酸與鹼：近代東亞肥料、肥皂的製造與消費

行政院國家科學委員會專題研究計畫 成果報告

酸與鹼：近代東亞肥料、肥皂的製造與消費

研究成果報告(精簡版)

計 畫 類 別 ： 個別型 計 畫 編 號 ： NSC 100-2410-H-004-102- 執 行 期 間 ： 100 年 08 月 01 日至 101 年 07 月 31 日 執 行 單 位 ： 國立政治大學歷史學系 計 畫 主 持 人 ： 呂紹理 計畫參與人員： 博士班研究生-兼任助理人員：莊勝全 報 告 附 件 ： 赴大陸地區研究心得報告 公 開 資 訊 ： 本計畫涉及專利或其他智慧財產權，2 年後可公開查詢

中 華 民 國 101 年 10 月 28 日

中 文 摘 要 ： 化學肥料，製氮技術，野口遵，日本帝國，日本窒素肥料株 式會社 中文關鍵詞： 二十世紀初德國發明新的合成氮製造技術刺激了全球化學肥 料的生產，日本則是亞洲地區率先引進並大力採用此技術的 國家，並隨其帝國版圖擴張而影響殖民地農業生產型態。本 文乃探究戰前臺灣朝鮮密集施肥農業的源頭，追溯其與日本 化肥工業間的連動關係，以究明此種仰賴化肥農業型態的多 重歷史社會因素。

英 文 摘 要 ： n 1910, Ftitz Harber and Carl Bosch invented the industrial process for producing ammonia synthesis. This magnificent invention is indeed a product of longing for resolution of overpopulation and grain deficient around the world. The so-called Harber-Bosch process was thus gradually and wide spread through out the globe. In East Asia, Japan was one of the leading countries on developing the nitrogen technology. Noguchi Jun and his colleagues learned the Frank-Caro method from Germany and founded Japan Nitrogenous Fertilizer, Inc. in August 1908. In the following decades, Japanese nitrogenous fertilizer was extensively circulated throughout East Asia concurrently with the expansion of Japan Empire. The outcome is a great transformation of the idea and habitus of farmers in this region. An investigation from UN shows that Japan, Taiwan and South Korea are the top-three countries for heavy-use of fertilizer in Asia. This figure indicates that chemical

fertilizer seems to be a Japanese colonial legacy of agricultural activity. But how could it be? In what condition and process do the colonized farmers abandon their manure and adopt the chemical

fertilizer? What is the environmental impact for the adoption of chemical fertilizer in this region? These are the problematic which I will try to resolve in this article.

英文關鍵詞： chemical fertilizer, nitrogen technology, Noguchi Jun, Japanese formal empire, Japan Nitrogenous Fertilizer Inc.

        and urged their people to raise

The Production, Distribution and Impact of Chemical Fertilizer in East Asia

Shao-li LU

Department of History, National Chengchi University

Paper delivered for the First Conference of East Asian Environmental History

For a long time, human knew various fertilizer to improve agricultural productivity. However, the function and mechanism of fertilizer was a secret of nature, waiting to be unfolded until nineteenth century. Justus von Liebig published Chemistry in Its Application to Agriculture and Physiology in 1842? was an epoch-making contribution. At the same time, scientists in various countries explored the nature and function of nitrogen, sulfate, and calcium to the plain in the subsequent decades. By the end of nineteenth century, scientists and engineers developed various methods to fix nitrogen from the air. The Norwegian Arc Process, the Cyanamide process, and most important, the so called Harber-Bosch process (1908), all make contribution for the great leap of the production of

ammonium synthesis.1 Suffered from grain deficient after Meiji Restoration, Japanese scientists inspired European innovation and eagerly collected all the information, dispatched experts to England, France and Germany to learn new invention, tried to buy the patent, or even hired the scientists to Japan to help them for constructing the fertilizer plants.

