Political and Social Geography of Marginal Insiders: Migrant Domestic Workers in Taiwan

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(1). 3ROLWLFDODQG6RFLDO*HRJUDSK\RI0DUJLQDO,QVLGHUV. 0LJUDQW'RPHVWLF:RUNHUVLQ7DLZDQ 3HL&KLD/DQ 1DWLRQDO7DLZDQ8QLYHUVLW\. This paper looks at the incorporation and marginalization of female migrant domestic workers Taiwan. The first part sketches the political geography by examining how Taiwan’s government regulates, marginalizes, and disciplines foreign contract workers. The second part portrays the social geography by discussing how migrant domestic workers establish multiple forms of communities and networks. I also compare Filipina and Indonesian migrant domestics regarding how they are discursively constructed by employment agencies and how they gather in different spatial patterns on Sundays.. Introduction. On February 8, 2003, Shia Liu, a well-known Taiwanese writer and an advocate of the rights of the disable, died after being attacked by her Indonesian caregiver Vina, the caregiver, suffered from conversion disorder, a psychological affliction caused by * This paper would not have been finished without the persistent encouragement of Nicola Piper and Keiko Yamanaka. I am also grateful to my research assistants, Chang Ting-Wan and Thum Chen-Jye. This research is funded by National Science Council in Taiwan (NSC-91-2412-H002-013)..

(2) . . emotional stress, which made her unable to distinguish between reality and imagination. Vina told the police that she had no memory of what happened except that she had dreamed of Liu’s dead father, who told her to help her wheelchair-bound ward because there was an earthquake. This incident shocked the Taiwanese public. Some employers were worried that they had placed an unexploded bomb at home and urged the government to adopt more effective surveillance on the mental health of foreign workers.1 The others pointed to the prevalent violation of the rights of migrant workers, especially the deprivation of rest days among migrant caregivers. In face of pressure and isolation at work, “victims [may] become victimizers” (Taipei Times, February 8, 2003). Taiwan’s government officially opened the gate for migrant workers beginning in the early 1990s. Within only a decade, the number of registered migrant workers has exceeded 300,000, about 2.5 percent of the national workforce (CLA, 2003). Over one third of them are employed for domestic work, the most vulnerable and feminized occupation filled by migrant labor. This paper looks at the incorporation and marginalization of migrant domestic workers in the political and social geography of Taiwan. By looking at state regulations and household politics, I examine how Taiwan’s government recruits migrant workers into the country, yet places them in a marginal position, and how Taiwanese employers isolate their foreign employees to prevent them from “going stray” or “running away.” . 1. Shia Liu’s brother said in a press conference: “My sister’s death would be worthwhile if the government could set up a safety mechanism to ensure that we are not hiring a wolf, a tiger, or a murderer.” It should be noted that Liu’s family have decided not to file a lawsuit, because they consider Vina also a member of an underprivileged group (Taipei Times, February 9, 2003). The murder charge was lifted concerning the mental disorder of the caregiver. Vina was released and repatriated to Indonesia in April 2003..

(3) . . And by investigating the landscape of civil society, I explore how migrant domestic workers establish varying forms of communities and networks, some of which are tied to the local market economy and civic organizations. Migrant communities are segregated along national divides: Filipinas and Indonesians, the two major groups of migrant domestics in Taiwan, gather in separate spaces in different patterns during their off-day activities. My analysis is based on data collected for a larger ongoing project on the employment of migrant domestic workers in Taiwan. The research methods include archival studies, in-depth interviews, and ethnographic observation. The first period of fieldwork was carried out between July 1998 and July 1999. I served as a volunteer and observer in a Catholic church-based NGO in Taipei. I also conducted open-ended, indepth interviews with 58 Filipina domestic workers and 46 Taiwanese employers. Since September 2002, my assistants and I have been conducting the second phase of fieldwork with Indonesian domestic workers. We met our informants, who were mostly Javanese Muslims, at Taipei’s Train Station or a Mosque. I communicated with Filipina workers in English and with Indonesians in Mandarin Chinese. Some interviews with Indonesian workers were conducted by a Malay-speaking assistant.2. 2. Indonesian domestic workers usually learn some Mandarin-Chinese at training courses held by Indonesian agencies, and they gradually improve their language skills during their interactions with Taiwanese employers. In general, those who have stayed in Taiwan over one year can sufficiently express themselves in Chinese. Malay translation is more necessary when communicating with those workers who recently arrived in Taiwan or who have little linguistic communication with their bed-ridden wards..

(4) . . Political Geography of Foreign Workers. In October 1989, Taiwan’s government authorized a special order that allowed foreign workers to work legally for a national construction project for the first time. Two years later, the release of working permits for migrant workers expanded to the private sector, starting with particular industries such as construction and labor-intensive manufacturing. In May 1992, the Legislative Yuan3 promulgated the Employment Service Law, offering a legal ground for the recruitment and regulation of foreign workers. The legalization of migrant contract labor is however restricted to those countries that have signed bilateral agreements with Taiwan’s government, initially including the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia, and more recently, Vietnam. The entry of migrant workers primarily emerged as a response to the urgent demand for low-wage labor by Taiwanese capitalists. Due to the rise in local wages and competition from cheaper labor in China and Southeast Asia, Taiwanese labor-intensive industries began losing their competitive advantage in the global market since the mid1980s. To ensure surplus accumulation, these small-scale companies began to either relocate production facilities to countries with cheap offshore labor or recruit low-paid migrant workers to factories in Taiwan. Most migrant contract workers primarily fill unskilled or semi-skilled manufacturing and construction jobs. The introduction of low-cost foreign labor is also seen as a solution to the thorny problem of childcare among dual-earner households and to the demand for in-home care among the aging and ill population. In 1992 the Council of Labor Affairs (CLA) granted.

(5) . . work permits to “domestic caretakers,” who are employed to take care of the severely ill or disabled. Later, the CLA released limited quotas for the employment of “domestic helpers” to households with children under the age of 12 or elderly members above the age of 70. In recent years, the government has imposed stricter restrictions on the qualification for the privilege of employing domestic helpers. Yet the employment of migrant caretakers, categorized as “social welfare foreign workers” by the CLA, is under no quota restriction. Many households I interviewed applied for caretakers in the name of elder family members but actually assigned them the tasks of housework or childcare. The number of domestic helpers has been decreasing because some employers forfeited their quotas after their children grew older. In contrast, the employment of caretakers has continued to grow (see Table 1). Since the distinction between the categories of “domestic helper” and “caretaker” is ambiguous in reality, I use the term “domestic worker” to cover both categories interchangeably.. [TABLE 1 here]. The ratio of female to male migrant workers in Taiwan is about 14: 11. However, migrant women are mostly concentrated in the positions of domestic helpers and caregivers, with over 95 percent of migrant domestic workers being women. The migrant population of multiple nationalities contains varied degrees of feminization (see Table 2), a fact related to occupational segregation by ethnicity/nationality. The labor force emigrating from Indonesia is highly feminized (90%), as 64 percent of Indonesian 3. The Legislation Yuan is an institute equivalent to the parliament..

