• 沒有找到結果。

Locational Decisions and Residential Preferences of Taiwanese Immigrants in Australia

N/A
N/A
Protected

Academic year: 2021

Share "Locational Decisions and Residential Preferences of Taiwanese Immigrants in Australia"

Copied!
15
0
0

加載中.... (立即查看全文)

全文

(1)

Locational decisions and residential preferences of Taiwanese immigrants

in Australia

Lan-Hung Nora Chiang

1,

* & Jung-Chung Richard Hsu

2 1

Department of Geography, National Taiwan University, No. 1, Sec 4, Roosevelt Road, 106, Taipei, Taiwan;

2

Department of Social Studies Education, Taipei Municipal Teachers College, Taipei, Taiwan; *Author for corre-spondence; (E-mail: nora@ntu.edu.tw)

Key words: Taiwanese migrants, decision-making, residential choice, Australia, qualitative analysis

Abstract

Since the 1980s, the increase of Asian migrants in large cities has contributed significantly to the cultural landscape of Australia, especially in the city suburbs. Based on the Census and in-depth interviews of 103 Taiwanese migrants, this research examines the location decisions and residential preferences of Taiwanese migrants in Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne. The reasons for choosing the state, the particular city, and specific area of residence are probed into. The survey shows that migrants moved to Australia mainly for children’s education, lifestyle and political instability reasons. The main reasons for choosing to settle in Sydney were favourable business opportunities, and the northern part of Sydney was preferred. Those who chose Brisbane are attracted by the good climate there, and the residents preferred the Sunnybank area. Melbourne was chosen for the good education it offers, and areas on transportation lines near good schools are selected. Choice of residence was based mainly on their needs and their resources which may change over time. In general, they always choose to locate in close proximity to their family, friends and Taiwanese communities. Their locational choice depends on income and housing budget, proximity to good schools and shopping centers, and information from friends or earlier migrants. Based on such factors, this study clearly demonstrates that the Taiwanese immigrants are fundamentally different from early Chinese settlers who once aimed to settle at Chinatown locations.

Introduction

Taiwanese emigration has reached a considerable level in the last two decades, with major destinations including the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Among the various reasons accounting for the increase in out-migration, rapid economic growth, political instability, an increase in personal income and the relaxation of travel restrictions in 1989 are foremost. Other important factors are the introduction of eco-nomic business migration policies by various countries targeting skilled and entrepreneurial groups.

This paper looks into an important aspect of the settlement experience of the Taiwanese1in Australia in their process of adaptation in the host society. Earlier research on the Taiwanese have amalgamated this national group with other ethnic Chinese (Chiang et al., 1998; Couglan, 1998; Ip et al., 1998; Wu et al., 1998) or focussed on their social and economic incorporation in Australia (Chiang and Hsu, 2000; Chiang and Kuo, 2000; Chiang and Song, 2001; Chiang 2004a, b).

A broad picture of the Taiwanese immigrant population in Australia in the last 15 years is revealed by the Census of 1986, 1991, 1996, and 2001, during which the Taiwanese immigrant population increased

approximately 10-fold between 1986 and 1996, while it nearly doubled between 1991 and 2001 (Table 1).

The number of Taiwanese settler arrivals was highest in 1990–1991 (at 3491 persons), and 2000–2001 (2599 persons) (Table 2, Appendix 1) Taiwan ranks eighth in the top 10 source countries of birth of settler arrivals in 1991–1992, contributing 3%, or 3172 population in total, while Hong Kong and China ranked second and 7th, respectively. By the late 1990s, Taiwan became the ninth largest source country for immigrants to move to Australia, accounting for 2.5% of all arrivals in 1996– 1997 (2180 persons).

Following the pattern of population concentration in Australia, Taiwanese are settled in the three cities of Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne. Eighty-five percent of Taiwanese migrants lived in these three cities as of 2001: 33.5% or 7502 individuals resided in Sydney, 32.1% or 7205 persons in Brisbane, and 18.9% or 4248 migrants in Melbourne, and 15.5% or 3463 Taiwanese in other cities (Table 1). Figure 1 shows the distribution of Tai-wan-born population in major cities in Australia in 1986, 1991, 1996, and 2001.

Between the census years 1991 and 1996, Queensland rose from second to the foremost state hosting the largest concentration of Taiwan-born population. As of

(2)

2001 Census, the top three states populated by the Taiwan-born were Queensland (37.6%), followed by New South Wales (35.3%) and Victoria (19.4%) (Table 3, Figure 2)

Taiwanese home-ownership was as high as 75.3% in 1996, and dropped to 61.8% in 20012 (compared to 71.23% and 59.4%, respectively with other Australians (Table 4). Single-family housing dominated, followed by flat, unit or apartment. The average number of rooms per household is 3.6.

The study

Research questions

Migration, conventionally defined as a permanent shift of residence across predefined boundaries, may be con-sidered to be a human response to intolerable economic, social, and demographic forces in the environment. There tends to an identification of the self with the local

in which one has resided for a prolonged time, and some emotional strain is involved in leaving this locale and family, friends, and colleagues for a strange new envi-ronment (Bogue, 1969, p. 753). Migration is chosen reluctantly by most people, particularly in areas where family ties and community bonds are keenly felt. (Kosinski and Prothero, 1970, p. 266)

A number of researchers have suggested that the individual or household is the appropriate unit of analysis (Brown and Moore, 1970, 1971). Common to the so-called behavioural work on immigration is the notion of ‘place utility’ which can be defined as an individual’s degree of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with a place (Wolpert, 1965). It is believed that the decision to move and the choice of destination do not occur simul-taneously, and that competing immigration destinations are considered sequentially. The role of personality in human spatial behavior is also discussed by Wolpert (1966, p. 93) who asserts that ‘‘migration is essentially human spatial response to the operating environmental stress’’. The behaviouralist approach to the explanation of why immigration occurs has also been criticized by those who take the structuralist perspective of political economy, who argue that greater account must be taken of the constraints imposed on individual choice by the prevailing social, economic and political framework (Pahl, 1979; Short, 1984).

Furthermore, Moore (1972) posited that conditions of neighbourhood such as natural environment, neigh-bours’ characteristics, accessibility and public facilities are important consideration in the choice of residences. As Massey and Bitterman (1985) discusses, residential space is defined by the intersection of the factors of social status, family status and ethnic status. This spatial organization develops as people from a similar back-ground seek areas in the urban environment with similar characteristics (Berry and Kasarda, 1977). Changes in the family life cycle has been brought up by Rossi (1955) and Bell (1996) to account for changes in the destination of movement due to the housing needs at various times, but little information is provided about the likely deci-sions of international movers.