Japan has its long tradition of rice production and developed its own knowledge on fertilization. Green manure, dried fish, night soil was well-known nutritive additives to farm. The economic structure changed rapidly after the

Sino-Japanese war. Industrialization and urbanization diminished farm labour supply and decreased the agricultural productivity. Grain deficient became a crucial problem. To obtain more stable food supply from without, Japan fire to China and Russia, annex Taiwan and Korea for grasping more resources; and sought resources from within to increase food production. Although agro-engineer and officials advocated

the productivity by using chemical fertilizer, and some   1  _{Despite Haber‐Bosch process, there are various rival processes of ammonium synthesis, for}  example, Georges Claude process mainly applied in France, Luigi Casale process widely applied in  Italy, Belgium and Japan, and Mont Cenis‐Uhde process also found in Japan’s plant. Vaclav Smil,  Enriching the Earth: Fritz Haber, Carl Bosch, and the Transformation of World Food Production,  (Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press, 2001, pp. 111‐114. 

       

inorganic fertilizers, such as superphosphate, was imported and could be accessed at that time, it did not really win great popularity until the outbreak of Sino-Japanese War. Before the war, Japanese could only accept compound fertilizers, mixing superphosphate with traditional manure. But once farmer overcome their un-acceptance of non-traditional substances, and experience a high-yield profit offered by chemical fertilizers, the situation changed rapidly.

According to Watanabe Tokuji and his colleagues, Japan experience three stages of transformation in their application of chemical fertilizers. Traditionally, self-sufficient fertilizer from farmland, or using dried fishes, was the main type of fertility before 1895. After the Sino-Japanese war, Japan could obtain more soybean via her control on Korea and Manchuria, nitrogenous soybean and imported superphosphate became the main elements in the second phase, say from 1895-1910s. the third stage is from 1910s to 1940s. In this period, superphosphate and sulfuric acid became the favour of farmer due to the rapid growth of the relevant industry. During the third stage, Japan experienced the worst social unrest and conflict. The Rice Riot (Kome Soudou) outbreak in 1918 was just a tip of the iceberg of severe food problem that existed decades long. Increase rice supply from its colonies seems to be an instant and effective strategy to pacify the entanglement in Japan society.

Korea

Korea became the second colony of Japan Empire in 1910. The Colonial government vigorously promoted the agriculture reform after their annexation. The first phase was variety improvement between 1910 and 1920, underlined the importance of land reform from 1920 to 1930, and emphasize the cultivation

improvement after 1930s. In the first decade of colonization, government general try to refine the variety of rice, improve the irrigation system, increase the access of fertilizer and perfect the dry method. The result of variety improvement was high concentration on specific varieties. Joushinriki (早神力，Zaoshenri),

Kokuryoumiyako (穀良都) and Tamahashiki (多摩錦) were the three main varieties occupied almost 42.3 percent of total cultivated land in 1920, and was replaced by Ginbouzu (銀坊主), Kokuryoumiyako and Rikuu (陸羽) no. 132, which occupied

2

n Jeon suggested that such high concentration of variety 67.4 percent in 1930s. As Ka

 

iwan

        Ta

bring the Korean agriculture to more fertilizer-intensive from two dimensions. Those refining varieties were all fertilizer-responsive, and together with the effect of colonial land policy, which suppress the landlord and peasant to more market oriented and more intensive cultivation and eventually led to ever-growing access of fertilizer in order to increase their unit productivity.

Under these circumstances, the artificial fertilizer demand indeed increase in a very short period. In the first eight years of Japan’s colonial rule, the governor

emphasize the self-sufficient of manure, but the policy shift into “commercial

fertilizer” which foster peasant to use soybean meal imported from Manchuria during 1918 and 1926. In order to increase the mission of rice supply from Korea, the

colonial government announced a “program of increasing rice yield” between 1926 and 1935 in which persuading farmer to access the straight inorganic chemical

fertilizer instead of organic one. Colonial government invest 360 million Yen from the Fund of Agriculture Improvement to be the capital for purchasing chemical fertilizer, which led to the proliferation of the demand of ammonium sulfate.