(6) . . migrant workers are employed for household service. By contrast, migrant workers from Thailand are mostly male (84 percent), because 97 percent of Thai workers are placed in the construction sector (calculated from data provided by CLA, 2003).. [TABLE 2 here]. The recruitment of migrant workers has triggered heated political debate in Taiwan, a relatively ethnically homogenous society.4 During the deliberation on the Employment Service Law, legislators, regardless of whether they were supporting or objecting to this policy, expressed similar concerns about the potential negative impact caused by the entry of migrant workers to Taiwan. The then-president of the CLA, Chao Sho-Buo (1992: 145) expressed his worry in a public speech: Look at the current situation of Black people in the United States. They were in fact “foreign workers” in the beginning…The race problems in the United States today resulted from the introduction of foreign workers…Taiwan is such a small and populated country…We have to consider this very carefully.. Taiwan’s government has actively intervened in the recruitment of migrant labor forces. Despite its alliance with local business and employers in the introduction of lowcost labor, its migration policy is nevertheless driven by the goal of safeguarding the geographical and symbolic boundaries of the “nation.” This rational becomes clear when . 4. The population in Taiwan consists of four major ethnic groups: the aborigines, the Hakka, the Fukienese or Hoklo, and the mainlanders. The aborigines are a population of Malayo-Polynesian descent sharing linguistic and ethnic features with some groups in the Philippines; and the other three groups descend from multiple waves of Han-Chinese immigrants..

(7) . . using Vic Satzewich’s (1991) theoretical framework to examine Taiwan’s migration policy. He identifies three forms of state intervention in the process of labor migration. First, the state, by setting up a standard of exclusion, determines who is eligible for entry into the geopolitical national territory. Second, the state stipulates who is included within the symbolic boundaries of the nation by regulating access to civil rights. Third, the state also determines how migrant workers are allocated and incorporated into specific positions in the labor market and the organization of the labor process.. Selective Entry into the National Terrain. As early as the beginning of the 1980s, some Southeast Asians entered Taiwan with tourist visas and illegally overstayed their visas. Estimates of undocumented foreign workers in the late 1980s exceeded 50,000 (Tsay, 1992). The legalization of migrant labor in 1989 should be read not only as a response to capitalist demands for cheap labor, but also as a realistic strategy to maintain the integrity of national boundaries. If total exclusion of foreigners is impossible, limited inclusion of them should be a more plausible regulation. Taiwan’s government has carefully regulated the entry of migrant contract workers through quota and point systems. This is different from the regulation of foreigners with professional, technical, and managerial expertise, whose work permits are approved on a case-by-case basis depending on the applicant’s qualification and job category (Tseng, forthcoming). The number and distribution of blue-collar migrant workers is, however, under quota control. Based on investigations into unemployment.

(8) . . and labor shortages, the CLA adjusts the size of quotas and releases them to selected industries or occupations. In addition to controlling the quantity of migrant workers, Taiwan’s government has also enforced medical surveillance on their “quality.” Migrant workers have to pass a medical examination before entering Taiwan and are required to go through a medical check-up every half year. The exam includes a chest X-ray, a blood test for Syphilis, Type-B hepatitis surface-antigen test, a blood test for malaria, a stool test for intestinal parasites, an HIV-antibody test, a urine test for amphetamines and morphine, and psychological evaluation. If a migrant worker fails any of these checks, he or she will be repatriated immediately. Local newspapers and magazines often cover stories of contagious diseases carried by migrant workers with sensational headlines such as, “Parasites: The majority of the carriers are Filipina maids” (United Evening News, July 21, 1994) and “Two more AIDS migrant workers found” (United Daily News, January 15, 1994). These diseases are often associated with the living conditions in Southeast Asia, which are negatively portrayed as “backward,” “dirty,” and, “uncivilized” among the Taiwanese public. Poor hygiene among migrant workers is not only an indicator of underdevelopment, but also an alleged consequence of “having low morals.” Southeast Asian migrants are suspected of promiscuity and thus carriers of dangerous sexually transmitted diseases, such as this headline implies, “Thai workers into prostitution: Be careful of spreading AIDS” (China Times, May 13, 1998). Such racist stereotypes of workers from Southeast Asia lead to a common accusation that migrant workers endanger public health in Taiwan. For example, one.

(9) . . councilor from Taoyuan County—the administrative area that hosts the largest number of migrant workers in Taiwan—suspects that the rising number of HIV positive carriers in this region was due to “the invalid enforcement of medical check-ups among migrant workers” (United Daily News, May 30, 2001). These discourses of social pathology construct foreign workers as “undesirably different” from native Taiwanese (Cheng, 2001; Wu, 1997). They enforce a distinction between “us” and “them” by stigmatizing migrant workers as racialized others while projecting an imagined community of healthy natives.. Desired Workers yet Rejected Citizens. Although migrant workers are included within the geographical national terrain, they are excluded from the symbolic national boundaries. As the CLA officials have repeatedly announced, one of the crucial principles in Taiwan’s foreign labor policy is to strictly prohibit the permanent settlement of migrant workers. In the beginning, Taiwan’s government mandated that the maximum duration of a migrant worker’s contract was three years (two years plus one-year extension) and each worker could work in Taiwan only once. Such a rotation system also aims to maximize economic benefits while keeping social costs to a minimum (Tseng, forthcoming). However, this strict regulation has increased training costs for Taiwanese employers and incentives for migrant workers to overstay their visas. To amend these problems, the recent version of the Employment and Service Law, promulgated in Jan 2002, allows migrant workers “with good records” to reenter once more and work in Taiwan up to six years. $FFRUGLQJWRWKH(PSOR\PHQW6HUYLFH$FWLQ7DLZDQPLJUDQWZRUNHUVDUH HQWLWOHGWRWKHULJKWVDQGZHOIDUHVWLSXODWHGLQWKH/DERU6WDQGDUGV/DZLQFOXGLQJD.