Residential preferences of New Asian immigrants have seldom been studied. It has been noted by Yu (forthcoming) that in contrast to most other immigrant groups in the United States, Taiwanese immigrants have a particularly high propensity for homeownership. By

Table 1.Distribution of Taiwan-born in Major Cities in Australia, 1986, 1991, 1996, 2001

Year 1986 1991 1996 2001

City No. % No. % No. % No. %

Sydney 806 39.2 4921 38.0 6729 34.4 7502 33.5

Melbourne 577 28.1 2413 18.6 3432 17.6 4248 18.9

Brisbane 219 10.7 3600 27.8 6038 30.9 7205 32.1

Other cities 454 22.1 2024 15.6 3348 17.1 3463 15.5

Total 2056 100.0 12958 100.0 19547 100.0 22418 100.0

Data source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Unpublished census data (1986, 1991, 1996, 2001).

Table 2.Settler Arrivals of Taiwan-born, 1985–1986 to 2003–2004 Year of Arrival Persons Percentage of

Taiwan-born arrivals among total arrivals

1985–1986 381 0.4 1986–1987 804 0.4 1987–1988 1146 0.8 1988–1989 2100 1.4 1989–1990 3055 2.5 1990–1991 3491 2.9 1991–1992 3172 3.0 1992–1993 1434 1.9 1993–1994 785 1.1 1994–1995 794 0.9 1995–1996 1638 1.7 1996–1997 2180 2.5 1997–1998 1518 2.0 1998–1999 1556 1.8 1999–2000 1699 1.8 2000–2001 2599 2.4 2001 –2002 1715 1.9 2002–2003 1109 1.2 2003–2004 881 0.8

Data source: BIMPR, DIMA and DIMIA, Settler Arrivals, various issues.

(3)

applying the 5% Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) data from the U.S. Census to study homeownership attainment across time (1980–1990), and across three major metropolitan areas (Los Angeles, San Francisco, and New York), he found that Taiwanese immigrants tend to have a high mobility and high homeownership at the same time. A strong tendency for homeownership in 1990 was found, suggesting an aggregate effect of Tai-wan relaxing its emigration policy, expansion of immi-gration quota of U.S. for Chinese immigrants, the U.S. immigration law favouring established professionals, and strong Taiwan currency in 1980s. As a sub-group of ethnic Chinese, Taiwanese immigrants have been con-sidered as high achievers with a large proportion of professionals and executives and have brought wealth with them when they immigrated to the United States, particularly to Los Angeles where their homeownership rate was 75% in 1990.

Another study on initial destination choices of skilled immigrants from Hong Kong, China and Taiwan to Canada in 1983–1999 was based on an application of a multinomial logit model to the micro data of Citizenship and Immigration Canada (Xu and Liaw, 2003). The findings strongly support the human capital investment theory and the ethnic enclave theory. An increasing importance of transnationalism and the attempts at using Quebec as a stepping stone to settle down in other parts of Canada as landed immigrants was found. Immigrants will persist to concentrate in Ontario and British Columbia, while for the rest of Canada, only Alberta has some chance of increasing significantly its share of these immigrants.

Our earlier attempt in understanding Taiwanese migrant’s location decisions in Australia was broad-based and exploratory, along other questions on their reasons for migration, and economic incorporation in Sydney (Chiang and Hsu, 2000; Chiang and Kuo, 2000). On the basis of a questionnaire survey run in Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne in 1999–2000, we found that education for their children in Australia, as well as the high crime rate and perceived political instability in Taiwan were foremost factors when it came to people’s decisions to leave Taiwan. Our preliminary investigation looked into the reasons for moving to Australia, as well as the choice of residential location. In spite of their high educational levels, Taiwanese migrants face various difficulties in finding employment commensurate with their former business skills. As underemployment and downward mobility are common within this recent

Figure 1. Distribution of Taiwan-born Population in Major Cities of Australia. Data source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Unpublished Census Data, 1986, 1991, 1996, 2001.

Table 3.Distribution of Taiwan-born in Australia, 1991, 1996, 2001

States 1991(%) 1996(%) 2001(%)

New South Wales 39.9 36.5 35.3

Victoria 19.3 18.3 19.4 Queensland 32.2 37.0 37.6 South Australia 2.1 2.4 2.3 West Australia 4.7 4.5 3.9 Tasmania 0.1 0.2 0.2 Northern Territory 0.4 0.2 0.3

Australian Capital Territory 1.3 1.1 0.9

(4)

group of migrants, there is a need to depend on other sources of income, such as savings and work in Taiwan. ‘Astronauts’ and return migrants are the outcomes of various migration experiences even at this early stage. This in fact affects how the migrants choose their resi-dence as they need to accommodate the needs of the children in school, and the parents, usually mothers, who were left in Australia to take care of the children (Chiang, 2004b). According to the 2001 Census, the Taiwanese community was dominated by young adults between the ages of 15–24 (43.1% for males and 33.4% for females), and 25–54 (34.9% for males and 53.1% for females), indicating a predominance of younger males and older females.

Despite their recent arrival, immigrants from Taiwan have higher home ownership rates compared to Austra-lians on the average. As over 70% of the Taiwanese have

acquired housing in their first few years of settlement, the various impacts on the cultural landscape, housing market and city planning are starting to be felt. The dynamics of the decision process include why Taiwanese choose Australia as a country, which city they moved, and the location of their homes. In this paper, it is assumed that the household decision on where to locate is related to the reasons for migration such as children’s education, the natural and social environment, the eco-nomic ability of the parents, and the adjustment process, such as meeting the needs of ‘astronaut’ wives.3

It is believed that understanding where migrants live is an important aspect of migrants’ settlement experi-ence, and provides a critical input to policy making at all levels of government, in aspects of health, education, recreational facilities (White and Williams, 1996). Ear-lier, most Australian immigrants settled in New South

1991 1996 2001 1991 1996 2001 1991 1996 2001 South Australia West Australia 1991 1996 2001 4.7% 4.5% 3.9% Northern Territory

Australian Capital Territory Tasmania 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 32.2% 37.0% 37.6% 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 19.3% 18.3% 19.4% 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 1991 1996 2001 3.7% 3.9% 3.9% Other States 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 39.9% 36.5% 35.3%

New South Wales

Victoria Queensland

Figure 2. Distribution of Taiwan-born Population in States in Australia. Data source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Unpublished Census Data, 1991, 1996, 2001.