Coincidentally, the new Zaibatsu, or” Konzern”, such as Nichitsu (Nippon CHisso Hiryou, or Japan Nitrogenous Fertilizers) just expand their industrial empire into Korea, found “Chousen Chisso Hiryou KK in August 1925, constructed two hydroelectric plants in cooperation with Germany’s I. G. Farben at Pujon and

Changjin River respectively, and with this cheap supply of electricity, Nichitsu built a fertilizer plant at Hungnam to produce synthesis ammonium sulfate.3 This expansion not only bring great profit to Noguchi Jun, founder of the Nichitsu, but also increase the supply of synthesis ammonium sulfate both for Japan and Korea. According to Barbara Molony’s estimate, the output of synthesis ammonium sulfate of Nitchitsu was 12,500 tons in 1923 and became 399,900 tons in 1935, increase almost thirty times in only twelve years, in which 85 percent or 341,400 tons, was contributed from Korea’s plants, and Korean farmers consumed about 68 percent or 274,000 tons. It goes without saying that the practice of “Program of Increasing Rice Yield” was benefit from the sufficient supply of commercial fertilizers from Nitchitsu, in

paraphrase, however, the program also benefit Nitchitsu to tightly control the fertilizer market in Korea.

 

3  _{Barbara Molony, Technology and Investment: The Prewar Japanese Chemical Industry, (Cambridge} 

b ted at the tableland        

Taiwan was the first colony of Japan after the Sino-Japanese war in 1895. The Taiwanese have the same experience of agriculture reform as its Korean

counterpart. But the agriculture policy in Korea described hitherto was, in a sense, a replica of Taiwan model. Before Japanese occupation, Taiwanese already developed mature agricultural skill, including the utility of various nutrients, such as green manure, compost, night soil and ashes to improve the soil. The colonial government in Taiwan made great effort on land reform for the purpose of inducing Japanese capitalists to invest sugarcane industry during the first two decades of their colonial control. Artificial fertilizer was first introduced to sugarcane farmers in around 1910. A portion of soybean meal, peanut and sesames oil were imported at the same time as well, but superphosphate and ammonium sulfate was trivial. A small amount of Zailai rice was exported to Japan but with bad market response. In order to increase the rice supply for Japan, agricultural specialists developed two different strategies on variety improvement. The first is to refine Zailai rice to fit the market need of Japanese, the other is to improve the Japonica rice to adapt Taiwan environment and fit the taste of Japanese by sophisticated cross breeding experiment. In the beginning, colonial government support the former strategy from around 1900 to 1920s, highlighted the works of varieties purification, salt screening of seed, rice inspection, co-breeding and unified fertilizer purchasing system. About thirty out of 1679 strains of Zailai varieties was selected as purified and superior ones between 1903 and 1923, and thus increased three-fold of production in twenty years. However, the market response in Japan was not improved concomitantly by these painstaking efforts. According to Li Liyong’s observation, the improvement project on Zailai variety face some bottleneck around 1920s, owing that the project was a highly manpower-cost and consuming too many administrative investment. The ever-growing free will of the peasant who frequently blamed the seed-screening policy was another obstacle. There was another faction in the agro-lab who insisted to introduce the Japonica varieties into Taiwan and had done various research and experiment to select the suitable strains. The obstacle and

downturn of the market price of Zailai rice eventually gave the counter-faction good reason to replace Zailai rice with Ponglai rice. The colonial government eventually supports to promote the cultivation of Ponglai rice.4 The Japonica rice had already

of northern Taiwan and then gradually expanded into een cultiva

        

