An Ideal Penis for Men-- Comparative Study on the Ideas about the Organs for Sexual Activities in History of China and Japan

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(1)An Ideal Penis for Men ── Comparative study on the ideas about the organs for sexual activities in Histories of China and Japan── Sumiyo Umekawa 1. Introduction This paper is a tentative study on the cultural factors observed in the conceptions of “body”, especially of the male genital organs, in the histories in China as well as in Japan. Chinese sex manuals, known as Fangzhongshu 房中術(the Art of the Bedchamber) has traditionally paid great attentions on the state of male sexual organ, which is partly natural as the extant literature of the genre was apparently addressed to male audience.1 Such attentiveness on the penis paradoxically reveals their scheme of “the ideal penis” for men. As these concerns were fundamentally observed in the literature of the Art of the Bedchamber, they were possibly “ideal” only in technical terms, or for sexual activities. Yet, we start to wonder such phalli-centric attitude contains certain cultural factors as well, especially when we compare Chinese sex manuals with Japanese sex-related literature. Being greatly influenced by traditions of Chinese sexual art, 2 Japanese  1. 2. 日本明治要藥科大學講師。 For the readership of the sexual art, see for instance, Sumiyo Umekawa, Sex and Immortality- A Study of Chinese Sexual Activities for Better-Being, a PhD thesis presented to School of Oriental and African Studies, London University, 2004. p.125, Footnote 443. Early state of Japanese sexology was based on early tradition of the sexual art in China, which were quoted in Tanba no Yasuyori’s Ishinpō 医心方. From the Muromachi period onward, there were seemingly new arrivals of Chinese erotic literature composed after the Song, of which.

(2) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄277〄. literature on sex, most of which were produced especially during the Edo period (1603-1867),. share several points concerning the penis with Chinese manuals of the. genre. The best instance should be the size of the organ, which could have been the most concerned matter all over the world. Nonetheless, there are clear differences in notions about the organ between these two countries, too. For instance, Japanese care about what can be regarded as beauty of the phallus, on which Chinese pay no attention. Certainly, the entry of beauty amongst the conditions of “the ideal penis” cannot be technical reasons, nor for the sake of sexual activities. It should be something to do with cultural causes. In order to see cultural aspects underlying in the differences between two countries, this paper examine the written statements about the penis first. We begin with the brief investigation on Chinese articles, which is followed by the short survey on Japanese documents. Then, we consider the ideas of “masculinity” or “phallocraticness” in Chinese culture carried on the back of the concept of “ideal penis”, in comparison with those in Japanese culture. It will be investigated representative should be Sunü Miaolun 素女妙論 , of which compilation date would be sometimes during the Ming. As for Ishinpō, see Sugitachi Yoshikazu 杉立義一. 1991. Ishinpō no Denrai 医心方の伝来 (Transmission of Prescriptions from Ishinpō). Kyoto: Shibunkaku shuppan. As for Sunnü Miaolun and its impact in Japan, see Machi Senjyuro 町泉寿郎, Nihon ni Okeru Bōchūsho to Sono Rekishi teki Hensen 日本における房中書とその歴史的変遷(Literature of the Sexual Art in Japan and Their Historical Changes), in Dai Jyūyon Kai Nicchū Dentō Igaku Gakujyutsu Kōjyūkai Tokyo Taikai—Yōsei, Nisen Nendai no Kenkō to Chōjyu no Tameni…Kōen Naiyō Shū 第十四回日中伝統医学学術交流会東京大会―養生―2000 年代の健康と長寿のために―公演内容集(The 14th Congress on Japanese and Chinese Traditional Medicine, Meeting at Tokyo ~ Nourishing Life ~ For Health and Longevity for the 2000’s). 1999、 pp.55~70; Yamazaki Mituo 山崎光夫, Sengoku Bushō no Yōjyōkun 戦国武将の養生訓(Instruction on Nourishing Life for Worriers during the Warring States Period), Tokyo, Shinchōsha, 2004. As for the introduction of and impact from the literature of the later Chinese sexual art, see Umekawa Sumiyo 梅川純代, Bōchū Seiai Gihō no Nicchū Kōryūshi—Kōki Bōchūsho ha Nihon ni Tutawattanoka 房中性愛技法の日中交流史―後期房中書は日本に伝わったのか(The History between Japan and China on Sexual Techniques of the Art of the Bedchamber—Have the Literature of the Later Tradition of the Sexual Art Been Transmitted to Japan?) . In Tanaka Fumio and Terry Kleeman eds. Dōkyo to Kyōsei Shisō 道教と共生思想(Daoism and Symbiotic Ideas). Tokyo. Kawade Shobo, 2009, pp.87-115..

(3) 〄278〄. 梅川純代. through the following three features; 1. A devotional appreciation toward the “gigantic phallus”; 2. A phallocentric approach for heterosexual activities with slight on vagina; 3. Whereabouts of the responsibility for sexual pleasure. By so doing, the paper will see the complexity of Chinese ideas of “masculinity” or “phallocraticness”, and “gender equivalence” within the tradition of Chinese sexual art.. 2. Statements on the Penis in Chinese Sex Related Materials Chinese sex manuals of which emergence cannot be later than the middle of Warring States Periods3 have considerably long history. So far as I reckon, this long tradition can be understood in two historical phases, by the end of the Tang and from the Song onward.4 Although there are still plenty to argue for this clarification, this paper will tentatively adopt this division for the convenience of the following discussions. Thus, what this paper will call as “the early art of the bedchamber” is the ideas and techniques observed in the documents compiled before the end of the Tang dynasty, which was roughly understood in terms of “medicine” by the current Chinese people. “The later art of the bedchamber”, on the other hand, indicates those seen in materials written after the Song dynasty, which was vaguely conceived as techniques for “Daoism”. 3. 4. by contemporary. See for instance, He Jiajun 何介鈞 and Zhang Weiming 張維明 ed. 1982. Mawangdui Hanmu 馬王堆漢墓 (Mawangdui Han Tombs). Beijing: Wenwu chuban. pp. 6-7, p.10; Zhou Shirong 周世榮. 1979. “Tantan Mawangdui Sanhao Hanmu de Jiandu 談談馬王堆三号漢墓的簡牘 (Discussing about epistles from Mawangdui no.3 Tomb)”. In Hunanxing Bowuguan 湖南省博物館 ed. Mawangdui Hanmu Yanjiu 馬王堆漢墓研究 (Studies on Mawangdui Han Tombs). Changsha: Hunan renmin chuban. pp. 338-339; Harper, Donald. 1997. Early Chinese Medical Literature---The Mawangdui Manuscripts. London, New York: Kegan Paul International. pp. 4-5. As for the conceptual shift on sexual art in Chinese history, see Umekawa, 2004, PhD thesis, pp.20-37. As for the temporary clarification of the early and later traditions, see Umekawa, 2009, footnote 2 and 3. Also see Umekawa Sumiyo, The Birth of Aphrodisiacs ―The Value on Sexual Pleasure in the Art of the Bedchamber after the Song dynasty, a paper presented at ICHS 2005 at Beijing, 24th, July, 2005a..

(4) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄279〄. Chinese people.5 In addition to sex manuals of both the early and later traditions, this section will survey the accounts on the penis seen in several literary works, especially in those called yanqing xiaoshuo 艶情小説 in Chinese, Novels on Voluptuous Feelings. This is because of the comparative purpose of this paper. Japanese literature on sex, as we will see later, is not precisely the “sex manuals” in Chinese way to talk about how to do sex. They usually contain two features of being a guide for sexual life and an erotic reading for fun. Thus, comparison only between such half manual and half entertaining articles with the literature of the Art of the Bedchamber would not be very appropriate. It is because of the matters on supposed audiences. The former was addressing to rather wide variation of people from the commoners to dilettantes or experts on sex, while the latter was supposedly written for the serious practitioners of the sexual art, though the 5. This generalization is based on the survey of bibliographic chapters in standard histories. The first surviving reference to the sexual art can be found in the bibliographic chapter of the 漢書, which categorises the sexual art in a section of “方技”, altogether with the medical techniques (“醫經” and “經方”) and those for the immortals (神僊). The later bibliographies in the following standard histories, such as the 隋書,舊唐書 and 新唐書 categorise the sexual art under the section of medicine, although a section for “道經” in the first text states to involve thirteen divisions of “房中” and thirty eight juan of texts. As pointed out by Douglas Wile, it is in the 宋史 that the sexual art became to be involved in Daoist section. As for the following standard histories, I have used the collated and punctuated edition. 漢書. Compiled by 班固(32-92 A.D.) around 100 A.D. 1996. 北京: 中華書局. 巻三十. “藝文志”. pp1776-1779. 隋書. Compiled by 魏徴(580-643) et al., in 636. 1973. 北京:中華書局.巻三十四,巻三十五.“經籍志”. pp.1050-1051, p.1091.舊唐書. Compiled by 劉煦(887-946), in 945. 1975. 北京: 中華書局. 巻四十七. “經籍志”. p.2051.新唐書. Completed by 歐陽修(1007-1072), in 1060. 1975. 北京: 中華書局. 巻五十九. “藝文志”. p.1570.宋史. Compiled by 脱脱(1313-1355), in 1345. 1977.北京: 中華書局.巻二百六,巻二百七, pp.5202-5313.Wile, Douglas.1992. Art of the Bedchamber---Chinese Sexual Yoga Classics Including Women’s Solo Meditation Texts. Albany: State University of New York Press. p.24. Although most of the standard histories were complied in later periods, they reflect the notion during the relevant dynasties to certain extent, as was the clarification of the sexual art in the 宋史 which corresponded with another bibliography composed during the Song dynasty. See 通志. Complied by 鄭樵 (1104-1162), in 1161. 1935. 上海: 商務院書館. 巻六十七. “藝文”. pp787-794..

