achieve was, through his art, to overthrow the Victorian type of artificiality, the result of a capitalist's industrialized society, and to criticize the commercial tawdriness culminating in the devastation of World War I in which inno-cent young soldiers killed or died for a civilization that was hopelessly corrupt.(15)
Ten years after the outbreak of the Chinese New Cultural Movement, in the 1930s, the followers of the New Poetry Movement saw that it would take too long to bring a thorough change of society through literary revolution. They began to advocate the idea of revolutionary literature and turned left dramatically.(16) While Pound had
(14) Chien, Ho 使健 ， Tsung wen-hsueh ke-mi增 tao ke-ming wen-hsueh 從文學革命到革命文學們vm LiteraryRevoluti凹的 RevolutionaryLiterature), (Taipei Chung-waiwen-hsueh, 1974), pp.13-56.
ρ5) Frederick R. Karl, Modem and Modemifm, 1加 Sovereighty of the Artist1885-1925. (New York: Atheneum Press, 1985), pp.366-377.
中國新詩運動與意象派:詩學、科學及意識型態之宰制 287
come to believe that the inability of producing true literature in his time was not de-rived from an inadequate poetic theory or poor technique, but from the loss of coher-ence in society itself, therefore he turned to the revolutionizing of society rather than the revolutionizing of poet可 (17) His concern with economic problems grew stronger throughout the 1920s and 193胎， and his views eventually propelled him into an accep-tance of Mussolini and Fascism.
The motivations of both Hu Shih and Pound were ideology-bound. For the former, the attempt at political reformation and revolution in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was hardly e旺'ective if they were not aαompanied by a spiritu-al revolution with a scientific attitude and methodology as its core. For the latter, the single test of the merit of any civilization had always been the extent to which it made true art possible. He believed that the objective and scientific way of writing, stressing the direct treatment of the object with unnecessary rhetoric, the free phrase rather than the forced metric, and utter clarity of image and metaphor would bring revival of a new art form which eventually a new civilization would be ushered in.(18)
The purpose of this paper is first to study the complicated entanglement among poetic imagination, political ideologies and scientific approaches. Ideology is a kind of narrative knowledge derived from the application of scientific principles. The rise of different ideologies in the twentieth century China and the role that natural science played in their developments will be closely examined. Secondly, the paper will show the development of modern Chinese poetry under the influence of different ideologies with a focus on the following two literary documents, (1) Hu Shih's "Literary Reforma-tion: A Preliminary Suggestion" and (2) Ezra Pound's "A Few Don'ts," to show the perspective of and prospects for the relationship of twentieth century Chinese and
An-(17) G.S. Fraser, Ezra Pound (New York, 1961),pp.56-67.
glo-American poetry. The paper will demonstrate that influence in literature has not always happened as it appeared to have; coincidence, accident, misunderstanding, and distortion were rife. However, the result of the misunderstanding ve可 often proved to be a happy one. As a matter of fact, it shows that a foreign element can never rest itself with ease as an accelerator in the seed bed of a native culture unless it finds a similar element, or drive, hidden in the indigenous soil waiting to be discovered, de-veloped, and brought to maturi可. Both sides, the East and the West, are simply ap-propriating what they need or want. As long as there are the need and possibili句 for changes, there will be indigenous elements waiting to meet the foreign stimulus at the appropnate time.
Part one Chapter one of the paper will discuss the relationship between Hu Shih's new poet可 movement and Pound's Imagist's movement, and to show the di旺er ences and similarities in their theories and practices of poetry writing; part two will examine how the scientific knowledge through the shaping of ideologies influenced the development of literature. Part one chapter two will deal with the role that the sci-entific knowledge played in the development of ideology and of literature in the West; part two will examine the problems of how Modern Chinese literature, especially poet-句， was influenced by the Western natural science and ideology. In Conclusion, the writer will point out that when both the East and the West are moving toward a world of postmodern condition or of postindustrial socie旬， rigid ideological confronta-tion are bound to decline and literature, after being delivered from the prison of ide-ologies, will have to face new threats such as telematics and commercialism.