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(14) . . restriction. The rising abortion rates among Filipina migrants have become a concern for Catholic churches. Taiwan’s media have reported cases in which migrant mothers were suspected of abandoning their babies (China Times, January 6, 1999). The pregnancy test was finally lifted in November 2002, after the NGOs’ extended protests based on the concerns over violations of human rights and the Gender Equality in Employment Law, which had been enforced since March of the same year.. Marginal and Bonded Labor. In addition to selective inclusion into its borders and exclusion from citizenship, the third dimension of state intervention is to allocate migrant workers to a marginal and vulnerable position. To conveniently supervise the whereabouts of migrant workers, Taiwan’s government has deprived their right to circulate in the domestic labor market. The CLA dictates that a migrant worker can work for only one particular employer during a stay in Taiwan. No transfer of employer is allowed except under the following conditions: if the original employer goes bankrupt, closes business, or cannot pay wages to the worker; if the care recipient of a migrant worker dies or migrates to another country; and if a worker is abused by the employer or illegally placed to an employer different from the one stipulated in the contract.8 7KLVSROLF\FRQVROLGDWHVWKHPDUJLQDOVWDWXVRIPLJUDQWZRUNHUVE\GHSULYLQJ WKHPRIWKHLUWUXPSFDUG²³YRWLQJE\WKHLUIHHW´6XFKUHJXODWLRQKHOSVVWDELOL]HWKH UHODWLRQRISURGXFWLRQDQGDJJUDYDWHHTXDOLW\LQWKHZRUNHUHPSOR\HUUHODWLRQVKLS /LX . 8. Article 59 in the Employment Service Act..

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(18) %RQGHGE\WKHVKDFNOHVRIGHEWV PLJUDQWZRUNHUVIDFHVHYHUHILQDQFLDOORVVZKHQTXLWWLQJRUEHLQJGHSRUWHG7KHUHIRUHLQ WKHIDFHRIXQUHDVRQDEOHRUXQSOHDVDQWZRUNLQJFRQGLWLRQVWKH\PDQDJHWRWROHUDWHWKHLU FRQWUDFWHPSOR\HUVRWKHUZLVHWKH\³UXQDZD\´IURPWKHP11 Taiwan’s government also places migrant workers in the custody of employers as a way of externalizing management costs. Each employer is requested to deposit a sum equivalent to two months of the migrant worker’s salary as an assurance bond and to pay 9. In both the studies of Lee (2002) and Wu (1997), migrant factory workers were subject to longer working hours and lower wages than their Taiwanese coworkers.. 10. According to the CLA regulation approved in October 2001, an employment agency can legally collect a. placement fee up to the amount of a worker’s monthly wage, plus a monthly service fee (NT$1,800 during the first year, NT$1,700 during the second, and NT$1,500 during the third). Accordingly, the maximum amount of legal placement and service fees collected from a worker during three years totals NT$75,840. Yet, this official amount is far below the amount collected in reality. Based on my investigation, a migrant worker has to pay a placement fee ranging from NT$80,000 to NT$220,000 to come to Taiwan. The job offers in construction and manufacturing cost more than domestic jobs. 11. See Lan (2000) for more discussion about the role of employment agencies and the conditions of. undocumented migrant workers..

(19) . . a monthly “employment stabilization fee,” ranged from NT$1,500 to NT$5,000 by occupational category. The fee is designed to subsidize government expenses for managing migrant workers and retraining local workers. If a migrant worker disappears from the custody of her or his employer, the latter is still obligated to pay the fee every month until the worker is caught or the contract expires. Another more serious punishment to the employer is that the quota associated with the “runaway” worker is temporarily frozen so the employer is not able to hire a replacement during this period.12 These measures have trickle-down effects on how employers conduct labor control in the household politics—to keep an eye on “alien” workers at home.. Watching Aliens at Home. State regulations frame the unequal power dynamics between Taiwanese employers and migrant contract workers. This is especially true for the employment of migrant domestic workers, who are in the employers’ custody day and night. Relegated by the state of the task of “policing the maid” (Huang and Yeoh, 2003), employers not only monitor the jobrelated performances of migrant domestics but also place surveillance on their physical stability and moral conduct. Migrant workers’ employers or brokers usually withhold their employees’ passports during their stay in Taiwan. Some Taiwanese employers withhold wages as “forced savings” or a “compulsory deposit” to discourage workers from “running . 12. This regulation slightly changed after April 2003. A domestic employer will forfeit the right to replace. new workers after two migrant employees have disappeared from her/his custody..

(20) . . away.”13 The deduction ranges between NT$3,000 to NT$5,000, the equivalent of between one-sixth to one-third of a worker’s monthly wage. The money will not be returned to the worker until she completes the contract and leaves Taiwan. According to some employers I interviewed, their employment agencies even suggest that the money be given to the worker when she reaches the airport gate on her return to the home country. Most employment agencies suggest to employers that they not grant workers Sundays off, especially during the first three or six months of the contract. Some employers require that workers take a day other than Sunday off as a measure to distance individual workers from socializing with other migrant workers. In extreme cases, workers are not given house keys or not allowed to leave their employers’ residence alone. Other employers adopt more covert measures to supervise a worker’s off-day activities and social networks. Among the employers I interviewed, some checked the worker’s room or personal belongings during their days off to look for any unusual signs that suggested the worker might run away. One even requested reports from the phone company detailing the numbers of local calls in order to get hold of the workers’ social ties Indeed, some employers request their migrant employees work on Sundays because of a special need, such as the care of a newborn baby or an invalid patient. However, many others make this request for the purpose of control and surveillance. An employer explained her rational: “We don’t mind paying her [the worker] overtime at all. 13. The CLA in 1998 issued a regulation that approved forced savings on the condition that both parties. agree to the arrangement. Such wage withholding was outlawed in 2002 but some employers still.

(21) . . We just don’t want her to go out, messing around with too many friends. It’s better to stay home. Doing no work is fine.” It is common thinking among Taiwanese employers that granting rest days to migrant domestic workers will lead to transgression, such as this quote: “We’re afraid she might go astray once she goes to the church on Sunday and socializes with other foreign workers.” Dating a migrant boyfriend, in particular, is considered an indicator of transgression, leading to possible consequences of pregnancy and “running away.” Bearing in mind past criminal events conducted by migrant domestic workers and their boyfriends,14 some employers worry about a connection between dating and criminal acts like kidnapping and burglary. 0LJUDQWGRPHVWLFZRUNHUVDUHXVXDOO\IRUELGGHQIURPKDYLQJYLVLWRUVLQWKHLU HPSOR\HU¶VKRXVHRUWRVOHHSRYHUDWWKHLUIULHQGV¶KRXVHV$IHZHPSOR\HUVFKHFNRQWKH ZRUNHU¶VZKHUHDERXWVRQ6XQGD\VRUHYHQVWULFWO\SURKLELWGDWLQJ7KHFRQWURORI VH[XDOLW\DQGVRFLDOL]DWLRQRIPLJUDQWGRPHVWLFZRUNHUVLVVLPLODUWRWKHGLVFLSOLQHRI GDXJKWHUVZLWKLQDIDPLO\SDWULDUFK\²³WREHDJRRGJLUO´6RPHHPSOR\HUVORRNHG HPEDUUDVVHGZKHQGHVFULELQJWKHVHFRQWUROPHDVXUHVWRPHEXWWKH\OHJLWLPL]HGWKHLU LQWUXVLRQLQWRWKHZRUNHU¶VSULYDF\E\YLHZLQJWKHPVHOYHVDVWKHZRUNHU¶VPRUDO JXDUGLDQV³:HDUHQRWLQWUXGLQJZHDUHMXVWFRQFHUQHG´VDLGRQHHPSOR\HU Another major reason why the employers confine the workers at home is to distance them from migrant communities. “We have specified this in the contract—no continue this practice. 14. One such incident happened in a city in southern Taiwan on October 13, 1997. A Filipina domestic. worker, along with her boyfriend, also a migrant worker, broke in the residence of her former employer, stole some cash, and killed three family members..