Table 4.Ownership of dwellings of Taiwan-born, 2001

Fully owned Being purchased Rented Others Not stated Total Dwelling structure

Separate house 4306 782 668 176 114 6046

Semi-detached, row or terrace, townhouse etc. 354 132 768 33 26 1313

Flat, unit or apartment 528 166 1943 56 60 2753

Other dwelling 19 0 19 4 – 42

Not stated 38 7 34 3 4 86

Total 5245 1087 3432 272 204 10240

Percentage 51.2 10.6 33.5 2.7 2.0 100.0

(5)

Wales, followed by Victoria, then Western Australia. When the ethnic composition shifted to include more Asians, the geographical distribution pattern of the groups also changed.

Tonkin (1993) carried out a literature review and an analysis of data from the Longitudinal Surveys of Immigrants to Australia in Sydney, Melbourne and Adelaide. The literature review suggests two types of immigrants to make sense of their location decisions – those who have come to Australia basically as pioneers, with no prior ties to the country, and those who have come in a ‘second wave’, generally with existing family and/or members of their ethnic communities being the major attraction. The predominant influences on the choice of initial settlement location by immigrants within the first group are employment opportunities, distance from the country of origin, location in the State in which immigrants arrive, housing and house prices, state government policies and demographic character-istics. After immigration from any particular country has been occurring for some time, conditions generally led to a chain migration effect overwhelming the other influences on initial location, particularly in times of economic downturn. This seem to be more important for those immigrants from non-English-speaking back-ground (NESB) countries than others. Tonkin (1993, p. xv) also pointed out that the overriding influence of the attraction of established communities for prospective immigrants from all immigration categories has caused immigrants from similar countries of birth to locate together, and the influence of relatives and friends is the major factor in the initial location decisions for skill and independent category.

Hugo (1996) studied the geographical distribution of immigrants, the causes of their geographical concen-tration in Australia, and its implications. As post-war immigration to Australia tended to settle in the nation’s largest cities, 80% of overseas-born lived in the largest cities in 1991, concentrating in Sydney and Melbourne. The 1991 Census shows that the majority of Asian-origin groups have more than 90% of their communities living in major cities. On the other hand, those who have been established in Australia longer have an increasing tendency to settle outside major cities.

The reasons for residential segregation of particular birthplace group has been well discussed under the following factors: (1) Distribution of job opportunities at the time of arrival, (2) Distribution of housing opportunities at the time of arrival, (3) Timing of the peak immigration of particular groups, (4) Scale of immigration of a particular group, (5) Initial place of arrival, (6) Location of family members and people from the same country of origin, (7) Language, (8) Marginalisation, and (9) Type of Immigration.

Burnley (1996) noted that the migration process of European origin giving rise to the strongest ethnic concentrations in most Australian cities was chain migration. It was reinforced by the strength of kinship

and wider social networks in the communities and societies of origin, with people taking the values of family ties, responsibilities and mutual aid with them in their migration to Australia. An expression of this was the regrouping of communities in suburbs adjacent to those of original settlement. However, the circumstances of migration, settlement, employment and housing changed with the introduction of the ‘points system’, whereby the source of potential migrants to Australia was widened and a selection system was introduced based on age and skill criteria. New communities began to form, with migrants from Malaysia, Taiwan and Hong Kong becoming much more common, many of whom arrived as skilled and professional migrants. He employed the index of dissimilarity and index of redis-tribution to investigate the re-location of immigrants from Europe, Middle-East and Asia in Sydney. Using southern Europeans and Lebanese-born as examples, it is found that regrouping took place through residential mobility in second and third settlement areas after migrants first settled in core concentration areas (Burnley, 1996, p. 97). In the end, he foresaw the need to employ life history survey analysis and qualitative approaches.

Lacking data on ethnic status, the birthplace and language data were used to explore Sydney’s residential geography at two spatial scales, and to identify the degree of residential segregation of each birthplace and language group. (Johnston et al., 2001). Their regression analysis used to assess the relevance of human capital to observed levels of segregation suggests that the dynam-ics of Sydney’s housing market facilitate movement into most areas of demand, subject only to labour market constraints.

Literature on residential location in Australia helps to formulate research questions of this study. An early observation of where Taiwanese live was made by Kee (1999) and Schak (1999) who are familiar with the leaders of the Taiwanese community in Melbourne and Brisbane respectively. Two Masters thesis on the resi-dential mobility of Taiwanese and Hong Kong immi-grants respectively by Boyer (1995) and Wang (1993) have made significant contributions.

Against this background, we hope to explore the issue of location decisions and residential preferences and make the following inquiries:

(1) To identify the factors which influence where Taiwanese immigrants settle in Australia, (2) To obtain some insights into the actual decision-making process of immigrants in choosing their residences, (3) To find out differences in settlement patterns between Taiwanese and other Australian migrants and suggest policy implications.

Research methodology

Data from the Australian Census provide the backdrop for this study and help formulate conceptual questions. Qualitative information for this research was collected

(6)

through personal ethnographic interviews with individ-ual immigrants by the two authors from Taiwan between July 2000 and February 2001. The interviews have been designed to elicit information complementing the Census data and to explain distribution and resi-dential choice and mobility of Taiwanese Migrants in Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne.

About 103 informants were interviewed on various occasions: after church gatherings or volunteers’ meet-ings, after Chinese martial arts training classes, at morning tea or social gatherings in the evening, at the workplace or during parent’s meetings at local Chinese schools. A snowball technique was employed to identify individuals to be interviewed since it was difficult to establish a sampling frame for a random sample. The selection of informants took into consideration of criteria such as time of migration, place of residence, gender, occupation, and voluntary associations that they belonged to.4Mandarin, Hokkien and Hakka, the three dialects most commonly spoken by Taiwanese migrants, were used during the interviews in order to facilitate a smooth flow of conversations and clear articulation of ideas. While the interviews were unstructured and open-ended, they were guided by a list of general questions. They lasted anywhere from 45 minutes to three hours and were tape-recorded. Our analysis is based on ethnographic research from an emic (insider’s) perspective that gives voice to the immigrants and focused on self-assessment of their experience of location decisions and residential preferences. There is no intention to draw a scientific sample of the popula-tion group but merely to present highly representative snapshots of the situation. The following analysis therefore employs mainly qualitative data.