4  _{Li Liyong, Riji shiqi taizong dicu di nonghuei yu mizuo, 1902­1945, Taipei: Daoxiang, pp. 108‐112.} 

middle plain of Taiwan between 1898 and 1917. However, Taiwanese farmers initially dislike the Japonica due to its precocity, few tiller, short stem and low production. After repeatedly seed-screening and crossbreeding to improve the varieties, the Ponglai rice gradually gain the trust from farmers. The governor general Izawa Takio thus announces the success of the experiment and gave the Nakamura strain a new name: “Ponglai rice” in 1926. Although the Nakamura strain was severely attack by rice blast in the same year, specialists Iso Eikichi and Suenaga Megumu successfully resolve the problem by finding a stronger strain, Taichung N. 65, which was crossbred of Shinryouku with Kameji to replace Nakamura strain. Under the encouragement of the kind market response from Japan, the cultivated acreage of Taichung N. 65 and other Ponglai rice grew rapidly in the subsequent decades. As Table 1 shown, the Taichung N. 65 became the dominant strain which cultivated acreage rose

dramatically from 220 chia to 264,846 chia between 1929 and 1938, almost tenfold within one decade.5 Taichung N. 65 was next to Asahi strain as the second dominance within Japan Empire.

Table 1

Year The cultivated acreage of Taichung N. 65（chia）

（A）

The cultivated acreage of Ponglai rice（chia） （B） A／B （﹪） 1929 220 102310 2.0 1930 15515 135237 11.5 1931 44162 147448 30.0 1932 104323 193942 53.0 1933 164532 237429 69.3 1934 205782 269527 76.3 1935 245079 304985 80.1 1936 246349 299018 82.4 1937 259711 312870 83.0 1938 264846 310721 85.2

Source: Kawano Shigeto, Lin Yingyen tr. Riju shidai Taiwan migu jingjirung, p.33

The issue

      

After briefly describe of the story of agricultural improvement within Japan Empire, we may point out several similar character between Japan, Korea and Taiwan. All of them experienced the same path of improvement: refine seed and breeding, refine the irrigation system, land reform, cooperative marketing, and fertilizer-intensive.

Historians who study the agricultural modernization would have the same observations. Ramon Myers and Yamada Saburo compiled a table to compare the change and

effectiveness of seed improvement, fertilizer input and rice yield in this three countries and suggested that there are “two important elements of [this] modern technology transmission: new rice-seed varieties that germinated earlier than traditional varieties, resisted disease, and responded to fertilizers of a high nitrogen content, …”6

All these statements emphasize the dependent relationship between seed

improvement, fertilizer-responded and productivity. But I would make more articulate statement that in many goal of seed improvement, fertilizer-responsive would be the major, or even decisive one.

Two reports from Iso Eikichi and Suenaga Megumu, the main figures of the creator of Taichung, N.65, arouse my attention. Suenaga recalled that there existed different opinion on the policy of improving the rice productivity in Taiwan between colonial governor and local officials in the initial stage of the colonial rule in Taiwan. Fujine Yoshiharu, the engineer of Taipei Agro-lab station and Fujihara Ginjiro, the Chief Staff of the Taipei Branch of Mitsui Busan, advocated that the colonial government should promote to transplant Japonica rice to Taiwan for the purpose of increasing rice supply for Japan and fertilizer consumption in Taiwan. Although the project of improving Japonica rice was not the dominant experimental project between 1910 and 1925, the fertilizer-responsive strain of rice eventually gained its dominant role after 1926. Iso Eikichi asserted that increasing tiller, heavier spike, fertilizer responsive were the main point of rice improvement in terms of productivity.7 Iso and Suenaga’s reports indicate a gleamingly relation between varieties improvement and encouragement of fertilizer consumption in favor of Japanese fertilizer manufacture or supplier. To explicit this relationship, we need to examine the development of Japan’s fertilizer industry.