(22) . . days off. We don’t want them to be polluted in the church,” said an employer. The Catholic church-based NGOs in Taiwan are major providers of legal information and assistance to migrant workers. Sunday gatherings are occasions for migrant domestic workers to compare notes on employers, express grievances, offer mutual advice, and exchange tactics for resistance. When expressing concerns about the “pollution” of the migrant community, employers are worried that their migrant employees might become more aware of their rights and more active in negotiating working terms. Nancy (pseudonym) is a Filipina domestic worker whose employer gives her no days off and dislikes her making contact with other Filipinas. She described one exchange that revealed her employers’ hidden worry: ,DVNHGP\HPSOR\HU>WRJLYHPHGD\VRII@%XWVKHGRHVQ¶WZDQWPHWRKDYH )LOLSLQDIULHQGV6KHLVDQJU\ZKHQ,WDONWRRWKHU)LOLSLQDVLQRXUQHLJKERUKRRG, VDLG³0D¶DPZHMXVWWDNHWKHJDUEDJHRXW´ Why is she angry? ,WKLQNVKHGRHVQ¶WOLNHPHWRJHWDQ\LQIRUPDWLRQDERXWRXUFRQGLWLRQVKHUH,I, KDYH)LOLSLQDIULHQGVWKH\ZLOOWHDFKXVWKLVDQGWKDW/DVWWLPH,NQHZWKHUHZHUH ILYH6XQGD\VWKDWPRQWK,WDONHGWRP\HPSOR\HU6KHVDLG³+RZGR\RXNQRZ WKDW":KDWNLQGRIIULHQGVDUH\RXPDNLQJ"´ ,QWKHVHFDVHVSULYDWHKRXVHKROGVKDYHEHFRPHDILHOGRILQWLPDWHVXUYHLOODQFH DQGLQWUXVLYHFRQWURORYHUWKHJHQGHUHGDQGUDFLDOL]HGERGLHVRIIRUHLJQZRUNHUV7KH HPSOR\HUVPRQLWRUWKHVH[XDOLW\RIPLJUDQWZRPHQWRDYRLGWKHFRQVHTXHQFHRI SUHJQDQF\DQGUHSDWULDWLRQE\WKHVWDWH%HVLGHVIHPDOHPLJUDQWV¶ERGLHVFRQWDLQ SRWHQWLDOOLQNVWRPDOHPLJUDQWZRUNHUVZKRDUHDWWDFKHGZLWKWKHUDFLDOL]HGLPDJLQDWLRQ RI³FULPHSURQHGDQJHURXVVSHFLHV´LQSRSXODUGLVFRXUVHV &KHQJ/DQ

(23) 7R HPSOR\HUVDOOLDQFHVDPRQJPLJUDQWZRUNHUVFRQVWLWXWHSRWHQWLDOWKUHDWVWRIDPLO\ VHFXULW\DVZHOODVHPSOR\HU¶VGRPLQDWLRQ%\FRQWUDVWLVRODWLRQRIGRPHVWLFZRUNHUV DVVXUHVWKHLUFRPSOLDQFHDQGGLVFLSOLQH7KHQH[WVHFWLRQIXUWKHUORRNVLQWRQDWLRQDO.

(24) . . YDULDWLRQVDPRQJPLJUDQWGRPHVWLFZRUNHUVZKLFKRIWHQOHDGWRGLVWLQFWGLVFXUVLYH FRQVWUXFWLRQVDQGPHWKRGVRIODERUFRQWURO Unruly Filipinas vs. Docile Indonesians. Filipina migrants used to dominate the occupation of domestic service in Taiwan until recently being outnumbered by their Indonesian competitors. An increasing number of employers, often on the advice of placement agencies, are replacing “smart yet unruly” Filipina workers with “stupid yet obedient” Indonesians. The proportion of Filipinas among all migrant domestic workers in Taiwan has decreased from 83 percent in 1998 to 18 percent by the end of 2002, while the proportion of Indonesian workers has risen from 15 percent in 1998 to 68 percent by the end of 2002 (See Table 3).. [TABLE 3 here]. The number of Indonesian domestic workers has been slightly decreasing after August 2002, when the CLA suspended the recruitment of Indonesian workers initially because they have the highest “runaway” rate. This ban, meant to be a temporary and symbolic measure, has continued after some ruptures in the diplomatic relationship between the Taiwanese and Indonesian governments. Under such circumstance, quite a few employers have turned to labor forces in Vietnam, a sending country that has been approved by the CLA only since November 1999..

(25) . Placement agencies in Taiwan have categorized migrant workers based on. essentialized ethnic differences and mystified national characters (Cheng, 2001; Lin, 1999). When browsing several websites of employment agencies in Taiwan, I found that Filipinas are usually portrayed as “optimistic in nature, romantic, autonomous” and “outgoing, individualistic, opinionated, smart, hard to manage.” By contrast, Indonesians are described as “obedient, born to be hardworking and thrifty,” or “emotionally stable, living a simple life, no days off.”15 These descriptions mention little about the historical or social contexts related to these “ethnic differences.” Some even bluntly use terms such as “in nature” and “born to be” to imply the essential nature of such ethnic characterizations. Abigail Bakan and Daiva Stasiulis (1995: 307) found that placement agencies in Canada produced racialized stereotypes about migrant domestic workers in order to survive and thrive in this volatile industry.16 For a similar reason, Taiwanese agencies maneuver cultural discourses to justify their promotion of Indonesian domestic workers, whose recruitment brings higher profits than the brokering of Filipina migrants. An Indonesian of Chinese descent who worked as a translator in an employment agency bluntly told me, “They said Filipinos are difficult. It’s nonsense. It’s only because agencies can make more money out of Indonesians.” Employment agencies usually charge Indonesian migrants a higher amount in placement fees than their Filipina counterparts. Based on my investigation, the amount paid by Indonesian domestic 15. http://netcity4.web.hinet.net and http://www.885manpower.com.tw, accessed on 1 July, 2002.. 16. For example, migrant women of lighter skin are employed for childcare and cooking, while darker. women are assigned to housework (Cohen, 1987)..