(5) 〄280〄. 梅川純代. literature should have enjoyed larger variety of readers.6 Therefore, taking the expressions observed in Novels on Voluptuous Feelings into accounts would serve us more common and popular view on the genital organ shared in China, in addition to the expertised view we have from literature of the Art. It should be noted, however, the number of stories examined in this paper is very limited7 and therefore we cannot assume the outcome we have at the end of this section as more than a clue.. 6. 7. 白行簡, the preface of Tiandi Yinyang Jiaohuan Dalefu 天地陰陽交歓大楽賦 (The Heaven and Earth, Yin and Yang Songs of Great Satisfaction in Sexual Pleasure ) suggests the circle of literati where apparently Bai belonged had read certain sex manuals, like 洞玄子 and 素女経. Also, one part of this particular poem suggests the rather frequent and common use of sex manual for fun. See for instance, Tiandi Yinyang Jiaohuan Dalefu 天地陰陽交歓大楽賦 (The Heaven and Earth, Yin and Yang Songs of Great Satisfaction in Sexual Pleasure) In. Ye Dehui ed. Shuanmei jingan congshu 双梅影闇行書(The Collection of Shadow under Double Pram Trees), Changsha, 1914, p.1-2. Also see Sumiyo Umekawa, “Tiandi Yinyang Jiaohuang Dalefu in Comparison with Other Literature of the Art of the Bedchamber”. In Vivienne Lo and Christopher Cullen ed. Medieval Chinese Medicine : The Dunhuang medical manuscripts. Routledge Curzon, London, 2003a, pp.253-77. I have consulted with the following novels. Jinpingmei 金瓶梅(The Golden Lotus), Chibozi Chuan 痴婆子伝(Biography of Crazy Old Lady), compiled by Furong Furen 芙蓉夫人 and edited by Qingchizi 情痴子. Published as a series of Zhongguo Lidai Jinhui Xiaoshuo Hainaiwai Chenzeng Miben Jicui 中国歴代禁毀小説海内外珍蔵秘本集粋, Vol.7 of the 1st Collection. Taibei, Shuandi Guoji Shiwu Youxian Gongsi, 1994. ; Ruyiqun Cuan 如意君伝(Biography of The Lady Do as She Wants to Do), compiled by Xu Changling 徐昌齢. I have referred to the following versions: 1) Zetian huanghou Ruyiqun Chuan 則天皇后如意君伝, published by Tōto Seihikaku 東都清閟閣. Reprinted in Ota Tatsuo and Ida Yoshiro ed. Chūgoku Hiseki Sōkan 中国秘籍叢刊 (Collective Publication on Chinese Secret Books) 3 Vols., Tokyo, Kyūko Shoin. 1987. 2) Tūzoku Nyoikun Den 通俗如意君伝(The Vulgar Version of Biography of the Lady Do as She Wants to Do) with Comments by Jijimusai Mouroku 自辞矛斉蒙陸. In Ota Tatsuo and Ida Yoshiro ed. Chūgoku Hiseki Sōkan 中国秘籍叢刊(Collective Publication on Chinese Secret Books) 3 Vols., Tokyo, Kyūko Shoin. 1987. Rouputun 肉蒲団(Bedding of Flesh), edited by Qingchi Fanzheng Daoren 情痴反正道人. Published as a series of Zhongguo Lidai Jinhui Xiaoshuo Hainaiwai Chenzeng Miben Jicui 中国歴代禁毀小説海内外珍蔵秘本集粋, Vol.5 of the 2nd Collection. Taibei, Shuandi Guoji Shiwu Youxian Gongsi, 1995., Cuichunfeng 酔春風(Drank with Spring Wind), talked by Jiangzuo Shuian 江左誰菴. Published as a series of Zhongguo Lidai Jinhui Xiaoshuo Hainaiwai Chenzeng Miben Jicui 中国歴代禁毀小説海内外珍蔵秘本集粋, Vol.5 of the 8th Collection. Taibei, Shuandi Guoji Shiwu Youxian Gongsi, 1996..

(6) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄281〄. 2-1. Concern on the Male Genital Organ Seen in the Early Literature of the Art The early literature of the sexual art is consisted of two groups of materials. One is those excavated from Mawangdui in 1973 to become the earliest extant of the genre,8 most of which were considered to have been composed before and around the Qin dynasty.9 The other is those supposedly compiled by the end of the Tang and quoted in Japanese Ishinpō 医心方 by Tanba no Yasuyori 丹波康頼 in 984.10 Although these two groups of materials share the certain underlying ideas and techniques, here we see them one by one, due to the huge periodical gaps they. 8. 9. 10. Consisted of Yangshengfang 養生方 (Recipes for Nourishing Life), Zajingfang 雑禁方 (Recipes for Various Charms), Shiwen 十問 (Ten Questions), Heyinyang 合陰陽 (Uniting Yin and Yang), and Tianxiazhidaotan 天下至道談 (Discourse on the Ultimate Way under Heaven) and Taichanshu 胎産書 (Book of the Generation of the Fetus). Amongst these, Ten Questions, Uniting Yin and Yang, and Discourse on the Ultimate Way under Heaven were especially concentrating on sexual art. See for instance, Harper, Donald. 1997. pp. 4-5. Although the dates of compositions about any texts found from Mawangdui remain uncertain, scholars agree that outline of the texts might have been set by sometimes during Warring States Periods(475-221 B.C.). He Jiajun 何介鈞 and Zhang Weiming 張維明 ed. 1982. Mawangdui Hanmu 馬王堆漢墓 (Mawangdui Han Tombs). Beijing: Wenwu chuban. pp. 6-7, p.10; Zhou Shirong 周世榮. 1979. “Tantan Mawangdui Sanhao Hanmu de Jiandu 談談馬王堆三号漢墓的簡牘 (Discussing about epistles from Mawangdui no.3 Tomb)”. In Hunanxing Bowuguan 湖南省博物館 ed. Mawangdui Hanmu Yanjiu 馬王堆漢墓研究 (Studies on Mawangdui Han Tombs). Changsha: Hunan renmin chuban. pp. 338-339; Harper, Donald. 1997. pp. 4-5. Consisted of The Sunüjing 素女經 (The Classic of Plain Girl), Xuannüjing 玄女經 (The Classic of Dark Girl), Donxuanzi 洞玄子 (Master Dongxuan), Yufang Mijue 玉房秘訣 (Secrets of the Jade Chamber), Yufang Zhiyao 玉房指要 (Essentials of the Jade Chamber) , Beiji Qianjin Yaofang 備急千金要方 (Priceless Prescriptions for Emergency) and etc. Until the “rediscovery” of Ishinpō, most of these sexual classics had been believed to be lost in China. These classics were reconstructed by Ye Dehui 葉德輝 in 1904 and collected in Shuangmei Jingan Congshu 双梅景闇叢書 (Shadow of the Double Plum Tree Collection). See the first chapters of following works. Sugitachi Yoshikazu 杉立義一. 1991. Ishinpō no Denrai 医心方の伝来 (Transmission of Prescriptions from Ishinpō). Kyoto: Shibunkaku Shuppan..