Findings and discussion

Profile of Taiwanese immigrants

The immigrants interviewed in the course of this study included 41 females and 62 males, about one third of the total living in each of the three cities. Three-fourths (77 people) were 40 years of age or older and most arrived in Australia between 1989 and 1990 when they were 30–40 years old. Forty-two individuals had an undergraduate college degree or above (including 6 Ph.Ds and 4 Masters), 30 attended junior college, and an additional 20 had a high-school diploma.

Fifty-seven entered Australia as business migrants, 25 as independents, and 9 as family reunification cases. A majority moved to Australia together in families; while in some cases, the husband moved first, and later joined by their wives and children. In a few cases, the children moved first to study, while parents came later. Half of the sample came from Taipei, while the remaining individuals were from Kaohsiung, Chiayi, Changhua, Tainan, and other smaller cities in Taiwan.

A few had lived in other countries and half had visited Australia as tourists,5students or for business reasons.

A large majority (over 80%) moved as families, while most (over 90%) lived at homes that they owned. Some rented their homes, or resided in their friend’s home when they first moved to Australia. Most (63, or 61%) found their first homes or land to build houses through real estate agents. Nineteen, or close to one-fifth, later rented out an extra house to give them an income. Interestingly, most of them have experiences in moving, either within the Statistical Local Areas within the city, or from another city of Australia. The times they moved increased with the length of their years of arrival in Australia.

Locational decisions

As Taiwanese migrants moved for their children’s edu-cation and ‘lifestyle’ considerations, these reasons would enter their decisions in choosing a particular city and where to live in that city. Moreover, the creation of ‘astronaut’ families after settling down, stages in the family life-cycle, and adaptation process may also affect location decisions. Apart from these social consider-ations, other cultural factors also operate, differentiating the Taiwanese migrants from other Australians. The following discussions focus on selecting the city and initial location factors.

Selecting the city

In general, Taiwanese are attracted to Australian’s social and natural environment which is described as serene, quiet, and friendly with a multicultural policy in education. The main reasons for choosing Sydney was favourable business opportunities, and the northern part of Sydney was preferred. Those who chose Brisbane were attracted by the good climate there, and the resi-dents preferred the Sunnybank area. Melbourne was chosen for the good education it offers, and areas near good schools were selected.

The reasons for Taiwanese migrants to choose Syd-ney are expressed by different informants as: ‘‘A big city would offer better opportunities in jobs, and schools’’, and ‘‘property values tend to rise easily in the big city’’. In addition, ‘‘there are more Asians here, and racial discrimination tends to be less than other smaller cities.’’ The Taiwanese population are dispersed in newly developed and affluent communities in Sydney in its northern parts such as Ku-ring-gai, Hornsby, Baulkham Hills and Willoughby, collectively called ‘hao chu’ (good area) by the Taiwanese. At a macro-level, Burnley (1996, p. 94) noted that many affluent, highly educated migrants from Taiwan, Malaysia and Hong Kong lived in northern and north-west Sydney. The relatively flat, less expensive and conveniently located areas of Ash-field, Burwood, StrathAsh-field, Parramatta and Fairfield in the Central part of the city are also well occupied. In addition, Randwick and Maroubra were selected by early migrants for its location near the city and

(7)

universities, apart from good ocean views. Finally, Woollahra, overlooking the Sydney harbour, is selected by affluent Taiwanese who speculate on properties. It is a prestigious and expensive area to have the ‘hsueh li san bao’ (three ‘treasures’ of Sydney) in view, namely, the Opera House, Sydney Harbour Bridge and Sydney Tower. (Figure 3)

Brisbane and Gold Coast that are located in the south-east of the ‘Sunshine State’ of Queensland are selected, particularly by Taiwanese from Kaohsiung. It underwent rapid growth and is expected to reach three million population in 2011. It is selected by Asian immigrants for its close proximity, good weather, good environment and low cost of living. At the same time, the rapid growth of service-based industries like banking and tourism has attracted a lot of internal migrants from Australia, particularly from the states of Victoria and New South Wales. The earlier Taiwanese migrants selected towns in rolling country near the Brisbane River such as Indooroopilly and St. Lucia where the Univer-sity of Queensland and many good schools are located. The later Taiwanese settlers came for the newly devel-oped and flat areas of Sunnybank and its surrounding towns of Sunnybank Hills, MacGregor, Eight Mile Plains, Robertson, Runcorn and Stretton. (Figure 4)

Preceded by the Hong Kong migrants who were the first wave of Chinese immigrants to invest on property, the Taiwanese also tended to select areas with good transportation, shopping malls and Asian food markets. Almost like a second Chinatown, Sunnybank in Bris-bane earned its name ‘Little Taipei’. A third popular area is Cleveland east of Brisbane and at the end of the railway line, with its canal residence and jetties for individual homes. Away from the crowded Asian pro-totype cities in their homeland, most Taiwanese now live in big affordable houses, gardens and swimming pools, just like other Australians.

In spite of its bad weather (‘four seasons in one day’), Melbourne is considered the ‘cultural city’ (wen hua zhi tu) in the eyes of the Taiwanese who brought their chil-dren for a better education than Taiwan’s. Some came because of relatives and friends among the earlier migrants. Some even play down Sydney for its business-like atmosphere, and Brisbane for its hot weather in the summer. As one Taiwanese migrant remarked: ‘‘In Melbourne, people ask you what school do you go to? In Sydney, what business do you do? But in Brisbane, what wine do you drink?’’ ‘‘The state of Victoria is called the Garden State...it is rated as one of the ten livable cities in the world.’’ ‘‘20–40% industries of Australia are located here...we can find work here.’’ ‘‘We met a Taiwanese tour guide when we were here in 1996, and decided to immi-grate...we struggled to start our rice wine business...while our children attend good schools.’’

Kew, Balwyn and Doncaster on the tramline and other public transportation routes are desirable areas to live, for those who started to drive on a different side of the road for the first time. Good schools also attract the Taiwanese to Balwyn, Balwyn North, Glen Waverley,

and Camberwell. Six miles from the city centre and on the tramline, Kew, where old and expensive houses are located, attracts Chinese from China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. Friends and relatives who came earlier and migration agents speed up the decision to settle in these prestigious areas. Doncaster, Doncaster East and Templestowe which are further away from the city were newly developed areas near the highway. Box Hill on the intersection of the rail and bus lines attracts a lot of Chinese for its Asian food, markets, and retail shops. (Figure 5) One can see from Figures 3–5 the location of recent Taiwanese migrants in the three cities of Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne. Their settlements patterns are very different from earlier Chinese settlers in Chinatowns, where immigrants have businesses, family and kinship networks, and access to daily necessities like food and various types of merchandise. Clearly the Taiwanese settlements in all our three cases are far away from original Chinatown locations. Also, the further one goes away from Chinatown locations, the more Taiwanese settlements one may find.