       6  _{Ramon H. Myers and Yamada Saburo, “Agricultural Development in the Empire,” in R. H. Myers}  and Mark Peattie ed., The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895­1945, Princeton: Princeton University  Press, 1984, p. 436.  7  _{Iso Eikichi, Taiwan Ine no ikushyukaku kenkyu Study on the improvement of rice varieties in}  Taiwan, p.   

process, for example, by Nitch

The Development of Japanese Fertilizer Industry

Taki Fertilizers Co., founded in 1885, was said to be the first artificial fertilizer company. 8Three years later Tokyo Artificial Fertilizers was created by Takamine Jokichi (1854-1922), , which produced superphosphate from phosphate rock and sulfuric acid. This two pilot factories was benefit by the Sino-Japanese War in 1895 owing that the war interrupt the importation of soy meal from Manchuria, and

stimulate the high demand of artificial fertilizer made by them. additionally, two other major company emerged and made great advance on the productivity of chemical fertilizer after the Russo-Japan War. The one is Japan Nitrogenous Fertilizers

(Nitchitsu hereafter), founded by Nokuchi Jun and Fujiyama Tsuneichi in 1908 with the combination of Sogi Electric and Nihon Carbide; the other is Japan Electric Chemical Company supported by Mitsui Konzern. The emergence of this two

company also marked the breakthrough of the technology of chemical fertilizer from gas by-product to electrochemistry process. 9

The outbreak of World War I was a benchmark for Japanese chemical fertilizer industry. The blockage of importation of European chemical fertilizer during the wartime stimulates Japan government and industrialists to develop their own production line to meet the domestic need.10 The use of ammonia synthesis on munitions industry also stimulates countries involved in war to improve their technology and product, the so-called Casale process in 1916 and Claude process in 1917 respectively.11 On the other hand, German was forced to release their patent or license of chemical fertilizer, which gave the chance for France, United Kingdom and United States, and Japan to obtain the advanced Haber-Bosch process. Japan obtained the patent of Haber-Bosch process during the war, and the exclusive right of patent licensed to Toyo Chisso Kumiai (Oriental Nitrogen Association), but unfortunately, Japanese chemical firms had no idea about transferring this process commercially. Various substitutive process were thus introduced into Japan before 1930, the Casale

itsu in 1923, and a succession of processes for        8 _{kigyoushi ni miru sono kouzou, (Japan’s Chemical}  e   Iijima Takashi, Nippon no kagaku jijutsu:  T chnology: A Business history perspective) Tokyo: Kougyou chousakai, 1981, pp. 31‐33.    9  _{Iijima, pp. 46‐48; Barbara Molony, p. 174}  10  _{The wholesale price of ammonium sulfate was 150 Yen per ton before the war, sharply rose to}  300 Yen in 1917, and exceeded 410 Yen next year. Kan, p. 91    11  _{Vaclav Smil, Enriching the Earth: Fritz Haber, Carl Bosch, and the Transformation of World Food}  Production, Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press, 2001, pp.113‐115; G. J. Leigh, The World’s Greatest  Fix: A History of Nitrogen and Agriculture, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004, pp.142‐154. 

ammonia synthesis, including Claude, Fauser, Mont Cenis (Uhde), and NEC process, were launched during the inter-war period.12 At the same time, Nitchitsu began to expand its territory into Korea, founded the Chosen Nitrogenous Fertilizers (Chosen Chisso Hiryo) in 1927, with the superior resources, especially plentiful and cheap electricity, Nitchitsu became the largest nitrogenous fertilizer company in the Japan empire.13

The ever-booming development of the chemical fertilizer industry sharply increased the supply of chemical fertilizer. As Table 2 and Chart 1 shown, the production of four major chemical fertilizers, namely ammonium sulfate,

superphosphate, lime nitrogen and compound fertilizer, were all growing rapidly after World War I. With the benefit of introducing various synthetic processes, the

production of ammonium sulfate was especially growing rapidly, from 52.8 to 232.4 between 1918 and 1928, and from 234.6 to 1108.2 between 1929 and 1938, almost twenty-one times of growth within only two decades. But unfortunately, this booming production also led to an overproduction with a more severe situation of market fluctuation after the 1929 depression. Japanese felt being dumped by British and German’s syndicates due to lacking of tariffs protection for fertilizer since 1899. However, the responses from various interest groups had different priorities regarding fertilizer and eventually became a political issue and international confrontation. Eleven European countries organized “Convention Internationale de ‘Azote”, or CIA, a cartel involved 80 percent of the world’s nitrogen producer. The exclusion of