(7) 〄282〄. 梅川純代. apparently have.11 It would be Shiwen 十問(Ten Questions) which stands as the best example for the phalli-centric concern within the earliest extant of the sex manuals amongst Mawangdui sex manuals. This material is consisted of ten didactic dialogs each of which discusses the general topic concerning about the sexual art and a half of the dialogues concern about the penis. (see Table 1).. The contents observed amongst. five questions can be summarized as follows; 1. about the cuisine to recover the penis after the ejaculation. (in Second Question),. and the treatment of the impotence Question on the one because of the tiredness), Question),. 2. about the causation, the prevention. (in Fifth Question on the one caused by aging and in Eighth. 3. about the importance of phallic care(in the Sixth. 4. about the methods to improve or to reform the genital organ(in the Seventh. Question).. Especially, one of the strongest concerns seen in this article is the decline of the function of the penis which is usually earlier than those of the works of other physical parts. For instance, the Seventh Question refers to the male sexual organ with the expression as follows; “the thing which is born together with the body but declines faster than the body(夫與身倶生而先身老者)”.12 Therefore, we can assume that it is the maintenance of the male genital function as well as the methods for it, rather than the improvement and reform of the penis, that Ten Questions pays greater attentions. On the other hand, it is the supplementary “drugs” for the sexual activities as the art, rather than the texts themselves, that would show us the concerns on the penis the best, in the case of the materials compiled before the end of the Tang and quoted in Ishinpō. For instance, the 28th juan of Ishinpō entitled as Bōnai 房内 11. 12. Texts quoted by Ishinpō were seemingly composed by the end of the Tang dynasty, which is evident in bibliographic records. See Umekawa, 2004. pp.20-37 Shiwen(十問) I have referred to the following version; Mawangdui hanmu boshu zhengli xiaozu 馬王堆漢墓帛書整理小組 ed. Mawangdui Hanmu Boshu 馬王堆漢墓帛書 (Manuscripts from Mawangdui Han Tombs). Beijing: Wenwu chuban. 1985. Vol.4. p.149..

(8) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄283〄. introduces 39 remedies to support sexual activities.13 Amongst them, 24 recipes were for the use of men, whereas the remaining 15 are for women. (See Table 2).. 5. drugs for ladies are to shrink the size of vagina, 6 are to treat or to soften the pain at losing virginity, and remaining 4 are for the bad health conditions due to the excessive sex.14 Meanwhile, most remedies for male are for the well or better being of the penis, with two exceptions.15 The efficacies proposed by 22 drugs for the penis can be condensed as following three aspects; 1. to cure the impotence, 2. to make it enable to have sex with multiple partners a night or to impregnate women continuously at old age, by means of increasing the vigor and energy, 3. to improve or reform the condition of the penis.. Especially, that ten remedies which take up. nearly half of the total recipes advocate the first effectiveness shows the strong anxiety toward the impotence. As for the third effect, we can also find the eight drugs which is one third of the total 24 remedies.. What is supposedly improved or reformed through such. remedies is as follows; 1)the thickness, 2) the length, 3) the hardness, and 4)what can be called as the impetus or the strength at the erection. Especially, we can see that the first two features of the thickness and the length apparently gain particular interests of people from the fact that there is a subordinate chapter in 28th juan of Ishinpō, which is entitled as “Gyokkei Shō Dai Nijyū Nana 玉茎小第二十七(The 27th. 13. 14. 15. For this, see Umekawa, 2005a, and Umekawa Sumiyo 梅川純代, “Biyaku-Chūgoku Seigihō ni okeru Shoku 媚薬―中国性技法における食(Aphrodisiacs—Diet in Chinese Sexual Techniques)”. In Suzuki Akihito 鈴木晃仁, Ishizuka Hisaro 石塚久郎 ed. Shokuji no Gihō—Shintai Ibunnka Ron4 食餌の技法―身体医文論 4(Techniques for Food—Essays on Body, Medicine and Literature 4). Tokyo. Keio Gijyuku Diagaku Shuppankai. 2005b pp93-216. Ishinpō 28th juan(I refer to transcriptions of Asakuraya edition. Reprinted in 1955. Beijing: Renmin weisheng chuban.)pp.656-657. Remedy 20 is a sort of caution not to put near to the penis, whereas the following remedy 21 is a drug to weaken the excessively strong penis. See Table 2, as well as Ishinpō, 28th Juan. pp652-656..

(9) 〄284〄. 梅川純代. Subordinate Chapter on the Small Penis)”.. 16. Of course, this small section shows the interest. held by Tanba no Yasuyori rather than by Chinese people. However, it still tells us that there were enough remedies existed for Tanba to set up this special section on the methods to do something for “small penis”.. 2-2. Concern on the Male Genital Organ Observed in the Later Literature of the Sexual Art It is also through the supplementary “drugs” which can be understood in terms of “aphrodisiacs” in broad sense. (for which, see Table 3 and 4). to follow the evaluation on. people’s concern on the penis amongst the materials of later tradition of the sexual art. We can observe several characteristics in the “drugs” for the use of sexual activities emerged in the later tradition in comparison with those in the early tradition.17 What matters at the moment, however, should be the following three points; 1. the increase number of drugs for the use of female, 2. the emergence of “aphrodisiacs” in narrow sense including drugs to improve the sexual pleasure, to promote the physical sensitivity and to make a person fall in love or feel rust, 3. the ramification of effectiveness promised by medicines for the use of male, or more precisely to say, for the use of male genital organ.18 The effect condensed in the second feature of the above mentioned summary, namely the one to increase the vigor and energy is, for instance, divided into several categories and differentiated one by one, as follows; 1. the permanence or the maintenance of the coitus, 2. the endurance to avoid ejaculation which we can probably name something like “anti-ejaculativeness”, 3. the maintenance of the erection, 4. the increase number of having sex and etc. Such notion can be. 16 17 18. Ishinpō, 28th Juan. pp.655-656. As for this, see Umekawa, 2005a and b. ibid..

(10) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄285〄. understood as the growth or increase of the anticipation toward the function or the work of the male genital organ. Along with such high concern on the penis itself, the improvement and the reform of the organ still keep comparatively strong concerns. Yet, the points to matter does not show any change from the thickness, the length, the hardness and the strength. As for the first two characteristics seen in the supplementary “drugs” of the later tradition, these are linked with each other. The drugs for the use of female increased its number dramatically in comparison with those in earlier tradition. However, many medicines are for the use of “promoting physical sensitivity”, of “increasing the sexual pleasure” or even of making a lady open her legs immediately. Therefore, we can say that the later tradition started to regard things like that female also feel sexual pleasure. It, however, still does not really care about the female genital organ, as there is not much differences on effectiveness gained from remedies focusing on vagina, between the early and the later tradition. They mainly shrink female vagina, although there is one recipe to widen the vagina which is too small for the penis to insert.19 Thus, even though the “aphrodisiacs” in the later tradition started to realize the existence of female during the sexual activities, or that sexual activity was indeed an act between the male and the female, they still neglected the being of vagina. Or it would be more appropriate to say that they were too phalli-centric to notice that female vagina have more variation than being in the need to be shrink or not.. 2-3. Short Summary on Male Genital Organ Observed in Chinese Sex 19. **錦帳生春丹(三峰採戦).

(11) 〄286〄. 梅川純代. Manuals To say briefly, we can sum as follows. 1) It is the male penis amongst other genital organs that the literature of the sexual art in China paid greatest attention. 2) It is about the matters of impotence which is concerned the most amongst any other issues concerning the penis. 3) The permanence or the maintenance of the erection, or the coitus as well as the endurance from ejaculations is also highly concerned. 4) It is the thickness and the length the reform or the improvement of the organ tend to do something on. 5) It is always the width when female vagina matters and narrow and small vagina like the one girls or virgins would have is seemingly valued. Most of these points can be understood in relation with the nature of the literature of the sexual art. As for the first four points, that the sex manuals in China was fundamentally addressing to the male audience would be deeply related. These concerns observed in manuals should have reflected the real concerns held by ancient men to some extent. Also, the high concern on the permanence, maintenance of the erection and coitus including the feature not to ejaculate should be related with some underlying ideas of the Art of the Bedchamber. Such interests are especially linked with the view to see the orgasm as the timing to produce, or discharge the highest quality of qi 気 from the human body. This is why one of the important techniques for the sexual art is to obtain the highest quality of qi at the female orgasm while preserving the highest quality of qi of male self, by sustaining him from his orgasm.20 Under these circumstances, the permanence of the erection or the coitus would have been needed, to some extent, in order to bring female to her climax. Meanwhile, the ability of not to ejaculate was required to protect his own best qi. There are, however, some inconsistency against the concepts of Chinese 20. As for the orgasm and qi, see Umekawa, 2004. pp.115-147..