(26) . . workers as a placement fee is now between NT$120,000 to NT$160,000 and the amount paid by a Filipina domestic worker ranges between NT$60,000 and NT$120,000. By producing an essentialized distinction between Filipinas and Indonesians, Taiwanese agencies suggest that employers assign them different tasks and adopt distinct methods of management. Indonesians are great candidates for taking care of the elderly and the ill. Yet, when hiring childcare workers, English-speaking Filipinas are considered better educated, more modern, and more civilized than Indonesians.17 Ethnic divisions among migrant domestic workers not only demarcate their separate niches in the labor market, but also rationalize hierarchical differences in their status and rights. Employment agencies usually inform employers that it is feasible to ask Indonesians to give up their day off, but the no-day-off rule is often not acceptable among Filipina workers, who are characterized as being calculating and militant about their labor rights. In many contracts signed by Indonesian domestic workers before their entry to Taiwan, an article specifies that they agree to take no days off or taking only one day off each month. It is ironic that Filipino migrant workers have a greater reputation for running away than Indonesian workers, as current figures show that, in fact, the runaway rate of . 17. In 1998, 90 % of migrant domestic helpers and 82 % of caretakers in Taiwan were from the Philippines. and only 6 % of domestic helpers and 17% of the caretakers were from Indonesia. In 2001, Indonesian labor accounted for 53 % of domestic helpers and 71 % of caretakers, whereas the proportions of Filipina domestic helpers and caretakers dropped to 40 % and 20 % respectively. The decline of Filipina caretakers is most obvious across the whole of Taiwan (18 % in 2001), whereas the decline is less severe among Filipina domestic helpers in Taipei city alone (48 % in 2001) (Data compiled from the unpublished statistics provided by the CLA)..

(27) . . Indonesian migrant workers has outnumbered their Filipina counterparts.18 This transition happened in parallel with the trend that most employers have gradually replaced Filipina workers with Indonesian ones. In other words, it is the occupational category of domestic work, rather than a particular nationality of migrant workers, that contributes to the increasing numbers of “runaway” migrant workers. These so-called ethnic differences are also related to the uneven distribution of social resources between Filipina and Indonesian migrant workers. The “docility” of Indonesian workers is built on the condition that they speak little English in general. As such, they are less capable to verbally bargain with their employers and are unable to access information in English. Besides, Indonesian workers have few affiliations with outside institutions offering legal assistance or counseling, unlike Filipina migrants who make contacts through local Catholic churches and church-based NGOs. MECO (the Manila Economic and Cultural Office)19 has also played a relatively active role in the protection of their overseas citizens compared to the overseas office of the Indonesian government in Taiwan. In sum, it is institutional contexts, rather than fixed, essentialized “ethnic features,” that shape the life contours of different migrant groups. Despite the marginal 18. Filipino migrants had the highest ratio of running away in 1996 (3.6 %) in contrast to the rate of 2.6 %. among Indonesians. Yet, the runaway rate among Indonesians rose to 2.9 % in 2000 and 2.3 % in 2001. Over the same period, the rate fell among Filipinos to 1.2 % in 2000 and 0.9 % in 2001 (http://www.evta.gov.tw/stat/9011, accessed on 20 November, 2001). 19. Because of Taiwan (the Republic of China)’s ambiguous nationhood in international politics, it has failed to establish formal diplomatic ties with most countries in the world. MECO serves as the de facto Philippines embassy in Taiwan..

(28) . . position allocated by the host state and employers, migrant domestic workers manage to reach their compatriots and establish a variety of networks and communities. The remainder of this article sketches the social geography of migrant communities, based on my observation in Taipei City of how migrant domestic workers, through the mediation of the market economy, civil organizations, and communications technology, have gradually transformed the landscape and meanings of public space.. Social Geography of Migrant Communities. Brenda Yeoh and Shirlena Huang (1998) have pointed out that places like train stations and parks, which are public but away from the employers’ homes, ironically provide migrant domestic workers a higher degree of privacy and personal freedom. I have also argued elsewhere (Lan, forthcoming) that Sunday activities constitute a “backstage” (Goffman, 1959) for migrant domestic workers. In front of their employers, they have to dress and act in correspondence to the inferior image of “maid.” When taking days off, they reclaim their identities by taking controlling of their dress codes, ways of behavior, and plans of activities. During the week, migrant domestic workers are scattered and isolated in private residences of their employers; on Sundays, they seek some sense of social belonging and empowerment on the collective backstage (Constable, 1997). 7KHJDWKHULQJRIPLJUDQWGRPHVWLFZRUNHUVLQ7DLZDQGRHVQRWFRQVWLWXWHD VSDWLDOO\FRQILQHGDQGFRQVWDQWO\DFWLYHHWKQLFHQFODYH,WVVRFLDOJHRJUDSK\FRQWDLQVWKH IROORZLQJFKDUDFWHULVWLFV)LUVWWKHIXQFWLRQLQJRIPLJUDQWFRPPXQLWLHVLVLQWHUPLWWHQW² DVOHHSRQZHHNGD\VDQGRQO\DOLYHRQ6XQGD\V0LJUDQWGRPHVWLFZRUNHUVZKRKDYHQR IUHHWLPHDWWKHLUGLVSRVDORQZHHNGD\VFDQRQO\YLVLWWKHFRPPXQLWLHVGXULQJWKHLUGD\V.