Initial location factors

Various factors influencing migrants’ initial location decisions may be at work singly or interactively. As the family arrived, they need practical help and information on housing, food, transportation and children’s educa-tion. At this point, friends and relatives are often sought after for information on their initial location, as they provide the new arrival with a sense of security or overcome many uncertainties in the new land. As men-tioned by some of our interviewees:

We had no friends or relatives here at first, but I happen to have a student whose aunt was here, and she offered to meet us at the airport.

We actually came to Sydney because we already know someone here. We also moved to the north where he lives. We will not feel so scared as we come to a new country as strangers...we also know where the Asian food markets are right away.

My husband came here as a tourist and met one of our neighbors in a supermarket. He was taken to the lat-ter’s beautiful home in Raby Bay (east of Brisbane), and we decided to move to the same town. We now live on the opposite bank, and know quite a few Taiwanese who were here earlier.

Most migrants applied through agents to come to Australia.6 The information they received are also greatly shaped by the agents. A part of the migration service often provided by the earlier migrants is getting help for settling down, through so called ‘an chia kung szu’ (home settlement company), this service fills in the gap when help which is needed may not be provided by any friends and relatives. The Chinese saying: ‘‘Parents stand-by you at home; friends are in need abroad’’ (tsai chia kao fu mu, chu wai kao peng yu) is often mentioned

(8)

Figure 3. Distribution of Taiwanese Immigrants in Sydney, 2001. Data source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Unpublished data, 2001. Note: (A): Area, (C): City.

(9)

by our informants. A similar cultural phenomena is found among other national groups like the Italian, Greek and the Vietnamese (Burnley, 1996). Apart from friends, the initial location also depends on transporta-tion, particularly in relation to where children go to school. Other locational factors are proximity to places of work, shopping centers, and green open space in the neighbourhood.

While temporarily housed in the government migra-tion center in the earlier days, a hotel or homestay arranged by the agent may serve the new arrivals who immediately need assistance. Some jumped into deci-sions in buying their new homes quickly and regretted afterwards. Later migrants were smarter and consider renting a better option than making an impulsive deci-sion to buy a house. As suggested by one recent arrival:

(10)

One should wait to see what the family really needs. It would be risky to make a quick decision without understanding the environment better...Where do children go to school? Where does one shop? How far is one’s home from the railway station? Where are your friends? What kinds of community activities are there? These all count as important considerations. A recent migrant who made a decision to rent a townhouse made an observation as follows:

Many Taiwanese rushed into a decision when they first came, because they feel that the house is much cheaper compared to what they get for the price in Taiwan. Later, they found that the more expensive the house, the more difficult it is to sell it later on...I have decided

not to buy a house because I don’t want to pay for the land tax and the managerial fees. When I need to have my faucet repaired, I just called my landlady...I don’t want a house with a swimming pool, nor a garden like the earlier Taiwanese migrants. Someone spent AUD10,000 to fill up the pool afterwards. I just need a small two-storeyed house in an east-west direction. It should be near the bus station, so that my children can take the bus to school... I want a new house built with bricks instead of wood, so that I do not need to deal with termites...the most important consideration is proximity to schools.

When the Taiwanese choose suburbs, they tend to favour newly developed areas with brand-new brick and

Figure 5. Distribution of Taiwanese Immigrants in Melbourne, 2001. Data source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Unpublished data, 2001. Note: (C): City.

(11)

tile houses. But for many Taiwanese, the most impor-tant consideration is to live in the zones for reputable schools, since it is for their children’s educational opportunities that most of them have taken the impor-tant step of migration. A house near the school, a shopping center and the bus stop is particularly impor-tant for a family if the wife is left to stay with the chil-dren in Australia, while the husband goes back to pursue his career in Taiwan. Schak (1999) noticed that Taiwanese in Brisbane choose the Sunnybank area which is quite flat and easier for driving for their wives. In one case of our study, the husband flew to Bris-bane three or four times to get the house built before moving over with the whole family. Friends and agents often play crucial roles for the initial location decision, but once in a while, the Taiwanese migrant just settled down with his own ideas:

According to the ‘an chia’ company, most Taiwanese stay in Epping (north of Sydney) on the railway line. With a family and two kids, my husband and I first settled down in a serviced apartment recommended by someone at the information desk at the airport. Later, we rented a house in Epping for two years with help from the housing agent.

Needs and capital considerations in housing preferences While accessibility to schools is highly prioritized, proximity to work is also important. We also find gen-der differences and family needs important in the Tai-wanese culture. The TaiTai-wanese men prefer large garages or study rooms, while the women pay foremost atten-tion to kitchens. As Chinese cook with a strong fire, gas stoves are preferred over electric stoves which are also considered more expensive. One homemaker talks about the special arrangement made for her extended house-hold as follows:

My mother-in-law suggested that we should look for a house with two adjoining but separate parts: one for her, and one for us, so that she is also free to come over to our side as she wishes. We got one with a kitchen to separate the two households...but under the same roof.

Other cultural differences are clearly seen between the Taiwanese and other Australians. Tree leaves that drop on the roof and the pool are big problems for the Taiwanese. A tree in the front yard is a nuisance too, while other Australians like living in houses with a lot of trees and shades, which would look very secluded to the Taiwanese. Taiwanese also prefer bay windows, and near neighbourhoods with people. Those who takes ‘‘Feng shui’’ (geomancy) into consideration believes that the telegraph pole near a house, a big tree in the yard, a door facing each other, depressed areas in the front and the back, and a house located in the circuit undesirable. Sometimes, squarish buildings are highly prioritized when compared to irregularly shaped ones.

Above all these decisions, where one lives depends on how much one can afford, as one of our pragmatic informant remarked:

We will look for the area where we can afford to live, and then look for the suitable house.

This is particularly true for the business migrant who has not been able to find employment immediately after arrival, although they have brought a lot of money to live on at the beginning.

Through these different stories, we came to know the different situations when the initial location decisions are made. We also found out that quite a lot of Tai-wanese migrants have relocated since they first came. This is an important aspect of their adaptation to the life style of Australia that they have no accurate knowledge of at first, such as the regulations of the City Council not allowing trees to be cut. The various reasons for moving include changing to a more profitable property, to move to an environment with better climate, to live closer to the city as a place of work, or the need to move to a bigger house, etc. Some consider moving closer to the city for work, or when children have finished school. Overtime, the Taiwanese migrants got used to their new environment, and got the most out of their experiences.