中國新詩運動與意象派:詩學、科學及意識型體之宰制
CHAPTER ONE
CHINESE NEW POETRY MOVEMENT
AND IMAGISrS MOVEMENT
PART I
Hu Shih's Eight Don'ts and Ezra Pound's A Few Don'ts
289
After the political revolution of 1912, the Manchu regime was overthrown and the Republic was founded. While China was fumbling to face enormous political, economic and cultural changes, an impending storm of literary revolution was ready to take place.
In 1915, one of the most influential public media, New Youth Monthly 新青年，
was founded by Ch'en Tu-hsiu 陳獨秀， the owner and editor of the popular magazine that was soon to become the most radical periodical of the day.(1) New aesthetics and new political ideas were introduced, problems of cultural inheritance were discussed and foreign literatures were translated. New poetry, short stories and vernacular drama became the vogues for many a young writer and young reader to follow and appreci-ate.
In October 1916, Hu Shih, a young overseas Chinese student who was studying philosophy at Columbia University, wrote a letter to Ch'en Tu-hsiu and suggested, in a very humble way, that there might be a need for and a possibility of a literary revolu-tion, if all writers were to use vernacular language as a medium for creative writing. He listed eight principles as the basises for a literary reformation and wanted to p時，
(1) Chia-pi, Chao，趟家壁，此， Chung-kuo 正fsin-wen-hsueh Ta扣/中國新文學大系，此， (Shanghai:Ling-you Press, 1953), pp.1-4.
sent them to the public for an open discussion.(2) "The answer is obvious!" Ch'en Tu-hsiu replied with an overwhelming enthusiasm. He continued in a more militant spirit:
"There is no room for any opposition to discuss; using vernacular language for literary writing shall be the supreme law of the Chinese literary reformation."(3)
Three months later, in New Youth Monthly No.5, V. 2 Jan. 1917, Hu Shih published his "A Preliminary Suggestion for Literary Reformation," the very first con-sciously written revolutionary declaration in Chinese literary history.(4) This long article was an expansion and explanation of the "Eight Principles" he had mentioned in his letter to Ch'en Tu-hsiu dated in Oct. 1916 which reads as follows"
1. Don't use literary allusions.
2. Don't use cliches and worn-out idioms.
3. Don't use parallelism or couplets for their own sake.
4. Don't avoid using common everyday expressions, including slang. 5. One should follow grammatical rules.
(credos for form revolution.) 6. Don't be over sentimental.
7. Don't imitate the ancients, speak for yourself.
8. One should express things with substance and thought.
(Credos for spiritual revolution.)(5)
Hu Shih called these eight credos "Eight Don'ts" (pa-pu chu-yi 八不主義). The first credo, "Don't use literary allusion," was attacked by most of Hu's conservative friends who were against any kind of drastic reforms. Thus, two months later, when
(2) Shih ，恥，胡適 ， Hu 品'10 Wen-Is'un 胡適文存， v.I. (Shanghai: Ya-tung Pr間， 1921), pp.I-5.
(3) 必說， v.I, pp.25-29.
(4) Ib鼠， v.I, pp.7-24.
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中國新詩運動與意象誼民:詩學、科學及意識型態之宰制 295
To the Chinese scholars, the premises and conclusions of Fenollosa and Pound are very arbitrary and sometimes even erroneous.