Japan’s membership had an immediate impact on its own market.14 In reaction to the threat of this European cartel, three of Japan’s four largest producers of ammonium sulfate formed the Nitrogen Deliberative Associaton (Chisso Kyogikai). The Association urged the Finance Ministry to apply the Unfair Dumping Law of 1910 against the CIA agreement. After two years negotiation, Japan stipulated the so-called “Noguchi-Bosch proposals”, and the manufacturers formed a distribution cartel, the Ammonium Sulfate Distribution Association (Ryuan Haikyu Kumiai, ASDA). ASDA signed with CIA three separate agreements between 1934 and 1936, which made

      

12  _{Akira Kudo, “Dominance through cooperation: I.G. Farben’s Japan strategy,” in John E. Lesch ed.,} 

The German Chemical Industry in the Twentieth Century, Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers,  2000, p. 271.  13 _{ny, Technology and Investment: The Prewar Japanese Chemical Industry, Cambridge}  ies, Harvard University Press, 1990, pp. 156‐174.    Barbara Molo Mass.: Council on East Asian Stud 14  _{Akira Kudo, Japanese­German Business Relations: Cooperation and rivalry in the inter­war period,}  London: Routledge, 1998, p. 113. 

Japanese manufacturer a windfall.15

Table 2 The Production, Import and Export of Chemical Fertilizer, Japan, 1912-1945

Unit: 1,000 ton

Year Ammonium Sulfate

Ammonium Nitrate

Super-

phosphate lime nitrogen

Synthesis Fertilizer Compound Fertilizer P E I P E P E P E P P 1912 7.3 ﹣ 84.6 ﹣ ﹣ 443.1 ﹣ 5.0 ﹣ ﹣ 237.1 1913 7.5 ﹣ 111.5 ﹣ ﹣ 548.6 ﹣ 6.7 ﹣ ﹣ 286.4 1914 16.1 ﹣ 106.5 ﹣ ﹣ 513.9 ﹣ 11.2 ﹣ ﹣ 253.6 1915 31.8 ﹣ 20.1 ﹣ ﹣ 363.1 ﹣ 15.2 ﹣ ﹣ 176.5 1916 37.4 ﹣ 7.2 ﹣ ﹣ 420.5 ﹣ 33.2 ﹣ ﹣ 179.0 1917 40.7 ﹣ 15.2 ﹣ ﹣ 445.5 ﹣ 39.7 ﹣ ﹣ 208.3 1918 52.8 ﹣ 1.1 ﹣ ﹣ 467.9 ﹣ 53.7 ﹣ ﹣ 236.3 1919 79.0 ﹣ 119.0 ﹣ ﹣ 607.8 ﹣ 90.5 ﹣ ﹣ 376.6 1920 80.1 ﹣ 72.7 ﹣ ﹣ 508.6 ﹣ 86.6 ﹣ ﹣ 238.6 1921 94.8 ﹣ 79.9 ﹣ ﹣ 554.1 ﹣ 99.1 ﹣ ﹣ 257.8 1922 93.0 ﹣ 93.8 ﹣ ﹣ 594.5 ﹣ 101.7 ﹣ ﹣ 293.3 1923 104.2 ﹣ 146.9 ﹣ ﹣ 507.0 ﹣ 111.0 ﹣ ﹣ 316.5 1924 108.7 ﹣ 169.7 ﹣ ﹣ 593.3 ﹣ 121.7 ﹣ ﹣ 413.1 1925 131.1 ﹣ 205.2 ﹣ ﹣ 673.8 ﹣ 125.3 ﹣ ﹣ 480.8 1926 147.0 ﹣ 269.0 ﹣ ﹣ 786.3 ﹣ 140.7 ﹣ ﹣ 493.5 1927 176.5 ﹣ 250.0 ﹣ ﹣ 934.8 ﹣ 120.4 ﹣ ﹣ 532.7 1928 232.4 ﹣ 284.5 ﹣ ﹣ 926.2 ﹣ 159.9 ﹣ 64.4 680.8 1929 234.6 ﹣ 380.7 ﹣ ﹣ 947.2 ﹣ 161.2 ﹣ 121.3 777.3 1930 265.8 ﹣ 302.9 ﹣ ﹣ 957.2 ﹣ 228.4 ﹣ 82.0 627.1 1931 393.2 ﹣ 224.1 0.6 ﹣ 862.4 ﹣ 168.0 ﹣ 56.0 546.6 1932 459.7 ﹣ 118.7 1.5 ﹣ 1041.5 ﹣ 180.6 ﹣ 104.3 616.8 1933 471.4 ﹣ 108.4 2.7 ﹣ 1116.6 ﹣ 223.4 ﹣ 151.1 710.1 1934 494.4 1.4 160.9 3.4 ﹣ 1126.1 ﹣ 197.3 ﹣ 237.3 722.5 1935 611.8 6.0 238.6 2.4 ﹣ 1331.6 29.3 260.6 1.7 398.0 815.8 1936 880.3 17.7 314.1 3.5 ﹣ 1437.2 26.4 290.4 1.3 358.2 845.9        15  _{Barbara Molony, pp. 174‐185.} 