(29) . . RII6HFRQGWKHH[LVWHQFHRIPLJUDQWFRPPXQLWLHVLVSURYLVLRQDO0LJUDQWFRQWUDFW ZRUNHUVDUHQRWSHUPDQHQWUHVLGHQWVEXWWHPSRUDU\YLVLWRUVFRQVXPHUVLQWKH FRPPXQLWLHV7KHLUVWD\LQ7DLZDQLVOLPLWHGGHSHQGLQJRQWKHRIWHQFKDQJLQJVWDWH SROLF\)LQDOO\WKHFRPPXQLWLHVRIPLJUDQWZRUNHUVDUHVHJUHJDWHGDORQJQDWLRQDO GLYLVLRQV)LOLSLQRPLJUDQWZRUNHUVKDQJRXWLQWKHDUHDDURXQG6W&KULVWRSKHU¶V&KXUFK IRUPLQJDZHHNHQGHQFODYHZLWKYLEUDQWEXVLQHVVDFWLYLW\,QGRQHVLDQPLJUDQWZRUNHUV JDWKHUDW7DLSHL¶V7UDLQ6WDWLRQIURPZKHUHWKH\H[SDQGWKHLUVRFLDOQHWZRUNVDQG KRUL]RQVRIDFWLYLWLHVWRQHDUE\FLWLHV Chongshan: Weekend Enclave with Business Niches 6W&KULVWRSKHU¶VLVDPRGHVW&DWKROLFFKXUFKORFDWHGRQ&KRQJVKDQ1RUWK5RDGLQ 7DLSHL7KLVFKXUFKKDVRIIHUHG(QJOLVKPDVVHVVLQFHWKH86DUP\ZDVVWDWLRQHGLQ 7DLZDQGXULQJWKHVDQGV7KHQHLJKERUKRRGILOOHGZLWK$PHULFDQVW\OHEDUV DQGUHVWDXUDQWVLVVWLOOIUHTXHQWHGE\:HVWHUQH[SDWULDWHV7KLVODQGPDUNV\PEROL]HV 7DLZDQ¶VSDVWGHSHQGHQFHRQWKH8QLWHV6WDWHVDVZHOODV7DLZDQ¶VSUHVHQWWUDQVQDWLRQDO WLHV6LQFHWKHHDUO\V6W&KULVWRSKHU¶VKDVEHFRPHWKHPRVWSRSXODUJDWKHULQJ SODFHIRU)LOLSLQRPLJUDQWZRUNHUVRQ6XQGD\V,QDGGLWLRQWR(QJOLVKVHUYLFHVWKH FKXUFKQRZSURYLGHV7DJDORJPDVVHVLQUHVSRQVHWRWKHLQFUHDVLQJQXPEHURI)LOLSLQR FKXUFKJRHUVRQ6XQGD\V$FFRUGLQJWRWKHHVWLPDWHRID)LOLSLQRPLVVLRQDU\DWOHDVW SHRSOHDWWHQGPDVVWKHUHHYHU\6XQGD\ 7KHVXUURXQGLQJDUHDFDOOHG&KRQJVKDQDPRQJPLJUDQWZRUNHUVKDVDFTXLUHG QLFNQDPHVOLNH³/LWWOH0DQLOD´DQG³)LOLSLQRWRZQ´DPRQJ7DLZDQHVH7DJDORJ FKDUDFWHUVDUHVHHQRQPDQ\VLJQERDUGVRI)LOLSLQRJURFHU\VWRUHVGHOLFDWHVVHQVNDUDRNH.

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(32) 20. 7KHVH³RXWVLGHUVZLWKLQ´LQ7DLZDQHVHVRFLHW\LPSRUWJRRGVWKURXJKWKHLUWUDQVQDWLRQDO 20. In 2002, every one out of 8.7 marriages registered in Taiwan was a cross-border marriage (not including. those who marry mainland Chinese). Over 90 percent of the international marriages were between Taiwanese men and female migrant partners. The majority of these women were from Southeast Asian countries. The top four countries of origin of female migrant partners were Vietnam (63 %), Indonesia (15 %), Thailand (6 %), and the Philippines (5 %); statistics available from.

(33) . . QHWZRUNVWRUHSURGXFHDKRPHFRXQWU\OLIHVW\OHWKDWDFFRPPRGDWHVWKHFLUFXODUIORZVRI JXHVWZRUNHUV6RPHEXVLQHVVRZQHUVDOVRLQFRUSRUDWHPLJUDQWFRQWUDFWZRUNHUVDVWKHLU GLVWULEXWRUVRIJRRGV%\VHOOLQJLQWHUQHWSKRQHFDUGVFHOOSKRQH6,0FDUGVRU/HYLV MHDQVWRWKHLUQDWLRQDOIHOORZVPLJUDQWZRUNHUVFDQPDNHVRPHH[WUDPRQH\DVSDUWWLPH HQWUHSUHQHXUV 0RVWVWRUHVLQWKLVSOD]DDUHRSHQRQO\RQ6XQGD\VRUZHHNHQGV%UHQGD<HRK DQG6KLUOHQD+XDQJ

(34) FRLQWKHWHUP³ZHHNHQGHQFODYHV´WRGHVFULEHDVLPLODU IRUPDWLRQRIPLJUDQWFRPPXQLWLHVLQ6LQJDSRUH+RZGRWKHRZQHUVFRYHUUHQWDQGRWKHU FRVWVZKHQWKHLUVWRUHVDUHRSHQIRUVXFKDVKRUWWLPH"2QHVROXWLRQLVWRUDLVHWKHSULFHV RIIRRGDQGVHUYLFHV0LJUDQWZRUNHUVDUHQRWDWDOOGLVFRXUDJHGE\WKHXQHFRQRPLF SULFHV$GHOLFDWHVVHQRZQHUH[SOLFDWHGLQDQLQWHUYLHZµ7KH\>PLJUDQWZRUNHUV@FDQ RQO\HDWWKHLUKRPHFRXQWU\IRRGRQHGD\LQDZHHNVRWKH\GRQ¶WFDUHKRZPXFKWKH\ KDYHWRSD\´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http://www.moi.gov.tw/W3/stat/home.asp, accessed on March 27, 2003..

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(36) +RZHYHUWKH:HVWHUQIDLU\WDOHVRIUR\DOZHGGLQJVDQGEHDXWLIXOSULQFHVVHVDUH LQFRPSDWLEOHZLWKWKHVWLJPDWL]HGLPDJHVRI6RXWKHDVW$VLDQPLJUDQWV²LPSRYHULVKHG EDFNZDUGDQGXQFXOWLYDWHG/RFDOVWRUHVDQGUHVLGHQWVLQWKLVQHLJKERUKRRGKDYHDLUHG JULHYDQFHVDERXWWKHQRLVHDQGPHVVFDXVHGE\PLJUDQWZRUNHUV7KH\DUHFRQFHUQHGWKDW WKHLPDJHRI³/LWWOH0DQLOD´RU³)LOLSLQRWRZQ´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thank Wu Bi-Na for sharing this information based on her interviews with local community leaders..

(37) . . RQO\DVYLVLWLQJFRQVXPHUVUDWKHUWKDQSHUPDQHQWUHVLGHQWVDVWKHSUHVHQFHRIWKHVH HWKQLFRWKHUVLVVWLOOFRQVLGHUHGDWDLQWIRUWKHSXEOLFLPDJHDQGFXOWXUDOSUHVHQWDWLRQRI WKHQHLJKERUKRRG Train Stations: Nodes of Flows and Networks. Unlike Catholic churches, which occupy a central position in the geography of Filipino migrants’ Sunday activities, Mosques have yet played no such role in the community of Indonesian migrant workers in Taiwan. Therefore, the off-day activities of Indonesian domestic workers are located in a more decentralized and fluid spatial pattern. Taipei’s Train Station is the prime site of their gathering, serving as a node of personal flows, social networks, and chains of activities. Taipei’s Train Station is a recently built, six-floor building that contains multiple public facilities like toilets, phone booths, food courts and other shops. This fully airconditioned building shelters migrant workers from the discomfort of summer heat and winter rain in Taipei. They usually sit on the floor of the ground-level lobby, chatting, napping, sharing snacks, and reading Indonesian magazines purchased from the grocery store upstairs. When hungry, they feed their homesick stomachs at the Indonesian delicatessens. If bored, they go shopping in the underground Metro Mall or hang out in small dancing clubs and karaoke bars run by Indonesian Chinese in nearby streets. For migrant domestics who are isolated at work, Taipei’s Train Station is a central node for them to reach the flows of migrant fellows. Most Indonesian domestic workers in Taiwan take only one or two days off each month. Therefore, they don’t necessarily take the same day off as their limited numbers of friends. Many try to meet new friends in.