common among Western readers outside sinological circles, namely, that all Chinese characters are pictograms or ideograms. This fallacy on the part of some Western en-thusiasts of Chinese poet可 has had some curious results." James J.Y. Uu 劉若愚 commented in his highly praised book The Art of Chinese Poetry that "Ernest Fenol-losa in his essay, 'The Chinese Character as a Medium for Poetry,' stressed this mis-conception and admired Chinese chracters for their alleged pictorial qualities. While one can understand his enthusiasm for a language that he imagined to be free from the tendencies towards jejune logicality of modern English, and while one is flattered by his attribution of superior poetic qualities to one's mother tongue, one has to ad-mit that his conclusions are often incorrect, largely due to his refusal to recognize the phonetic element of Chinese characters." Uu continued, "Yet this essay, through Ezra Pound, has exerted considerable influence on some English and American poets and critics. This may be a happy example of the so-called catalytic effect of scholarship, but as an introduction to Chinese poetry, the Fenollosa approach is, to say the least,
seriously misleading."(14)
There was another misunderstanding committed by both Fenollosa and Pound, which is that the language they were discussing was wen-yen-wen, the traditional liter-ary language. The vernacular language used by the public is flexible and eclectic. As Yuen-ren Chao 趙元任 pointed out in his A Grammar of Spoken Chinese, the ver-nacular Chinese keeps the merit of the literary language and at the same time pos-sesses a potentiality to be highly analytical.(15)
(14) J.Y. Liu, The Art of Chinese Poetry, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), p.3.
(15) Yuen-ren, Chao, A σ'r/1mm/1T of 中oken Ch泌的'e， (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), pp.l
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m謝主 n普首到 草草草箔軍官n~ ]，]，(.醫止日三當童話 重點鵲星星擋回Y 海 日華 割草草滋哥拉軍事: L6Z 牌幸之百li@ 罐車在資性、畜蟬:甚巨響草樹唱軍學蟬圈中Hulme was an anti-romanticist who believed that what twentieth-century people needed was a new classicism. His art t出heo叮 was de凹r甘ed from three philosophers: Henry Be叮rgso∞n， Blaise Pascal and W. Worringer. Worringcr divided art into two types, vital and geometrical and considered that people who produced vital art believed in a harmony between man and the external world, and their art could thus be classified as either realism or naturalism, of which the art of Greece and the Renaissance in Europe was representative. He further thought that people who created geometrical a此， like the Egyptians, Byzantines and some of the Orientals, believed that there was sep-arateness between man and the external world, fear and mystery substitute for harmo-ny. (20) Following the above categorization, Hulme asserted in his essay 心lodern Art" that a new form of art in the twentieth-century, presumably, a "geometrical art" which differs completely from the post-Renaissance art, was to be born.(21)
In "Romanticism and Classicism," another important article written by Hulme, the romanticists were attacked ruthlessly and violently. The "dry and hard" classical po-et句， he emphasized, that employs "fancy" and abolishes "rhyme," should penetrate the
吼叫 of life" more effectively than the "moaning or whining" romantic poet可 (22) In
or-der to put his theory into practice, Hulme, who was praised by Pound as the "forerunner" of des imagistes, had written only five poems. One of them reads as fol-lows:
(20) W.J. Bate, Criticism: The A句'or Texts, (New Yark: Harcourt. 1952),pp.560-562.
(21) 均以， pp.562-564.
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中國新詩運動與意象派:詩學、科學及意識型態之宰制
Spring . To long . Gongula … (29)
303
In this poem, we find no "enjambment" which was one of the most important tech-niques employed in the English versification of the nineteenth centu可﹒ As far as En-glish language is concerned, in this "short" poem, there is no grammar, no complete sentence, and above all there is no analytical elements which usually prevail in English poetry as well as in its language. We find that words, or images, are juxtaposed side by side, waiting for the readers to organize and reorganize them into a definite mean-ing or message with their own minds.