1937 931.2 7.2 224.2 3.7 ﹣ 1583.0 32.8 323.5 0.7 581.0 952.0 1938 1108.2 ﹣ 295.8 7.4 ﹣ 1234.1 8.1 306.8 2.1 477.4 1215.6 1939 1008.9 ﹣ 82.3 8.7 ﹣ 1460.4 7.1 215.3 ﹣ 249.6 1051.6 1940 1109.5 ﹣ 139.0 9.9 ﹣ 1639.1 41.7 224.4 ﹣ 171.5 682.1 1941 1241.7 ﹣ 48.2 15.4 ﹣ 1251.1 11.7 260.8 ﹣ 147.0 440.3 1942 1146.1 0.1 46.7 16.6 ﹣ 570.3 9.1 203.1 ﹣ 298.9 315.8 1943 966.5 0.5 3.7 19.7 ﹣ 560.7 2.4 161.7 ﹣ 257.0 198.0 1944 712.3 0.5 0.9 20.9 ﹣ 112.3 2.0 164.6 ﹣ 174.6 51.0 1945 243.0 ﹣ ﹣ 7.7 0.1 12.7 ﹣ 77.8 ﹣ 45.3 ﹣

Source: Watanabe Tokuji ed., Gandai Nihon Sangyou Hadatsu shi XIII: Kagaku Kougyou, Appendix 10, p. 48. P=production, I=import and E=export

Chart 1

Table 3 Japanese fertilizer exported to Korea and Taiwan, 1912-1941

Export to Korea Export to Taiwan

Year Ammonium sulfate calcium nitride calcium super -phosphate Other Artificial Fertilizers

Soybean Soybean calcium Super -phosphate Ammonium Sulfate Soda nitrate Potassium Sulfate Compound Fertilizer 1912 136 5629 25599 1913 192 1301 26364 1914 877 24 4532 25070 1915 518 15 3030 39094

1916 437 36 6717 50277 1917 523 75 12411 60226 1918 1232 170 988 37751 1919 8790 745 3749 18757 16742 1920 2093 92 1289 18405 23575 1921 3487 39 469 12733 4429 1059 22421 1922 6224 468 26 12938 6838 87 19471 1923 614 5750 726 12 14716 8884 511 11940 1924 6208 7802 584 467 27255 16685 245 20745 1925 14945 14859 294 7 34054 15576 612 15639 1926 29797 19579 519 26 33776 9481 349 9976 1927 32364 34895 876 390 39948 8107 303 6941 1928 50129 50144 1237 2028 41993 7792 289 1456 10986 1929 78615 69391 871 881 38965 14873 144 845 9674 1930 62631 94524 167 1136 35095 21241 152 789 12058 1931 22538 22177 53744 1498 32115 18857 581 18448 1932 17949 39197 83225 1750 41803 49491 877 22892 1933 21893 56743 113859 1182 50108 40351 940 35444 1934 37132 31333 62145 74763 1408 800 59414 50926 392 35005 1935 33570 35786 93156 95069 1449 368 58248 69719 729 37196 1936 67425 46779 113232 121765 979 848 55211 114599 122 44128 1937 43509 35133 120134 29919 1511 584 50120 137331 3851 71176 1938 53656 18185 142328 36813 2266 432 46840 155903 3732 103002 1939 29634 2 134154 16763 1712 362 57070 101698 1008 58377 1940 41447 23 112515 3950 41 37 64403 72414 3093 54160 1941 31173 246 68349 2334 2 50539 51980 1311 58644