(12) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄287〄. sexual art. For instance, the improvement or the reform of the penis mentioned as the fourth point is one of the matters which had gained great attention from the earliest examples. However, the Art of the Bedchamber fundamentally claims that the size, length and so forth do not matter only if a man knows the righteous way to have sex.21 This in turn declares people care about the goodness or badness of the penis because they do not possess the appropriate sexual techniques, or more plainly, they do not know the Art. As the potential readers of sex manuals would have been supposedly “know” the techniques and the art, they had, in theory, no need to worry about the state of their own penis. Thus, there is no need for manuals to introduce the methods to improve or reform the penis. Still, as we have already seen, this has been the matter which could have been gaining very keen interests of potential readers. By the way, it should be noted that the fifth point is not a matter for modern feminism ideas should challenge against. I do not deny the possibility that the small vagina could have been dreamed of from the point of view of male pleasure, but it is a matter related much more with other underlying ideas of the sexual art, rather than such patriarchal selfish prejudice against women. Indeed, especially in the early tradition of the art, male sexual pleasure which would be lead to male orgasm is not what the art seeks for. On the contrary, it is something one should rather avoid. It is the idea of qi which connects with this fifth point of female vagina, which is supposed to reach its max or fullest amount around boy’s first ejaculation and girl’s first menstruation.22 As these occur during the period in which the. 21. 22. “交接時女或不悦、其質不動、其液不出、玉莖不強、小而不勢、何以爾也…今陳九事…慎莫違失”, “肥大者内寸半、弱小者、入一寸 .” Ishinpō. 28th juan. “fangnei”. pp.637-638. Also see Umekawa, 2004, pp.123-130. See for instance, Sakade Yoshinobu 坂出祥伸 . 2001. “ 気の自然観･生命観 (Ki no Shizenkan/Seimeikan), The Ideas of Qi in Nature/ The life”. 中国文化研究(Chūgoku Bunka Kenkyū, The Study of Chinese Culture) . The initial number. Kyoto: Chūgoku bunka Kenkyūkai. pp2-6.p4; Umekawa, pp.52-66.

(13) 〄288〄. 梅川純代. secondary sex characteristic start to appear, any quality for women related with this particular period was valued.23. 2-4. Statements on Male Genital Organ Observed in Novels on Voluptuous Feelings As I have already confessed, I have consulted with very limited novels this time and therefore the following observation of mine cannot be standardized. Yet, so far as I have aware from reading these limited but famous erotic stories, it is overwhelmingly about the penis that we can find the statements concerning genital organs. Indeed, I can find only a couple of mentions about female genital organs as follows; 1. about the general explanation about the structure of female genital organ. (seen in Chibozi Chuan 痴婆子伝),. Chuan and Ruyiqun Chuan 如意君伝), Chuan and Cui Chunfeng 酔春風).. 2. about the very big and wide vagina(seen in Chibozi. and 3. about the condition of pubic hair. (seen in Ruyiqun. Amongst these three, the second point to which I will. return later interestingly concerns about the “size” of female “genital organ”, just like the case for the penis. And indeed, it is again the size of the penis which usually gains the greatest attention amongst these stories, when the male organ is mentioned. For instance, Chibozi Chuan is a sort of sexual life history of a lady until she was divorced by her husband. She sometimes recalls men with whom she had relations and what came back to her memories most vividly was apparently the size of their organs. Interestingly enough, she explains the characteristics of the penis in terms of comparison with those of others. For instance, she remembers her first. 23. For this, see Sakade Yoshinobu 坂出祥伸 and Umekawa Sumiyo 梅川純代, Ki no Shisō karamiru Dōkyō no Bōchūjyutsu—Ima ni Ikiru Kodai Chūgoku no Seiai Chōjyuhō 「気」の思想から見る道教の房中術 ―いまに生きる古代中国の性愛長寿法 ―(Daoist Art of the Bedchamber from the Ideas of Qi---Ancient Chinese Sexual Methods for Longevity Living Today). Tokyo. Goyō Shobō. 2003b. pp/???; Umekawa, 2003a..

(14) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄289〄. affair with her father-in-law and says that “the penis of the father in law makes that of Datu its elder brother, that of Yinglang its younger brother and that of the husband its equal(翁之陽、當兄、事大徒弟、事盈朗、而與夫相伯仲)”.24 It means that the penis of her father in law is smaller than Datu’s but larger than Yinglang’s and almost the same as his own son, i.e. her husband’s. It shows that the heroin remembers the volume of the penis not because it was the large or small. It was rather because it was the size what matters the most for her during the sexual affairs. We have another instance for the reminiscence of male penises in Ruyiqun Cuhan, which depicts the sexual life of declining years of Zetian Wuhou 則天武后.25 She recalls the conditions of male sexual organ of the partners with whom she had relations and tells her last consolation, Bi Aozao 薛敖曹. Although she does not “compare” each organs in a manner the heroin of Chibozi Chuan does, her description on the penis is much more complicated appraisal in a way. For instance, she cares about expansion of the penis26 and the ability or potential to bring her sexual pleasure27 which includes the maintenance or the permanent of the coitus,28 24 25. 26 27. Chibozi Chuan. p.88 I have referred to two versons for this novel. One is reprinted by 東都書舗 with Japanese translation by Jijimusai Mouroku 自辞矛斉蒙陸 (presumed as Yamaguchi teruo 山口輝雄, Tūzoku Nyoikun Den 通俗如意君伝.) “朕年十四にして始て太宗に侍せしし。太宗の肉具は中常のなれども朕新割を苦しむのみに非ず。年幼少にして快く受納ることを痛楚す。(中略)高宗の肉具は壮大にして亀稜高く、茎温柔なれば、捨べき肉具にてはなけれども、奥(けう)発して二十回も抽送すれば忽漏精玉ひて朕が快美二通に過ぎず。(中略)僧懐義和尚を得たり。此僧の肉具又高宗の類に非ず。始痿たるを玭(牛へん)中に探入て後、漸く長大極て堅くして熱す。(中略)昌宗、易之兄弟は両美麗の少人。易之が肉具、頗る大なり。昌宗は長七寸に至れり。依て楽に供るに足りと雖、一泄しての後肉具再怒ることなく、或は抽送のにして央にして痿”.pp.120-124. Chinese version goes as follows; “常憶我年十四侍太宗、太宗肉具中常、我年幼小、尚覚痛楚不能堪・・・高宗肉具壮大、倶興発奥盡、倶由他我不得恣意為楽、幸彼晏駕。得懐義和尚、其肉具初不如高宗、入爐之後、漸大漸長、極堅而熱、通夜不休・・・今昌宗易之兄弟、両美麗少年、易之肉具頗大、昌宗長至六七寸、亦足供我快楽、而一泄後再不肯挙、甚至中痿”. p.36 倶興発奥盡; 入爐之後、漸大漸長. P.36 For instance, she does not value the penis of the emperor Taizong because of the pain she had at her losing virginity and looks down the organ of the emperor Gaozong because of his premature.

(15) 〄290〄. 梅川純代. in addition to the size. There are two instances which would show us the uniqueness about depiction on the penis in this novel the most. First instance is her statement about the emperor Gaozong’s penis, which goes as follows; The emperor Gaozong’s one was “not the one for disposal because it enlarged greatly, the edge of the glans stays up high, and its pole maintains warmth and softness”.29 But he was not good at upholding his pleasure. He tended to give ejaculation prematurely after twenty times of insertions “which permitted Zetian Wuhou to feel pleasure only twice”.30 In addition to the points of her own pleasure as well as the maintenance or permanence of the coitus, she cares about the position of the glans and the feeling of the pole. As she constantly cares about the degree, or number of times of her pleasure, the height of glans and the touch of the pole might have been related with, or at least considered to be related with female sexual pleasure. The other interesting example is the statement concerning the penis of the monk Huaiyi 懐義. His is explained as follows; “At the beginning his was soft, but became longer, bigger, harder and hotter inside the vagina”.31 What matters here is. 28. 29. 30. 31. ejaculation which only gave her chances to feel sexual pleasure twice during the coitus. P.36. In the case of Changzong and Yizhi brothers, it was the problems with restoration of energy as well as maintenance of the coitus. Once ejaculated, theirs would never erect again. Or sometimes theirs wither during the actions of insertion and withdrawal. P.36. 高宗の肉具は壮大にして亀稜高く、茎温柔なれば、捨べき肉具にてはなけれども. P.120. For this, I refer to Japanese version, as Chinese version seemingly did not mention about the warmth and etc. As Chinese version seemingly do not mention about this, this part could have been invented by Japanese. 奥(けう)発して二十回も抽送すれば忽漏精玉ひて朕が快美二通に過ぎず p.120. This part could have also been invented by Japanese as we do not have twenty insertions and etc. in Chinese version. Yet, these two instances in the above note in 29 and this note in 30 still does not to fail to show the empress’s detailed descriptions on the male penis in Chinese novels, though rather exaggerated ways to fit for Japanese taste. Japanese version goes as follows; 始痿たるを玭(牛へん)中に探入て後、漸く長大極て堅くして熱す。p.120. Chinese version goes as follows; 其肉具初不如高宗、入入爐之後、漸大漸長、極堅而熱、通夜不休. P36..