We can see, therefore, besides the influence of the poet可 of the Far East, the versifications of Chinese and Japanese, and the aesthetic belief of T.E. Hulme, the third factor that influenced Pound's experiment was the painting theory and technique developed by the impressionists and modernists such as Claude Monet (1840-1926), Georges Seurat (1859-1891) and W的ily Kandinsky (1866-1944). When Pound wrote that he found "suddenly" the expression to record his experience in the metro station, he did not mean that he found the right word in the right position; instead, there "came an equation ... not in speech, but in little splotches of color. It was just that --a 'p--attern," or hardly a pattern, if by 'pattern' you mean something with a 'repeat' in it. But it was a word, the beginning, for me, of a language in color." He recalled, "That evening in the rue Raynouard, I realized quite vividly that if I were a painter, or if I had, often, that kind of emotion, or even if I had the energy to get paints and brushes and keep at 祉， I might found a new school of painting, of 'non-representative' painting, a painting that would speak only by arrangements on color.咐0)
(29) See note 22,p.l22. (30) See note 11, pp.71-72.
The passage is interesting for it suggests that the Imagism is related to painting in some ways. In the year 1874, thirty nine years before Pound published his "A Few Don'ts," a group of French painters started a new art movement which later was called Impressionism. Regarding subject matter, they ignored the gods and goddesses of classical mythology and their fabled adventures; they ignored, too, the battle scenes,
the portraits of national heroes. These painters began to look and paint with unpreju-diced eyes at daily life around them, even the trivial, such as a single dead fish on a platter, a few pieces of fruit, or a spray of flowers, was accepted subject matter.
Tn the way of applying color on their canvas凹， the changes seemed more ex-treme. "The Impressionists, often accused of being mere 'scientists,' investigated the new laws of optic芯， 'broke up' their colors, and juxtaposed dashes and blobs of paint so that the mixture was made in the eye of the observer and not blended on the palette." Observed Herman J. Wechsler in his book French Impressionist , "The painter's paraphernalia was carried out to the streets and fields, where the effect of sunlight was studied systematically.咐1) It shows that the inspiration of the impression-ists derives, one way or the other, from the scientific discovery of G.R. Kircho 旺 (1821
1887). In 1859, fifteen years before the impressionists' experiment, he discovered opti-cal spectrum which demonstrates an array of entities, as light waves or particles, or-dered in accordance with the magnitudes of a common physical proper旬， as wave-length or mass: often the band of colors produced when sunlight is passed through a prism, comprising red, orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo, and violet. This band or 峙，
ries of colors together with extensions at the ends which are not visible to the eye,
but which can be studied by means of photography, heat e缸ects， etc., and which are produced by the dispersion of radiant energy other than ordinary light rays.
With this newly discovered scientific knowledge, the painters were trying to find new ways to express themselves. Besides going out to study nature with an scientific
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In Part II, the writer will discuss certain important elements of the Modernist's poetics and its relationship with natural science and translation.
中國新詩運動與意象派:詩學、科學及意識型態之宰制
PART II
Science, Translation and Poetic Imagination
307
In China, the language problem was quite different. Due to the nonanalytical element in the Chinese wen-yen-wen, or written language, there was no such thing as an "epic" in the history of Chinese literature. Long narrative poems simply do not ex-ist in China. Especially in the Ming and Ch'ing period, the classical written language used in shih poet可 had gone into a small narrow dead lane. There was a need for a
I1ew language as a way to inject new blood into poet可 writing and it was pointed out
by Hu Shih in the early twentieth centu可﹒ However， the newly acquired medium was too immature and rough for most of the poets to master, not to mention to create profound and sophisticated works of art with it. Hence, how to elevate the vernacular language to become a vehicle of art was the first and foremost task of the day to be tackled.