(38) . . the train station so they will have company on their rest days. They often run into their “classmates” who were recruited by the same agencies in Indonesia where they spent months22 in the training center together before coming to Taiwan. They also “territorialize” space in the train station by using the numbers on the wall (such as B20) to mark particular corners for friends to gather on a regular basis even without prior notice. Taipei’s Train Station is a major locus of local transportation from which migrant workers can take the Metro Railway Train (MRT) or buses to many tourist spots in Taipei. For foreigners who cannot speak or read Chinese, the MRT is a friendly venue of transportation because it announces each stop in both English and Chinese. Within walking distance from the train station is 228 Peace Park, which has become a popular place for migrant workers to hang out, have picnics, and take pictures. The train station is also a convenient place for migrant workers from various cities around Taiwan to gather on Sundays. Migrant domestic workers in Taipei also gather here and then visit nearby cities, in particular Taoyun and Chongli, the two cities where large numbers of migrant factory workers reside. Pockets of gatherings have appeared around train stations in Taoyun and Chongli Train Stations. For instance, when walking from Taoyun’s Train Station through an underground tunnel (filled with vendors selling phone cards, cell phone accessories, and cheap toys), one enters an exotic wonderland. This behind-train-station area has been almost forgotten by Taiwanese consumers but has now become a major weekend enclave for migrant workers. There, one can taste Satay and Phat Thai in the restaurants and purchase coconut milk and shrimp crackers in the . 22. The time when the worker stays in the training center depends on how long the matching process and the processing of paper work take. Among the Indonesian workers I talked to, the average time was about two.

(39) . . grocery stores. Even fast food restaurants and hair salons, owned by Taiwanese, provide Malay-Indonesian translations of their menus and services. It takes 40 minutes to one hour to travel from Taipei to Taoyun by train. Many Indonesian workers in Taipei take this regular journey on Sundays. Taoyun becomes a major business enclave and an extension of Taipei train station for three major reasons. First, it is financially difficult for large-scale migrant business to survive around the Taipei Train Station because of the fairly expensive rent. By contrast, rent in Taoyun is so much lower that many migrant stores occupy three-floor buildings offering multiple services —the first floor is a delicatessen, the second floor is a karaoke bar, and the third floor is a dancing floor (no cover charges). Although the facilities and decorations are quite basic, the dance floors are always crowded on Sundays. The second reason that makes Taoyun a popular gathering spot is because this location is close to industrial zones where most Indonesian male migrants work and reside. Dance floors are important cites for meeting potential dates. As large numbers of Indonesian migrants in Taiwan are women, it is common to see dating couples that consist of a Thai man and an Indonesian woman. In general, Indonesian workers and Thai workers have some interaction (they communicate to each other in Chinese) and the locations of their communities often overlap. By contrast, the Indonesian community and the Filipino community are significantly segregated. Although the Chongshan area offers many attractions such as bargain-priced clothes and a government-sponsored migrant center (discussed later), Indonesian workers in general feel uneasy about hanging out there and especially eating - Filipino food that contains pork. Finally, Indonesian workers feel less excluded in Taoyun than they do in the to three months..

(40) . . metropolis. In Taipei, Indonesian migrant workers usually shop in the underground Metro Mall. Few of them ever visit a major department store only across the street from Taipei’s Train Station. An Indonesian informant told us that she “feels scared of going into it. Things there must be very expensive.” The architectural form of this department store, which is located in the second tallest building (33 floors) in Taiwan, frames a ‘waybeyond-my-class’ image. Some workers who were adventurous enough to walk into the department store felt discriminated by the sales ladies: “They look at us, different. They smile to Taiwanese, welcome them. But not to us, they look at us, Indonesians, are maids, are poor people.”23 7KH³RFFXSDWLRQ´RISULPHSXEOLFVSDFHRQ6XQGD\VE\PLJUDQWZRUNHUVVXFKDV LQ&HQWUDO'LVWULFWLQ+RQJ.RQJ &RQVWDEOH

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(43) The CLA once proposed ideas for relocating migrant workers to places of less public visibility, but none of these proposals have turned into practical plans. After more than a decade of recruiting migrant workers, local Taiwanese have gradually accepted . 23. These quotes were originally in Chinese. I tried to capture the way they speak Chinese (such as.

(44) . . their presence as long as they remain marginal spatially and socially. The spatial locations of Indonesian workers’ Sunday activities clearly symbolize their social status of “marginal insiders.” They gather at the corners of Taipei’s Train Station; they eat and dance behind the prime public area in Taoyuan; and they tend to shop underground rather than in skyscraper department stores. They are seen in public but only at those corners less visible to Taiwanese. Collective Organization and Informal Networking &ROOHFWLYHRUJDQL]LQJDPRQJPLJUDQWZRUNHUVLQ7DLZDQLVDQDUGXRXVPLVVLRQJLYHQWKH FLUFXODUQDWXUHRIJXHVWZRUNHUVWKHLUPDUJLQDOVWDWXVRIQRQFLWL]HQVDQGWKHJHRJUDSKLF VHJUHJDWLRQRIPLJUDQWFRPPXQLWLHV)RUPLJUDQWZRUNHUVZKRFDQRQO\VWD\LQ7DLZDQ IRUDIHZ\HDUVSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQXQLRQVDQGRWKHUIRUPDOFROOHFWLYHDFWLRQLQYROYHV FRQVLGHUDEOHULVNVEXWRQO\WHPSRUDU\EHQHILWV,WLVHYHQPRUHGLIILFXOWWRRUJDQL]H PLJUDQWGRPHVWLFZRUNHUVZKRDUHLVRODWHGIURPRWKHUPLJUDQWVLQWKHµOLYHLQ¶DQGHYHQ µQRGD\VRII¶FRQGLWLRQ,QWKHZKROHFRXQWU\WKHUHDUHDERXWLQVWLWXWLRQVWKDWRIIHU VRPHVHUYLFHVIRUPLJUDQWZRUNHUV<HWRQO\DIHZDUHQRQJRYHUQPHQWRUJDQL]DWLRQV 1*2V

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(47) D PLJUDQWFRPPXQLW\FHQWHUWKDWRIIHUVVSDFHDQGIDFLOLWLHVIUHHRIFKDUJHIRUOHLVXUHDQG HGXFDWLRQDFWLYLWLHV0RVWDWWHQGDQWVLQWKLVFHQWHUDUHIURPWKH3KLOLSSLQHVGXHWRLWV ORFDWLRQLQWKH&KRQJVKDQDUHD7KHJHRJUDSKLFVHJUHJDWLRQRIPLJUDQWFRPPXQLWLHVKDV LPSDFWHGWKHSRVVLELOLW\RIIRUPLQJWUDQVHWKQLFDOOLDQFHVDPRQJPLJUDQWZRUNHUV (Kaohshung). Taiwan International Workers’ Association (TIWA) is the only migrant-oriented organization established by local labor activists without religious affiliation..