(16) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄291〄. completely different from what we have seen so far, as it is not about the size, maintenance, permanence, or the height or the touch of some parts of the organ. It is rather a function or the circumstance of the organ during the coitus, than a stable condition of the penis before the insertion. And apparently his penis was valued because of its “alteration inside the vagina”. As we will see later, what is explained here is extremely similar with what Japanese called “Fu mara 麩マラ, the penis of Fu, a food made of gulten, which is hard when it is dry but becomes soft when it is wet”. Meanwhile Japanese put extreme value on this type of penis as we will see, Chinese apparently did not pay such “alteration” during the coitus much attention, though they knew that this kind would be very valuable. This assumption is because of the fact that this statement about the monk Huaiyi is the only one case I have found so far about such type of penis. At least, such nature of transformation was clearly less valued than the size. Indeed, such extreme concern on the largeness and the length of the penis seemingly start to form a sort of “belief” in the “gigantic penis” amongst Chinese novels of this genre. For instance, the neighboring young wife in Chibozi Chuan, who explains about the heterosexual sex to the heroin, says as follows; “With the small and short one will never see the pleasure of it. (=sex),. therefore, it should. definitely be the one with hugeness and length, rising high and enlarging that fills well.32”. In short, she says without the big, long penis with great erection, no penis can make female feel good. This statement is made as an opinion, or at least, alleged opinion, from female point of view, but we can find the synonymous judgments from male side everywhere. Indeed, the soul seeking for “the gigantic penis” which enables every women sexually satisfied makes the hero of Rouputun 肉蒲団, Wei Yangsheng 未央生, to transplant the erected penis of a dog.33. 32. 33. “惟微而短者、鮮能至其處、則不見其楽、故必巨而長、昂而大、為能充満乎”. Chibozi Chuan, p.64 Rouputun, p.106..

(17) 〄292〄. 梅川純代. Rouputun somehow tells us why Chinese men were still eager to reform their penis after attaining the techniques and knowledge of the sexual art like Fangzhongshu. As I have pointed out, the size of the male organ would not matter in theory. The hero of this novel, Wei Yangsheng had learned a certain sexual technique from a monk. I am not sure if it was supposed to be the Fangzhongshu, or a sort of Neitan 内丹 for the double practice between man and woman, or a sort of Buddhist sexual techniques like Tantric ones. Yet, he had attained certain secrets of sexual art from a monk. Then, he further evaluates his knowledge on the genre, especially in relation with the theory to become the transcendent immortal through the sex, under the communication with a man called Cai Kunlun 賽崑崙. This person mentions that even though one has sexual techniques, one would not make use of his technique with poor penis, which eventually makes it difficult to accomplish the great ambition like becoming the transcendent. This theory makes Wei, the hero, mad to obtain the “gigantic penis”. In short, this explanation tells us that sexual technique may be enough to make female sexually satisfied, but may not enough to bring about the greater purpose. Or it rather shows us the technique would be adequate for ordinary men, but only the technique would not be enough for serious practitioners of the sexual art. Finally, it is worth mentioning that there is hardly any statement about female vagina. If any, they are about one of the three; about the structure of female genital organ(痴婆子伝), about the condition of pubic hair(如意君伝・酔春風), about the huge vagina(如意君伝・痴婆子伝). Amongst these, the third one should be specially noted, as it shows us that the female with huge or wide vagina is not necessarily regarded as “bad”, despite the fact traditional literature of the sexual art had concerned to “shrink” the size of vagina. Especially in the case of Ruyiqun Chuan, the woman with the huge vagina is super noble lady, namely Zetian Wuhou. The empress is not only noble but she is actually depicted saintly. She is a sort of goddess who saves a poor young man with gigantic penis who has kept his virginity because of the.

(18) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄293〄. hugeness of his organ which cannot be accepted by any women other her, and gives him humanly pleasure of sex.34. 3. Statements on the Penis in Japanese Sex Related Materials. The history of Japanese materials related with sexual affairs may have started with the 28th juan of Ishinpō 医心方 by Tanba no Yasuyori in 984. As it was a collection of Chinese literature of the sexual art compiled by the end of the Tang, Japanese ideas and techniques of the genre can be said to have emerged under the strong influence from early Chinese tradition of the art of the bedchamber. Indeed, written documents concerning about sex show us that Japanese had been following the early tradition of the sexual art as a part of medical theories until the early Edo period. 35 There were, however, seemingly arrivals of new trend of the sex sometimes around the beginning of Edo era, which apparently triggered the rise of erotic writings, along with the development of Ukiyoe 浮世絵 erotic drawings.36 We have numerous number of materials related with sexual affairs produced since Edo period. Some were in a form of stories, whereas others were attached onto or written within erotic drawings. Some were produced purely for fun, while others were created as guides for sexual activities. Some had rather academic attitude toward the activities, whereas others had rather empirical approach to the subject. Amongst these varieties of articles, here, we will refer to materials which had certain notions of being a guidebook for sexual affairs, as these articles exemplify rather chaotic conditions of Japanese erotic world at that time very. 34. 35 36. For instance, Japanese version goes”足下、高飛遠挙て乾坤の外に出るとも、遂に人道を知べからず。今聖上に非ずんば、誰か容べき者あらんと(p.93)” and “太后云、卿朕にあらずんば麈柄を納る牝あるべからず。朕又卿にあらずんば何を以て楽の最頂を極ん。(p.120)”. Chinese version goes “足下能高飛遠挙、出乾坤之外、且汝尚不知人道、非今聖上、誰可容者(p22-23)” and “后曰、汝非我不能容、我非汝無以楽(p.36)”. See Machi, 1999, Umekawa, 2009. See Umekawa, 2009..

(19) 〄294〄. 梅川純代. well.37 We can observe traditional ideas on sex, which came from early tradition of Chinese sexual art, newly arrived ideas which indicate ideas and techniques of the later tradition of the Chinese art introduced at the start of Edo period, Western ideas which were transmitted mainly through what was called Rangaku 蘭学, the study on Dutch throughout Edo era, and Japanese original conceptions. It should be emphasized for the purpose of this paper that there were definitely traces of. 37. The list of articles I have consulted are as follows; Shūshin Engi/ Ningen Rakuji 修身演義・人間楽事(Story on Training Body/ Enjoyable Thins for Human World), composed sometimes during Genna to Kanei eras (1615-42). I have referred to the version published from Taihei Shooku. Tokyo. 1992; Bonnai Sho ぼんない書(A Book Inside the Chamber), composed sometimes during Kanei era(1624-42). I have referred to the version Hanasaki Kazuo Sakuya Konohana 咲くやこの花 (Is This Flower Going to Bloom?). Taihei Shooku. Tokyo. 1999; Narihira Tawamuregusa 業平戯草 (Playing Weed by Narihira), also known as Bōnaikyō Tawamuregusa 房内経戯草(Playing Weed of a Sutra Inside the Chamber). This version. 3rd year of Kanmon era (1663). I have referred to a version published by Kinsei Fuzoku Kenkyukai, 1976.; Kōshoku Kinmō Zuyi 好色訓蒙図彙 (Picturesque Collection of the Lecture for the Ignorant on Loving Colour), with pictures drawn by Yoshida Hanbei 吉田半兵衛, published in the 3rd year of Jyokyo(1686) , Kōshoku Kaiawase 好色貝合(Matching Shells for the Loving Colour) and Jinrin Itokuzu 人倫糸屑(Lint of Human Moral), sequels of the Kinmō Zuyi, alo by Yoshida Hanbei, 4th year of Jyokyo(1687) For all three texts, I have referred to an edition in Richard Rain ed. Genroku no Erosu 元禄のエロス vol.5. Gabundō, 1979. ; Hanka Reikin Wakai 繁華麗錦和解(Japanese Explanation on Fanhua Lijin). Compiled by Chenchuzi 震初子, commented by Kiwami Sukebei 極助平, Published in 5th year of An’ei (1776), I have referred to the version published by Taihei Shooku, Tokyo, 1998.; Bidō Nichiya Jyohō Ki 艶道日夜女宝記(The Record of Female Treasure for Day and Night on Coquettish Way) compiled by Tukioka Seppen 月岡雪鼎 sometimes around Horeki to Tenmei era (1751-86). I have referred to the version started with sayings of Kaisei 開正, Senban Sakkō 千番撮交, Chōsei Hōkei 長生宝茎, and Keiho 茎補. ; Hyakunin Isshu Shokushi Bako 百人一出拭紙箱(A Box of Wiping Papers to Come out Once by a Hundred of People), compiled sometimes around Anei era (around 1773). I have referred to the version involved in Hayashi Yoshikazu ed. Enbishū 艶美集(Collection of Coquettish Beauty). 1937. ; Keichū Kibun 閨中紀文枕文庫 (Pocket Pillow Books for Sentences within the Bedchamber). 4 vols. By Keisai Eisen 渓斉英泉 , compiled during the Kansei to Tenpō era(1790-1840). I have referred to a reprinted versions with a explanation book by Hayashi Yoshikazu.; Shikidō Kinbishō 色道禁秘抄(Abandoned and Secret Notes on Way of Colours). By Tokakusai Sensei 兎角斎先生 in the fifth year of Tenpō(1834). I have referred to modern reprint by Amatoria sha, Tokyo, firstly in 1954, this edition in 1973. ; Danjyo Kyōkun Hana no Arika 男女狂訓華のあり香(The Smell of Flowers for Crazy Lecture for Man and Woman) compiled in the first year of Genji (1864). I have referred to the version published by Taihei Shooku, Tokyo, 1996..