Under the suggestion of Hu Shih and his followers, to absorb Western literary experiences became one of the most effective and popular ways in shaping a new po-etic language. The slogan raised by Hu Shi丸 "Vernacular literature and literary ver-nacula丸" therefore, had become the most influential and followed criterion for young Chinese writers.(1)
What are the most striking and outstanding characteristics of Western language in the eye of Chinese intellectuals? Undoubtedly the analytical elements, the concepts
of transitivi旬， tense and aspect ... will be immediately singled out for discussion. They
were convinced that these are the traits of a scientific language which enable the West to develop natural science rapidly and successfully. Especially, during the period of the May Fourth Movement, the intellectuals were almost all convinced that a modernized
scientific language was not only the major but also the crucial accelerant in the pro-cess of industrialization of the West. Thus, under the call of modernization, China had
her ve可 first modern grammar book was edited, published and taught in the
elemen-ta可 schools with the adoption of the Western punctuation marks for prose writing as
well as for poetry.
One man's meat is another man's poison. This explains why when Ezra Pound and his followers were trying their best to do away with English grammar and the conventional versifications such as enjambment in poet可 writing ， Hu Shih and the Chinese new poets, on the contra可， stressed the importance of following the newly in-troduced grammatical rules. While the imagists were experimenting in writing short, concise and succinct poems in order to achieve the e能cts of tenselessness, juxtaposi-tion, omission of subjects that they found or learned of in classical Chinese shih and Japanese haiku poetry, Hu Shih and his followers were consciously emphasizing the concept of tense, the importance of subject and the imitation of wordy daily conversa-tion with vernacular language by translating Anglo-American narrative poetry and bal-lads as examples for Chinese young poets to follow.(2)
Like Pound, Hu Shih also took translation as an important way of introducing new poetic ideas. He even edited his translation of Sara Teasdale's "Over the Roofs" as one of his own works into the first book of his collective poems Ch'ang-shih Chi 嚐試集， which was consequently the first collected poems written in vernacular lan-guage in the history of Chinese literature. Hu Shih declared openly and boldly that his translation of teasdele's poem marked a new era in his creative writing career.(3)
In 1939, Hu Shih published in four volumes a diary of his life as an overseas
(2) 晶晶，恥，臼話 l1g Sill力。/嚐試集， (Shanghai: Ya-tung Press, 1921), pp.23-48.
(3) Ibid., pp.33-35; Teasdale's poem first appeared in Poetry, A Magazine of 除Tse， No.4, V.3, (Chicago: Seymo肘， Dan時hedy and Company, 1914), p.191.
中國新詩運動與意象派:詩學、科學及意識型態之宰制 309
student in United States from 1910 to 1917.(4) According to one of the entries in the
fourth volume dated on the 25th. of Dec. 1916, a clipping from the New York Times
was attached. It was about the Imagist Credos authored by Amy Lowell which
ap-peared as the preface of the first collective poems of des imagistes entitled Some
Imagist Poets published in April 17th. 1915.(5) The content of the clipping is as follows:
On the whole, one cannot help admiring the spirit of the "new poets" in spite of some of
their ludicrous failures to reach a new and higher poetry in their verse. They at least aim
for the real, the natural; their work is a protest against the artificial in life as well as
poet-ry. It is curious to note, moreover, that the principles upon which they found their art are
s回ply， as Miss Lowell, quoted by professor Erskine, tells us, "the essentials of all great
poet-旬， indeed of all great literature." These six principles of imagism are from the preface to
Some Imagist Poets:
1. To use the language of common speech, but to employ always the exact word, not
the nearly exact nor the merely decorative words.
2. To create new rhythms …as the expression of new moods ... and not to copy old
rhythms, which merely echo old moods. We do not insist upon "free verse" 的 the
on-ly method of writing poet可﹒ We fight for it as for a principle of liberty. We believe
that the individuality of a poet may often be better expressed in free verse than in
conventional form. In poetry a new cadence means a new idea.
3. To allow absolute freedom in the choice of the subject.
4. To present an image, (hence the name "Imagist.") We are not a school of painters,
but we believe that poetry should render particulars exactly and not deal in vague
generalities, however magnificent and sonorous.
5. To produce poetry that is hard and clear, never blurred nor indefinite.
6. Finally, most of us believe that concentration is of the very essence of poetry.
(4) Shih ，恥 ， Hu Shih Liu-hsueh Jih-chi
(5) 品說， pp.1071-1073.