Conclusion

This study hopes to fill in the gap left by the Census and macro-level studies on location decisions and residential preferences of immigrants in Australia. In spite of their recency in arrival, the Taiwanese immigrants have formed vibrant communities and made significant imprints in different large cities in the host country. This research examines the initial location factors of recent Taiwanese immigrants in Australia and the decision-making process and mechanism affecting their moves. Housing preferences and adaptation are reflected in their decision-making process of residential mobility. Using a qualitative approach, this study carried out in-depth interviews of 103 immigrants in the three major cities of Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne.

While Sydney and Melbourne have traditionally received the majority of immigrants, Brisbane and the Gold Coast have become a more popular place of resi-dence for new settlers in recent years (Murphy, 1997). The Taiwanese migrants also follow this changing pat-tern over time. The results from this study show that Sydney was selected because of more opportunities for business, Brisbane for the good weather, and Melbourne for the education of their children. The decision mech-anism is based on ‘preference and needs’, ‘capital’ and ‘adaptation process’ and the interaction of these three elements leads to diversification and individual differ-ences in residential choice (Hsu, 2002). The concentra-tion in the suburbs is largely decided by the need to locate in close proximity to their family and friends who form earlier Taiwanese communities. From the very

(12)

start, their residential pattern evolve from complex decision processes across time and space, differing from earlier Chinese migrants who concentrate in Chinatowns in the past. While Chatswood is the second Chinatown for Hong Kong migrants in Sydney (Burnley, 1996), we find that Sunnybank is the second Chinatown for Tai-wanese in Brisbane. In spite of being distributed widely in large cities, they are still closely related through their social network within and between cities in Australia which rapidly developed along with their initial location. Chain migration will play greater role in future, similar to other immigrant groups being studied by Tonkin (1993).

The factors considered in their locational choice included income and housing budget, children’s educa-tion, proximity to work and shopping centres, and closeness to friends or other Taiwanese. Over time, the reasons for residential choice changed, reflecting indi-vidual preferences and experiences, apart from such main reasons of change in life-cycles and fluctuating housing prices. In general, the migrants preferred new houses that are dominated by three and four-bedroom units and that tended to give them a high level of sat-isfaction. Gradually, there appeared a lower preference for houses with swimming pools and gardens, as migrants relocate to different houses.

The new Asian immigrants who constitute large numbers have been producing an impact in the host country in the last two decades. While Chinese immi-grants tend to live in large cities and in suburban neighbourhoods such as ‘Little Taipei’, ‘Little Shang-hai’, or ‘Little Hong Kong’, they become a significant part of the new social and cultural geography of Aus-tralia. This reinforces Tonkin’s (1993) findings that the overriding influence of the attraction of established communities for prospective immigrants from all immigration categories has caused immigrants from similar countries of birth to locate together. This phe-nomenon has a significant impact on regional housing market and deserve further studies by policy-makers and research on ethnic communities in Australia. As in the case of Brisbane, the settlement of affluent immigrants from Asia, especially from Hong Kong and Taiwan, contributes to the increase in the intensity of commercial and recreational activities that result in consumer cos-mopolitanism and the rapid transformation of economic and social landscapes in the affluent suburbs. (Ip et al., 1998).

It has been noted by Hugo (1995) that most resi-dential concentrations of ethnic groups are in areas with lower socioeconomic status, and that the major con-centrations of NESB (Non-English Speaking Back-ground) populations are in the industrial and lower-cost housing areas of the major cities. This is not the case with New Asian immigrants, since the reasons for them to immigrate are different from the Europeans and Asians from developing countries. The Taiwanese came mainly for perceived better education for their children than in their homeland, and a better life style which is

offered by the affluent suburbs.7 Like the Hong Kong immigrants studied by Wang (1993), they did not migrate from Taiwan primarily for job opportunities nor for joining their relatives, but for a range of other reasons. They come from large and medium cities in Taiwan, and the majority came to Australia by the category of ‘skilled and business’ migration. They are well educated and professionals with some wealth. Therefore, they are completely different from the majority of non-English speaking immigrants who were commonly less educated, worked in manual occupations and of lower social status. Being located in selected middle class and upper-middle residential areas, there is a tendency to spread out through relocation, as more skilled and business migrants move in.

Like other New Asian immigrants, patterns of Tai-wanese immigration differ from the early ethnic Chinese immigrants who tended to settle in Chinatowns. With wealth, entrepreneurship and good education, they are not marginalized groups at the very start. However, in spite of their economic adaptation through their high homeownership rate, their assimilation is not complete, as their other aspects of adaptation have not helped their acculturation in Australian society. This is by no means unique of the Taiwan-born in Australia. To what extent does their residential concentration in suburbs hinder assimilation like the earlier settlers in Chinatown has to be answered in future studies.

Although chain migration predominates to some extent, the Taiwanese did not depend economically on their nationals, and thus did not form ethnic enclaves at a large scale like the second wave of traditional immi-grants, nor are they like the first group who came for employment (Tonkin, 1993). However, they formed close social networks across cities due to common cul-tural background in Taiwan, sometimes through differ-ent social organizations, especially religious ones. At the micro-level, their different political inclination in the homeland may decide whom they associate with. Rumors travel rapidly within the city, while social activities such as visits by dignitaries from Taiwan are organized effectively across state borders. Over the years, they have kept their cultural traditions in Aus-tralia and evolved as AusAus-tralian Taiwanese (AT), to be differentiated from other ethnic Chinese, such as Aus-tralian Chinese and AusAus-tralian Hong Kongers. Without formal diplomatic ties between Australia and Taiwan, the Taiwanese communities are there to represent a different sub-ethnic group with high visibility in the Australian society and a socially active community.

While the business migrants were equipped with capital, business and industrial expertise, they generally experienced difficulties in establishing businesses in Australia due to the different business, marketing and industrial relations environment (DIMIA 2003). On top of this is their lack of cultural capital, including good English, proper accreditation, and unfamiliarity with Australian business culture which is totally different from Taiwan’s. Yet, coming to Australia with wealth

(13)

and an urban background, they are good at property investment and maintain a high homeownership rate. Thus, it can be argued that labour participation rate would not be sufficient to explain the socio-economic status of the Taiwanese community. Similar to the findings of Yu (forthcoming), homeownership attain-ment is an important symbol of economic success of Taiwanese immigrants despite their lack of substantial acculturation by English proficiency or engagement in the labour force in their early years of settlement in the United States. It can be still said that Taiwanese immi-grants have adapted economically to the U.S. and Australia well in advance of acculturation. Given the education opportunity for their children and a better quality of life (benefits) offered by Australian environ-ment, the cost of their immigration experience is justi-fied.