(20) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄295〄. Chinese early tradition of sexual art, as well as those of later tradition amongst these Japanese materials. These Chinese concepts were indeed one of the underlying frameworks for the total conceptions of Japanese Edo erotic world. Looking over Japanese sex related materials, it is instantly noticeable that Japanese interests on genital organs went two ways. One is the view going down to details and to internal parts, whereas the other is the attention paid onto the variation. Also, we cannot miss the very strong concern onto female vagina. Indeed, Japanese interests on the variety of female vagina which are fundamentally observed in their settlement of certain criteria for assessment of organs, evolve two different theories; the theory of three jades within the vagina and the theory to judge the condition of vagina through female appearance. In contrast to such zealous attentiveness onto female vagina, there is much less concern for male penis. Only prominent characteristic is the existence of several different criteria for appraisals of male genital organs, as a correspondence to assessment of female ones. Yet, it is such appraisals that reveal the Japanese uniqueness in contrast with Chinese ideas of “ideal penis”. Let us see two ways of interest quickly. Japanese tendency to see object in details might be well exemplified and known through Shunga 春画, the erotic drawings of Edo period. 38. (Fig.1).. When it comes to genital organs including male. penis, however, it is not only the details that Japanese concerned, but also the internal parts.. For instance, Fig.2 is an image of male penis within the vagina,. and the attached title says the top of the penis is about to be swallowed by the womb.39. I personally agree with Timon Screech’s assumption which proposes. such detailed description of Japanese Shunga was partly because of the current popularity of Dutch Study, which increased “scientific and analytical point of. 38 39. Makura Bunko. Vol. 2. 15 a-b. (p.16-17) Makura Bunko vol.1 17a (p.18).

(21) 〄296〄. 梅川純代. view” amongst Japanese.40 So far as Japanese sex manuals during the Edo period would concern, there were certainly “scientific and analytical” attitude toward sexual organs. As for the appraisals of male genital organ, Table 1 is the brief summary of several criteria or assessments on the penis. The male genital organs are usually valued amongst 9 ranks consisted of the above, the middle and the below each of which are subdivided into the above, the middle and the below. The valuation amongst 9 levels obviously came from Chinese political system of Han dynasty, 41 and for some reasons, the number of variation for the penis does not have much latitude and usually stays between 9 and ten, though assessments for female vagina vary from three rankings to 24 levels.42 As shown in Table 5, several characteristics can be observed amongst what Japanese matters or concerns, which can be roughly summarized as follows; Firstly, Japanese did not really hold belief in “gigantic penis” and they had rather negative standpoint toward “too huge penis”. We have to be aware, however, that there should have existed certain trends or tendencies to value “gigantic penis” amongst society, which is contradictory backed up by the strong disapproval against the idea seen in the manuals. It may be noteworthy that this tendency against the “gigantic penis” can be also understood from another fact that some types of organ that 40. Screech, Timon. Shunga---Katate de Yomu Edo no E 春画 ― 片手で読む江戸の絵 (Shunga--Pictures of Edo Period to read with One Hand). Kodansha Mechie. Tokyo. 1998. pp.193-216.. 41. 42. As for the nine divisions which was originated in Chinese political system, see for instance, Tagashira Toshimitsu 田頭世光. “ ‘Kyūbon’ Kaishaku no Hensen ni tsuite「九品」解釈の変遷について (About Interpretations for “Nine Levels”)”. In. Tetsugaku 哲学 (The Journal of Hiroshima Philosophical Society) vol.53, 2001. pp.171-183; Kusano Yasushi 草野靖. “Gishin no Kyūbon Kanjinhō 魏晋の九品官人法(Method for Officials of Nine Levels during the Wei and Xin Dynasties)”. In Fukuoka Daigaku Jinbun Ronsō 福岡大学人文論叢 (Collections of Essays on Humanities of Fukuoka University). Vol.27-no.3,1995, pp,1615-1655. For instance, in Tōgen Kadō 桃源華洞(The Grot with Flowers of Peach Origin) by Ryū’ō Sanjin 龍王山人, sometimes during the 8th to 9th year of Showa Era, i.e. 1933 to 1934. See Akita Masami 秋田昌美. Nyoin Kō 女陰考(Think Vagina),Outō Shobō. Tokyo. 1999. p19.

(22) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄297〄. might be generally approved are contradictory disregarded. For instance, the “thick” penis and the “long” penis were not very much valued by Japanese, in contrast to Chinese concern on the size including the largeness and length. Especially the long penis was dealt as an unwilling object for female, as it is said “to harm women if a man use [the long penis] actively”.43 Secondly, Japanese rather concerned the situation or condition of the penis during the coitus than that before the insertion. It does not indicate that they do not care the state of the organ before the coitus. Indeed, they do very much as you can see in Table 5. This second feature only points out that it is yet the condition during the coitus which differentiates the better from the good, or the best from the better, especially when they evaluate the organs of high rankings. We have already seen the similar point of view in the case of Ruyiqun Chuan of China, but the magnitude of importance is quite different. Japanese valued this particular point much more than Chinese did. Thirdly, there can be seen a very strong depreciation for phimosis, which probably includes false one as well. So far as I reckon, there was no statement concerning phimosis amongst Chinese materials, no matter whether it is the literature of the art or the erotic novels. In the case of Japanese articles, however, phimotic penis almost always placed at the worst position in the judgment. Sometimes, it was disgraced because the phimotic one “would shrink once inserted in the jade gate, whereas it would erect up once pulled out from [the jade gate]”,44 43. 44. “思ひの侭おこなへば玉門をつらぬき病を求む”. Comments for a penis clarified as “Chō 長 (Long) of “Ku Dōgu no Chū 九道具の註(Comments on Nine Tools)” in Bidō Nichiya Jyohōki. p.13a. For another instance, Hyakunin Isshu Shokushi Bako also mentions about the penis under the category of “long” in “Yōkei no Ben 陽茎の弁(Opinions on Yang Stalk)” and says “女をしころすべし。おそるべし ([the long penis] would kill women through sex. Awful.)”. Hyakunin Isshu Shokushi Bako, p.31b(p.41). Kōshoku Tabimakura 好色旅枕(Travel Pillow of Loving Colours). “玉門の内へ入るれば縮み上がり、出せば勃へ出るなり。”. For this, I have referred to Shunroan Shujin 蕣露庵主人,Edo no Shikidō Shinansho no Keifu 江戸の色道指南書の系譜(Lineage of Guiding Manuals for Way of.