Hu Shih's comment on the content of the clipping is indeed ve可 brief:
"The beliefs of this school are similar to mine川6)
It shows that Hu Shih池 "Eight Don'ts" written in 1916 maintained only a dim relation with that of Amy Iρwell or of Ezra Pound. The core of Hu's idea actually had noth-ing to do with Imagism whatsoever. Furthermore, there is no evidence to prove that Hu Shih, either before 1916 or after, had opportunity to read Ezra Pound池 "A Few Don'ts" published in 1913 in the Poetry Magazine founded in 1912.(7) As for Hu Shih himself, he never admitted verbally or orally that he had been ever influenced by Imagism.
Most scholars in the past three score of years, however, have been all inclined to agree with the conclusion made by Liang Shih-ch'iu 梁實秋 in 1927, who hinted that Hu Shih's theory of literary revolution might be influenced by des imagistes.(8) In 1955, Achilles Fang 方志彤 published his well-known essay "From Imagism to Whit-manism in Recent Chinese Poetry: A Search for Poetic that Failed" to reinforce
Liang's argument with biographical studies. Since then, the argument has been accept-ed as a fact by some famous scholars such as Chou Ts'e-ts'ung 周策縱 in his The
May Fourth Movement,
T.e.
Hsia 夏志清 in his A History of Modern Chinese Fiction1917-1957, and Wang Jun-hua 王潤華 in his A Study of East West Literary
Relation-(6) fa鼠， p.1073.
(7) Hu Shih never mentioned Poetry Magazine or the Imagists verbally or orally.
(8) Shih Ch'iu, Liang 東實秋、 Lang-man-te 只I Ku-tien-te 浪漫的與古典的， (Taipei: Wen-hsing Book Press; reprint, 1962), pp.l-24.
中國新詩運動與意象派:詩學、科學及意識型態之宰制 311
sh伊'.(9) Nobody bothers to listen to Hu Shih's discourse anymore.
As a matter of fact, Hu Shih himself was very conscientious about this and tried to dari句 it when he wrote the preface for his first collected poems Ch'ang Shih C1Ji in 1919. He pointed out, in recalling the days he studied in the United States,
that his idea of launching a literary revolution was influenced greatly by the theory of literary evolution, pragmatism, and experimentalism. And the reason why he resolved to experiment with vernacular language in poetry writing was partly due to the result of his discussion with friends and partly because China of that day was confronted by a similar situation, the need of a National Literature Movement, a confrontation which had also been faced by the Renaissance Europe.(10)
We can see, therefore, that whether Hu Shih was influenced by des imagistes
or not is by no means the core of the problem. His "Eight Don'ts," which might have been inspired by Ezra Pound or Amy Lowell, definitely took a di旺'erent course and had different objectives from those of "A Few Don'ts" or the "Imagist Credos." Hu's major purpose was to try to persuade the mass of the Chinese people that the use of the vernacular language is a necessity for China on her way to modernization. It is a language that could not only meet the pragmatic needs of the coming new society,
which everybody was anticipating, but could also serve as a substitute for the old liter-ary language in creative writing, especially poetry. He wanted to prove that vernacular language is not only good for daily conversation, for the analytical scientific arguments
(9) Achilles Fang 方志彤， "From Imagism to Whitmanism in Recent Chinese Poet句: A Search for Poetics that Failed," Indiana Universl沙白'flference on 伽切taJ-Western LiteraryReJatl仰(Bloomington: Indiana
Universi旬， 1955), pp.177-189; see also T.巳 Hsia 夏志清 ， A History of Modern Chinese Fiction 191 7-195，方 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961). pp.23-24; Ts'e ts'ung, Chou 周策蹤 ， The May Fourth Movement, (Stanford: Standford University Press, 1977), pp.28-31.