While settling down in Australia, some Taiwanese are at the same time global citizens engaged in interna-tional businesses and pursue a bi-local/multi-local resi-dence pattern. They fit the description of ‘‘transilient migration’’ as mentioned in Burnley (2001) and a highly mobile group using air-borne traffic many times a year. Similar mobility patterns have been noticed by Ip (2003) in her observations of Taiwanese in New Zealand who suggested that the Taiwanese see New Zealand as the ‘last utopia’ which offers them a lifestyle refuge and their children the chance of a good education. They are truly global citizens, while committed to the Australian host societies in their own ways such as carrying out phil-anthropic work, regularly sponsoring religious events, and running Chinese language schools.

As the Chinese are growing rapidly in terms of population and diversity, it is worthy to further study the sub-ethnic differences in settlement patterns and their impact on the Australian cultural landscape. Fur-ther in-depth study is needed for the Mainland Chinese and Hong Kong counterparts. A comprehensive post-settlement program is necessary to ensure that migrants maximize their opportunities to be actively incorporated into the host society’s economy. Pre-departure infor-mation can be provided by the policy makers of both sending and receiving communities to ensure that the migrants are better prepared before they go to live in a new country. Policy recommendations to foster early integration of migrants into the wider economic and social life of Australia are needed.

Notes

1. The Taiwanese community studied here encompass both those born in Taiwan and those who were born elsewhere, especially in China, but had lived in Taiwan before they migrated to Australia. Their numbers therefore exceed the Taiwan-born as enumerated by the Census. They should include the children of the

new Australian Taiwanese (AT) migrants who are Australian-born.

2. This include ‘fully owned’ and ‘being purchased’ 3. The term ‘Astronaut’ originates from Hong Kong,

meaning ‘Wife empty person’, denoting the husbands who are left with no wives in Hong Kong. Tam (2003) wrote that it can also mean ‘‘Too empty person’’ meaning the wives who are left with no career, no income, no domestic helper, and no husband at the place of immigration.

4. In spite of being recent migrants, the Taiwanese migrants belong to a wide range of associations such as the Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu-chi Foun-dation, Australian Taiwanese Friendship Association Inc., the Taiwan-Australia Business Association, Friends of Australasian Youth Association, Inc., Women’s Association, the Friends of Taiwan Society Inc., Overseas Chinese Business Institute Alumni Association of Australia, Taiwan Association of Businessmen, Veterans Association, and various university alumni associations, etc.

5. Including those who came with migration agents to tour various cities of Australia, as part of the appli-cation package.

6. According to our survey, the fees charged by migra-tion agents ranges from NTD 200,000 to 400,000 (AUD 10,000–20,000) in the mid-nineties (Chiang and Hsu, 2000). Part of the migration package pro-vides help in settling down in Australia. The agents in Taiwan often work with their counterparts who are often earlier immigrants in Australia.

7. This happens because the Taiwanese find houses so affordable in Australia. By selling their small apart-ment in Taipei, the immigrant can easily afford to buy a spacious house with a lawn, a courtyard, and a swimming pool.

Acknowledgements

This research was supported by a grant from the Na-tional Science Council of Taiwan, R.O.C. (NSC-90– 2415-H-002-003). An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 30th Congress of the International Geographical Union, 15–20 August 2004, Glasgow, UK. A modified version was presented at ‘‘Rediscover-ing Geography’’, 50th Anniversary Conference, Department of Geography, National Taiwan Univer-sity, March 26, 2005. The authors wish to thank Dr. John Lidstone for his editorial assistance, Dr. Chiu Luk and the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments. Remaining errors are our own.

Appendix 1

Settler Arrivals of Taiwan-born in Australia, 1985–1986 to 2003–2004

(14)

References

Australian Bureau of Statistics. Census of Population and Housing, unpublished statistics, 1986, 1991, 1996, 2001.

Bell M., 1996: Understanding Internal Migration, Bureau of Immigra-tion, Multicultural and Population Research. Australian Govern-ment Publishing Service, Canberra.

Berry B.J.L. and Kasarda J.D., 1977: Contemporary Urban Ecology. Macmillan, New York and London.

Bogue D., 1969: Principles of Demography. John Wiley and Sons, New York.

BIMPR (Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research) Settler Arrivals, various issues.

Boyer T.M., 1995: Instant Kiwis? – A Study of Migration and Adaptation of the Auckland Taiwanese Community. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Department of Geography, University of Auckland, New Zealand.

Brown L.A. and Moore E.G., 1970: The intra-urban migration process: a perspective. Geografiska Annaler 52, Ser. B, 1, 1–13. Brown L.A. and Moore E.G., 1971: The intra-urban migration

process: a perspective. In: Bourne L.S. (ed.), Internal Structure of the City: Readings on Space and Environment. pp. 200–209. Oxford University Press, New York.

Burnley I., 1996: Relocation of overseas-born population in Sydney. In: Newton P.W. and Bell M. (eds.), Population Shift: Mobility and Change in Australia Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra.

Burnley I., 2001: The Impact of Immigration on Australia: A Demo-graphic Approach. Oxford University Press, Victoria.

Chiang N., 2004a: Dynamics of self-employment and ethnic business among Taiwanese in Australia. International Migration 42(2): 153– 173.

Chiang N., 2004b: Middle-class Taiwanese immigrant women adapt to life in Australasia: case studies from Transnational households. Asian Journal of Women Studies 10(4): 31–57.

Chiang N., Chao C.H. and Hsu J.C., 1998: Contemporary immigra-tion of Chinese to North America and Australia. Journal of Geographical Science, National Taiwan University 24: 59–84. (In Chinese).

Chiang N. and Hsu J.C. 2000: Location decisions and economic incorporation of Taiwanese migrants in Sydney, Journal of Geographical Science, National Taiwan University 27: 1–20. (In Chinese).

Chiang N. and Kuo W., 2000: An examination of employment structure of Taiwanese immigrants in Australia. Asian Pacific and Migration Journal 9(4): 459–481.

Chiang N. and Song Y.L., 2001: Employment patterns of Taiwanese migrants in Australia. Journal of Geographical Science, National Taiwan University 29: 1–26. (In Chinese).