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(54) ,Q GLIIHUHQWZD\VKRPHERXQGPLJUDQWZRUNHUVDWWHPSWWREXLOGF\EHUFRPPXQLWLHVPHHWLQJ WKHLUFRPSDWULRWVLQWKHDLU Conclusion. The tragedy of Shia Liu, described in the beginning of the article, has stirred some hidden anxiety about the presence of foreign workers in this ethnically homogeneous society, In the mean time, it has also pushed the public to think over how migrant domestic workers have been treated in this country, which is proud of its recent achievements in democratization. Some said that, if the government could have allowed migrant workers to stay longer, Shia Liu could have kept her previous caretakers instead of hiring a new one that eventually took her life. Others said that, if Vina could have.

(55) . . taken days off on a regular basis, she might have gained enough social support and emotional consolation that might have prevented this misfortune. I would like to conclude this article not with mourning and regrets but with some preliminary suggestions about policy change and activism. Migrant domestic workers are marginalized by a series of legal and political regulations based on the principle of territorial sovereignty, as well as by their status of personal subordination to contract employers. Facing the challenge of border control by the increasing number of undocumented migrants, Taiwan’s government holds employers responsible for monitoring the whereabouts of their foreign employees. Such policy has exacerbated distrust and surveillance in private households but offers no solution to the problem. In fact, the stricter the measures of supervision the employer adopts, the more likely that migrant workers choose to escape from maltreatment and personal control. To improve the human rights of migrant workers as well as the quality of care for the wards, the host state should “de-marginalize” the position of migrant domestic workers. Migrant workers should be allowed to transfer employers on mutual consent, so employment relationships would be based on reciprocal exchanges rather than personal slavery. So far the Labor Standard Law in Taiwan has yet covered the protection of domestic workers. Such exclusion ignores the facts that private households have become a field of employment and management, and domestic workers are subject to the most intensive surveillance among all migrant workers. Quality care can only be achieved when the quality of life of care workers is a concern. The case of Taiwan demonstrates that state regulations—“governance from above”—play a vital role in framing the life chances of migrant workers. Yet this does.

(56) . . not exclude the possibility of strategic cooperation and partnership between state sectors (such as local labor bureaus) and civil organizations. A variety of migrant communities have emerged around religious groups, business services, nonprofit organizations, neighborhood networks, and even communications technology. These communities empower migrant workers against isolation and victimization, containing burgeoning models or potential for “governance from below” (see Piper in this volume). The incorporation of migrant workers in host societies involves multiple spheres and various patterns. Most scholars and activists have concentrated on state regulatory frameworks and civil advocacy groups. Other dimensions are yet to be examined, such as the incorporation of migrant consumers into the market economy and the use of communications technology for social networking among migrant workers. In order to move toward more successful organization of circular contract workers, it is also important to set activist agendas regarding how to build alliances among migrant workers across ethnic groups and how to establish transnational advocacy networks connecting both sending and receiving countries..

(57) . . TABLE 1. Numbers of Migrant Domestic Workers in Taiwan by Occupational Category, 1991-2002. Year. Foreign Caretaker. Foreign Domestic Helper. 1991. 0. 0. 0. 1992. 306. 363. 669. 1993. 1,320. 6,205. 7,525. 1994. 4,257. 9,201. 13,458. 1995. 8,902. 8,505. 17,404. 1996. 16,308. 13,947. 30,255. 1997. 26,233. 12,879. 39,112. 1998. 41,844. 11,524. 53,368. 1999. 67,063. 7,730. 74,793. 2000. 98,508. 7,823. 106,331. 2001. 105,511. 9,008. 114,519. 2002. 113,755. 6,956. 120,711. Source: Council of Labor Affairs, Executive Yuan, Taiwan, R.O.C. . Total.

(58) . . TABLE 2. Distribution of Migrant Workers in Taiwan by Gender and Nationality )HPDOH 0DOH . 6H[UDWLR. *UDQGWRWDO . ,QGRQHVLD . 0DOD\VLD 3KLOLSSLQHV . 7KDLODQG . 9LHWQDP . Source: Council of Labor Affairs, Executive Yuan, Taiwan, R.O.C. January 2003. TABLE 3. Percentage of Migrant Female Domestic Workers in Taiwan by Nationality, 1998-2002 End of Year. Philippines. Indonesia. Vietnam. Thailand. 1998. . . . . 100%. 1999. . . -. . 100%. 2000. . . . . 100%. 2001. . . . . 100%. 2002. . . . . 100%. Source: Council of Labor Affairs, Executive Yuan, Taiwan, R.O.C.. . Total.

(59) . . REFERENCES %DNDQ$ELJDLODQG'DLYD6WDVLXOLV 0DNLQJWKH0DWFK'RPHVWLF3ODFHPHQW$JHQFLHVDQGWKH5DFLDOL]DWLRQRI :RPHQ V+RXVHKROG:RUNSigns: Journal of Women in Culture and Society

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(61) (GLWHGE\6%&KDR7DLSHL&KLQHVH3URGXFWLYH&HQWHU &KHQJ6KX-X$GD Serving the Household and the Nation: Filipina Domestics and the Development of Nationhood in Taiwan3K''LVV7H[DV8QLYHUVLW\RI7H[DV &KLRX6KZXZHQ $6WXG\RI(WKQLF0HGLDIRU,PPLJUDQW:RUNHUV7KDL5DGLR3URJUDPLQ 7DLZDQ LQ&KLQHVH

(62) Taiwan: A Radical Quarterly in Social Studies &/$ &RXQFLORI/DERU$IIDLUV

(63) Monthly Bulletin of Labor Statistics, April 20037DLSHL([HFXWLYH<XDQ 5HSXEOLFRI&KLQD &RKHQ5LQD 7KH:RUNLQJ&RQGLWLRQVRI,PPLJUDQW:RPHQ/LYHLQ'RPHVWLFV5DFLVP 6H[XDO$EXVHDQG,QYLVLELOLW\Resources for Feminist Research

(64) &RQVWDEOH1LFROH Maid to Order in Hong-Kong: Stories of Filipina Workers,WKDFD&RUQHOO 8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV *RIIPDQ(UYLQJ The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life'RXEOHGD\$QFKRU%RRNV .

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(69) . . 6DW]HZLFK9LF Racism and the Incorporation of Foreign Labour: Farm Labour Migration to Canada since 19451HZ<RUN5RXWOHGJH 7VD\&KLQJ/XQJ &ODQGHVWLQH/DERU0LJUDWLRQWR7DLZDQAsian and Pacific Migration Journal

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