(23) 〄298〄. 梅川純代. in which case what really matters is seemingly the conditions of the organ during the penis rather than if it is phimotic or not. However, in most cases, this type of penis was disparaged because of the “tastelessness”45 during the coitus. In one material, the phimosis is looked down by saying “it would be still better than Harigata 張り方, an artificial fake penis for the female use at the masturbation”. 46 Under these circumstances, the reason of low grading for phimotic penis is yet its condition during the coitus. At least, this distaste against this type of organ suggests that there was a “belief” that phimotic penis would not work well during the intercourse and would not give female pleasure. Finally, there are several criteria that are apparently nothing to do with the function or work during the intercourse. These criteria, such as the colour of the organ, seemingly only matter in terms of “appearance”, but often have importance in the valuation. For instance, the “iron” penis which indicates the one with dark colour is placed fifth amongst ten rankings in Hyakunin Isshu Shokushi Bako 百人一出拭紙箱, whereas the “white” one is put under the “iron” one at the sixth, by saying “although it looks good, it does not have a taste”.47 Even though the colour in this case was discussed in relation with “taste”, appraisals for the penis apparently concern the “looks” or “appearance” of the organ quite deeply. For instance, Kōshoku Tabimakura 好色旅枕(Travelling. Pillow of Loving Colours). begins to. state for the middle rank penis as follows; “the figure of the middle rank penis is as such. The shape is similar to that of the above rank penis, this one is longer by five fun…”.48 The “figure” or the “shape” mentioned in this instance refer to the attached pictures and therefore concern for the “figure” or the “shape” would. 45 46 47 48. Colours during the Edo Period). Yōbunkan Chuppan. Osaka. 1998, p.75 “互いに味はなし(Tasteless for each other)”. Bidō Nichiya Jyohōki. p.13a Hyakunin Isshu Shokushi Bako. p.32a(p.41). “見たる所は美しけれど味わひ良からず.” Hyakunin Isshu Shokushi Bako. p.32a(p.41). “中まらの形、かくの如し。形は上まらに似たるやうなれども、五分長すぎ・・・”. Edo no Shikidō Shinansho no Keifu, 1998, p.74.

(24) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄299〄. supposedly be for the sake of readers to judge by glance in reality. Yet, the color, shape, figure and etc. obviously play much greater roles in comparison with the case in Chinese attention onto the same genital organ. These concern being seen in assessments for the penis, Japanese might have cared about the beauty of the organ in addition to its “function” and “work” during the activities. It would be probable especially when we remind ourselves the following two things. Firstly, such assessments are very often attached with drawings of the organs, theoretically for the convenience of readers. Secondly, as I have briefly pointed out, the literature of the erotic affairs during the Edo period was developed along with the progress of erotic pictures. The “ideal penis” for Japanese required people to count on beauty as well. In addition, the following two points should be mentioned as specific features observed in Japanese concerns on the male genital organs. Firstly, there were several sayings which insisted the size of the organ does not matter for the goodness or badness of the coitus, just like the surface insistence observed in the ideas of Chinese sexual art. These slogans are almost always related with special techniques, often called as “jyutsu 術 (The. Art)”. or “hijyutsu 秘術 (Secret. Art)”. in. Japanese sex manuals.49 To us, this Secret Art certainly indicates Chinese sexual art preserved and transmitted in several medical texts like Ishinpō or those introduced through several different mediums. Indeed, some sex manuals apparently designate traditional sexual art by this term Secret Art. However, the concept of the existence of the Secret Art on sex seemingly have been considered to be rather fantasy to many Edo people, including both the composers and audiences. In other words, they knew that there were some people talking about the 49. For instance, the earliest example I have referred so far, namely Bōnnai Sho often shows the terms “じゆつほう Jiyutsuhou” meaning Art and Techniques, “ひじゆつ Hijiyutsu” meaning the Secret Art and etc. Sakuya Konohana, 1999, p.32, 38, 39. For other instances, Narihira Tawamuregusa. Lower volume. p.1a. Bidō Nichiya Jyohōki. p.13a. Also see Edo no Shikidō Shinansho no Keifu, 1998,p.53.

(25) 〄300〄. 梅川純代. existence of Secret Art on sex, and many of them had vague ideas that foreign people, like Dutch and Chinese, had special techniques of sexual affairs. But they did not know particular person who really practiced the art, or what kind of techniques there were as secret art. So, the existence of Secret Art which would make the size of the penis not matter at all was a mere rumor for most of Edo Japanese. Second point to be noted is the idea of affinity or compatibility between male and female genital organs. The basic ideas of ranking the genital organ is claimed to help people to have better sexual affairs by mating a suitable partner with appropriate organ to fit. This is particularly evident in the statements for the “Jyōkai 上開(Above Open, the Best Vagina)” and “Gekai 下開(Below Open, the Worst Vagina)”. in Kōshoku Kinmō Zui 好色訓蒙図彙(Picturesque. Ignorant on Loving Colour).. Collection of the Lecture for the. This text says about the Best Vagina which would “fit both. for the big and small penis, just like water fills both within a square and a round receptables”.50 It indicates what Japanese regarded as “best vagina” is the one which suites with variety of penis regardless of the size. On the other hand, the Best Penis would not necessarily fit every vagina. According to this article, the best penis is about the five cun long, the top quality one should be four cun long. However, the Worst Vagina which would not achieve the sexual pleasure even with the gigantic penis with seven to eight sun or cun long with the best techniques of the Secret Art.51 It indicates the following two things. The Best Penis would apparently the one which could fit with different types of vagina. Nonetheless, the. 50. 51. “上開の相・・・この故に、歴の大小ともにいずれにもよく、相応する事、水は方円の器に従うが如し”. Edo no Shikidō Shinansho no Keifu, 1998, p.50 “上品の歴は長五寸に過ず、或いは四寸を上とす。然るに、下開はとつとひきく侍る故に、例えば七八寸の道具、上村吉弥、業平の再誕が秘術を尽くして行うといえども、奥の感通に当たらざる故に、精巡らずして、おるすに物申すが如し。ただこの開に上品有り。是は天地黒白の代わり也。言語に及ばず、修行功つもり、機縁熟せば、当たって悟りを開くべし.” Shikidō Shinansho no Keifu, 1998, p.53-4.

(26) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄301〄. Worst Vagina is only one sort which could not be satisfied by Best Penis. Under these circumstances, the goodness or the badness of the organs can be rather mendable through the coupling of the vagina and the penis. Probably because of such rather open understandings on “the idealness” of the penis, Japanese people did not urge themselves to improve their own organ. They had enough byroads for them not to mend their natural penis. They need a woman with Best Vagina rather than ideal penis.. 4. Chinese Idea of “Ideal Penis” Finally, we will investigate Chinese ideas of “ideal penis” in comparison with Japanese ideas through the following three points; 1)the most required feature for the penis, 2) approach for heterosexual activities, and 3) who takes the responsibility for sexual pleasure. In comparison with Japanese ideas of “ideal penis”, Chinese obviously had stronger appreciation toward the “giganticness” of the phallus. There were of course certain admiration for the bigger penis in Japan, as Ariwara no Narihira 在原業平, the famous Heian poet with active sexual affairs with various women, who allegedly had “gigantic penis” often appears in Edo sex manuals with strong respect.52 Yet, as we have already seen, “giganticness” is not the quality required 52. This would be best exemplified by the existence of a text named after him, Narihira Tawamuregusa. This old text named after Ariwara no Narihira, however, reveals that this person did not have particularly “gigantic” penis, by saying that “なりひらのちうじやうハ、ようがんびれいのおとこなり。玉くきハ四寸。(業平の中将は溶岩美麗の男なり。玉茎は四寸)。” Narihira Tawamuregusa. Lower volume. p.16a. Also, its possible prototype, Bonnai Sho also does not really mention the hugeness of Narihira, while it rather emphasizing that he had mastered “secret art” of sex. Sakuya Konohana, 1999, p.32. However, the his fame in being excellent at sexual affairs altered into his legend of “having a gigantic penis” and Kōshoku Kinmō Zuyi, for instance, shows the idea of him with “gigantic penis”, by saying “例えば七八寸の道具、上村吉弥、業平の再誕が秘術を尽くして行うといえども.” Edo no Shikidō Shinansho no Keifu, 1998, p.53. Danjyo Kyōkun Hanano Arika also mentions about the hugeness of Narihira’s penis, by saying that the length around his penis was 7 cun long. Danjyo Kyōkun Hana no Arika. p.87..