Coughlan J.E., 1998: The changing characteristics of Chinese migrants to Australia during the 1980s and early 1990s. In: Sinn E. (ed.), The Last Half Century of Chinese OverseasUniversity of Hong Kong Press, Hong Kong.

DIMA (Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs): Settler Arrivals, various issues.

DIMIA (Department of Immigration, Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs) 2003: Community Information Summary: The Taiwan-born Community.

Hsu J.C., 2002: Residential choice and decision-making process of Taiwanese migrants in Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne. Unpub-lished Ph.D. Dissertation, Chinese Cultural University. (in Chi-nese).

Hugo G., 1995: Understanding Where Immigrants Live. Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra.

Hugo G., 1996: Global mobility. In: Newton P.W. and Bell M. (eds.), Population Shift: Mobility and Change in Australia Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra.

Ip D., Anstee M. and Wu C.T. 1998: Cosmopolitanizing Australian Suburbia: Asian Immigration in Sunnybank. Journal of Population Studies: 53–79.

Ip D., Wu C.T. and Inglis C., 1998: Settlement experiences of the Taiwanese immigrants in Australia. Asian Studies Review 22(1): 2– 19.

Ip M., 2003: Seeking the last utopia: the Taiwanese in New Zealand. In: Ip M. (ed.), Unfolding History, Evolving Identity: The Chinese in New ZealandAuckland University Press, Auckland.

Kee P., 1999: The Australian census as an imperfect tool for understanding the Chinese diaspora community. Proceedings of Symposium on Year 2000 Census and Related Problems. ROC Population Association, Taipei.

Kosinski L.A. and Prothero R.M., 1970: Migration and Population Pressures on Resources. In: Zelinsky W., Kosinski L.A. and Prothero R.M. (eds.), Geography and a Crowding World Oxford University Press, New York.

Johnston R., Forrest J. and Poulsen M., 2001: The geography of an ethnicity: residential segregation of birthplace and language groups in Sydney, 1996. Housing Studies 16(5): 569–594.

Massey D.S. and Bitterman B., 1985: Explaining the paradox of Puerto Rican segregation. Social Forces 64: 306–330.

Moore E.G., 1972: Residential Mobility in the City, Commission on College Geography Resource Paper No. 13. Association of American Geographers, Washington D.C..

(15)

Murphy J., 1997: Initial Location Decisions of Immigrants. Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, Canberra.

Pahl R.E., 1979: Socio-political factors in resource allocation. In: Herbert D.T. and Smith D.M. (eds.), Social Problems and the City: Geographical Perspectives. pp. 33–46. Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Rossi P.H., 1955: Why Families Move: A Study in the Social Psychology of Urban Residential Mobility. The Free Press, New York. Schak D., 1999: Middle-class migration and problems of adjustment:

Taiwanese business migrants in Brisbane. In: Tseng Y.F., Bulbeck C., Chiang N. and Hsu R. (eds), Asian Migration: Pacific Rim Dynamics. Monograph No. 1. Taipei: Interdisciplinary Group for Australian Studies, National Taiwan University.

Short J.R., 1984: The Urban Arena: Capital, State and Community in Contemporary Britain. Macmillan, London.

Tam M., 2003: Empowering mobility: ‘‘Astronaut’’ women in Australia. In: Lee E.W.Y. (ed.), Gender and Change in Hong Kong: Globalization, Postcolonialism, and Chinese PatriarchyUBC Press, Vancouver.

Tonkin S., 1993: Initial Location Decisions of Immigrants: Results from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia (LSIA) Pilot. Bureau of Immigration and Population Research, Canberra.

Wang L., 1993: Immigration and Settlement – Hong Kong Immigrants in Sydney, Australia. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, School of Geog-raphy, University of New South Wales, Australia.

White S. and Williams L., 1996: Initial location decisions of immigrants. In: Newton P.W. and Bell M. (eds.), Population Shift: Mobility and Change in Australia. pp. 22–22. Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra.

Wolpert J., 1965: Behavioral aspects of the decision to migrate. Papers and Proceedings of the Regional Science Association 15: 159–69.

Wolpert J., 1966: Migration as an adjustment to environmental stress. Journal of Social Issues 22(4): 92–102.

Wu C.T., Ip D. and Inglis C., 1998: Settlement experiences of recent Chinese immigrants in Australia: a comparison of settlers from Hong Kong, Taiwan and China. In: Sinn E. (ed.), The Last Half Century of Chinese Overseas.University of Hong Kong Press, Hong Kong.

Xu L. and Liaw K.-L., 2003: Explanation of Initial Destination Choices of Skilled Immigrants from Hong Kong, China and Taiwan to Canada: 1983–1999. Journal of Population Studies 26: 26–70. Yu Z. 2005: A different path to homeownership: the case of Taiwanese

數據

Table 2. Settler Arrivals of Taiwan-born, 1985–1986 to 2003–2004 Year of Arrival Persons Percentage of
Figure 1. Distribution of Taiwan-born Population in Major Cities of Australia. Data source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Unpublished Census Data, 1986, 1991, 1996, 2001.
Figure 2. Distribution of Taiwan-born Population in States in Australia. Data source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Unpublished Census Data, 1991, 1996, 2001.
Figure 3. Distribution of Taiwanese Immigrants in Sydney, 2001. Data source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Unpublished data, 2001
+3

參考文獻

相關文件

development consequently results in the rising of such Buddhist sects as Shelun zong and Weishi zong in China. Lévi the French scholar corrected and published the Sanskrit

How does drama help to develop English language skills.. In Forms 2-6, students develop their self-expression by participating in a wide range of activities

The subjects for the present study are 495 first-graded students from five Taiwanese senior high schools, and 270 freshmen from the Department of

Master Taixu has always thought of Buddhist arts as important, the need to protect Buddhist arts, and using different forms of method to propagate the Buddha's teachings.. However,

Microphone and 600 ohm line conduits shall be mechanically and electrically connected to receptacle boxes and electrically grounded to the audio system ground point.. Lines in

z The project, conducted by the Business Council of Australia with the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, was completed in March 2002. z Employability : skills required

Experiment a little with the Hello program. It will say that it has no clue what you mean by ouch. The exact wording of the error message is dependent on the compiler, but it might

The Prajñāpāramitā-hṛdaya-sūtra (般若波羅蜜多心經) is not one of the Vijñānavāda's texts, but Kuei-chi (窺基) in his PPHV (般若波羅蜜多心經 幽賛) explains its