(27) 〄302〄. 梅川純代. most by Japanese for their “ideal penis”. In fact, “too bigness” is not very preferable. On the other hand, for Chinese, they care about the size most, which would have been resulted in their belief in “the larger the better”, or the excellence in “the gigantic penis”. Of course, too big organ could have been a subject of jealous for men, which might have lead to the episode of Bi Aozao who had never been able to experience “human pleasure” via sexual activity until his encounter with the empress Zewutian, because of hugeness of his organ.53 This episode may reveal sort of envious feelings of common men against the holder of “gigantic penis”, at the same time, however, a kind of relieved emotions of them not to have the oversized penis which cannot be used for most ladies. Therefore, we can assume that there had not necessarily been atmosphere to admire “the gigantic penis” freely. Yet, “the gigantic penis” beyond our imagination like Bi Aozao’s one, surely earned reverence and esteem, in addition to being an “ideal state of the male genital organ”. Oversizeness of the penis is seemingly treated as a kind of stigma, the sign of holiness, numinousness or at least extraordinariness. It is a symbol to single out its holder as a person who can match with noble or exceptional lady, like the empress. In this sense, Chinese high regard toward “the gigantic penis” could not only be as “the ideal” for their organs, but also as the status of “exceptionalness” or “specialness”. On our second point of the approach for the sexual activities, Chinese idea of sexual affairs was seemingly very phallocentric. Their scarce attentions on the state of vagina show us that they do not really care the goodness or badness of the female organ, at least not in details as Japanese do. Chinese do care the female vagina as a part of human body, of course. This is evident from the existence of various names for spots internal and external of the organ, as seen in Ishinipō.54 53 54. Ruyiqun Chuan, Japanese version, p.93, 120, Chinese version, pp22-3, p.36. See above note 34. Probably the following study is the best presentation on the vaginal terms appeared in Ishinpō..

(28) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄303〄. But they never discuss that the achievability of male and female orgasm would differ in accordance with the situation, state or faculties of vagina, nor about appearance, color, or smell of the organ. Some may say, in rather feministic way, that Chinese would never have dreamed of female organ having such high probability to influence on pleasure level during the sexual activities. They might have disregarded female ability on sexual affairs under the strong male centric federal society. I would, however, rather understand such strong unevenness between the concern on male organ and that on female’s one in accordance with underlying ideas of the extant Art of the Bedchamber prepared for male audiences. So far as I reckon, extant manuals for the Chinese sexual art regard male practitioners as a conductor of the intercourse, whereas female partner as the prime mover. It is almost always female needs or requirements which should be given priority, but it is almost always man who is charged with expediting the proceedings of the intercourse. In other words, a woman is a guest whereas a man is a host of the sexual affairs, in which it is male who carries all the fortune and misfortune, and merit and demerit during the coitus, especially when it comes to a matter of pleasure.55 Even when a man would not have enjoyed the sexual affair as much as he would have expected, it is him who should be blamed. In the case of Japanese, in contrast, it is very different. If the coitus would not be good as one had expected, one can blame, for instance, the female partner not having three jades within the. 55. Umayabara Shigeo 馬屋原成男 ed. Ishinpō Kan Nijyūhachi Bōnai Kunaichō Shoryōbu zōhon 醫心方巻廿八房内宮内庁書陵部蔵本(Prescriptions from the Heart of Medicine Volume Twenty Eight Inside Chamber, Edition Stored at Book Centre in Imperial Household Agency) . Commented by Ishihara Akira 石原明. Tokyo. Shibundō. 1967. p. 267, pp. 264-266. See also Umekawa, 2004,pp189-212. It is, as well known, not the case when it comes to a matter of the quantity or quality of qi obtainable through sexual activities. There are strong distinction between good and bad female for sexual partner in accordance with certain criteria, who are, however, concerned strictly in connection of qi, but not with beauty or sexual pleasure. See for instance, Umekawa, 2003a, 2004, pp.148-162..

(29) 〄304〄. 梅川純代. organ, or not having the Best Vagina which would fit almost every type of the penis. Or even a lady can criticize her male partner for his phimotic penis or as having too fat penis for her. For Japanese, it is more like the matter of matching, or couplet of pair of organs rather than male solo organ or guidance during the coitus, which matters for sexual pleasure. The same tendencies can be seen when we look at some technical points. As having been pointed out, the permanence or the maintenance of the erection or the coitus, which includes the endurance from ejaculations or the recovery after the ejaculations, is highly concerned in Chinese sex manuals. Therefore, we can find several methods to prolong the coitus by avoiding the ejaculation or those for the possible swift recovery.56 Since the underlying primal intention of the sexual art is to bring female partner to her sexual climax so that a male practitioner would have gain the best and large amount of qi, their emphasis on the long or repeated coitus should be related, or at least believed to be related with female state of orgasm. In this sense, techniques for avoiding ejaculation, prolonging the period of erection and so forth are means for female orgasm. Having great influences from Chinese sex manuals of the early and later traditions, Japanese sex manual also introduces several synonymous methods for. 56. For instance, the pressure onto the lower belly as well as the perineum is often mentioned as a technique to avoid ejaculation. Also, some “aphrodisiacs” which claim the efficacy to have sex with several different women a night may suggest the swift recovery from the ejaculation, although it would only indicate a permanence of the erection. See for instance Mawangdui Shiwen, p.149. This text mentions about “縮州” which seemingly indicate a sort of ejaculation control technique through certain pressure on the lower part of male body. See for instance, Harper,Donald. 1997. p.402; Ma Jixing 馬繼興, Mawangdui Guyishu Kaoshi 馬王堆古醫書考釋 (Interpretations for Ancient Medical Manuscripts from Mawangdui). Hunan: Hunan kexue jishu chuban. 1992. p.527, p.937; Wei Qipeng 魏啟鵬 and Hu Xianghua 胡翔驊 ed. Mawangdui Hanmu Yishu Jiaoshi 馬王堆漢墓醫書校釋 (Commentaries on Medical Manuscripts from Mawangdui Han Tombs). Chengdu: ChengdUchūban. 1992. p.117. Also, Beiji Qianjin Yaofan. 27th juan. “fangzhong buyi”. p.489..

(30) 「身體、權力與認同」國際學術研討會. 〄305〄. the permanence of the affairs.57 However, Japanese do not rely on the penis to increase female level of sexual pleasure, exclusively. For instance, Bidō Nichiya Jyohōki 艶道日夜女宝記(The. Record of Female Treasure for Day and Night on Coquettish Way). introduces “Inmyaku no Hō 陰みゃくの法(A method for Yin vein)”, which is indeed a technique to fumble female vagina as seen in figure 3. 58 We can often find statements about anmo 按摩 at the stage of foreplay in Chinese sex manuals,59 which may include techniques like this method for yin vein. Yet, there is no mention on how to anmo in Chinese manuals, so far as I know. Such lack of detailed statements in Chinese manuals and such existence of comprehensive guidance in Japanese articles for finger techniques during the sexual affair could be another evidence for Chinese phallocentric attitude toward heterosexual intercourse. When it comes to a problem of leading female to her sexual satisfaction, Chinese could not but value the ability and the power of the penis, whereas Japanese tended to seek for the alternatives. Above two points can be all together condensed into a matter who takes the responsibility for sexual pleasure. As well known, the extant literature of the sexual art usually promises “benefits” for men, like better health and the attainment of transcendent-hood, but hardly for women.60 This is why modern scholars often. 57. 58 59. 60. See for instance, mentions about “じゆつをもってせいをかへす事(Jiyutsu wo Motte Sei wo Kaesu Koto)” which indicates Huangjing Bunao 還精補脳, and 九浅一深(Nine times shallow and once deep) techniques in Narihira Tawamuregusa. Lower volume. pp. 1a-2b, 15b-16a. Also, Bonnai Sho mentions about ten sort of “efficacies” obtainable through restriction of ejaculation, which is very similar to what is known as Shidong 十動 in Mawangdui and Ishinpō texts for ejaculation control. Sakuya Konohana, 1999, pp.63-65. Bidō Nichiya Jyohōki, “Inmyaku no Hō 陰みゃくの法(The Methods for the Yin vein)”. p.10a. For instance, one of the earliest extant for massage during the foreplay can be found in the following Mawangdui text, Heyinyang 合陰陽, Mawangdui hanmu boshu zhengli xiaozu 馬王堆漢墓帛書整理小組 ed. Mawangdui Hanmu Boshu 馬王堆漢墓帛書(Manuscripts from Mawangdui Han Tombs). Beijing: Wenwu chuban. 1985. Vol.4.. p.156. A few exceptions can be seen in the techniques for eight sexual positioning known as bayi 八益 in Ishinpō. Ishinpō. 28th juan. “fangnei”. p. 642. See also Umekawa, 2004, pp163-173..