Source: Kondo Suo ed., Ryuan: Nippon Shihon Shugi to Hiryou Kogyo (Ammonium Sulfate: The Japanese Capitalism and the Fertilizer Industry), Tokyo: Nippon Hyoronsya, 1950

The blockage between CIA and ASDA may have impact on the agricultural

production of Japanese colonies. As Table 3 shown, the amount of ammonium sulfate exported to Taiwan increase sharply from 14,873 to 155903 between 1929 and 1938, almost tenfold of growth within only ten years, and import volume steadily occupied around 10 percent of total production of Japan’s Ammonium sulfate in this period.

This growth ratio is almost the same scale as the growth of cultivated acreage of Taichung N. 65, or roughly speaking, Ponglai rice. However, Taiwanese peasant and was not in favor of the increasing import amount of chemical fertilizer. As Ramon Myers and Yamada Saburo pointed out that “farmers in Japan were encouraged to apply more fertilizer to their rice land because fertilizer prices declined as the rice price rose. This price incentive operated more weakly in the two colonies, because fertilizer-rice price ratio remained fairly constant between 1920 and 1935. Even so, by producing and marketing more rice, farmers still increased their farm income.”16 Their observation and conclusion is right, but they didn’t answer why the fertilizer price is so high in Taiwan? This a good question deserves another paper to resolve.

Seed Improvementb Fertilizer input per hac Fertilizer-rice price ratiod Rice yield per hae Yeara JP （1） TW (2) KO (3) JP (4) TW (5) KO (6) JP (7) TW (8) KO (9) JP (10) TW (11) KO (12) 1895 ﹣4 13 7.0 2.06 1905 0.30 24 5.2 2.46 1915 0.40 49 4.4 2.79 1.47 1920 0.42 0.22 63 12 1.3 3.5 3.3 2.91 1.47 1.43 1925 0.42 0.13 0.57 79 20 3.4 3.0 4.5 3.0 2.84 1.63 1.50 1930 0.56 0.23 0.72 96 33 12 3.0 4.5 3.5 2.89 1.75 1.48 1935 0.56 0.46 0.84 104 55 28 2.2 4.2 2.5 3.04 1.97 1.82 a. Five-year averages centering on the years shown.

b. Ratio of area planted in improved varieties to total paddy area planted in rice. c. Kg. of N+P2O5+K2O

d. Metric tons of brown rice purchasable with a ton of N+P2O5+K2O

e. Metric tons of brown rice

Source: Yujiro Hayami and Vernon W. Ruttan, Agricultural Development, An International Perspective, Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1971, p. 202, cited from Ramon H. Myers and Yamada Saburo, “Agricultural Development in the Empire,” in Ramon H. Myers and Mark Peattie ed., The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984, p. 436.

      

16  _{Ramon H. Myers and Yamada Saburo, “Agricultural Development in the Empire,” in R. H. Myers} 

and Mark Peattie ed., The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895­1945, Princeton: Princeton University  Press, 1984, p. 436. 

Conclusion

The creation of Ponglai rice variety is a influential innovation and contribution of grain supply for Taiwan and Japan which manifest the progress of biological and chemical technology of Japan agriculture studies before the Second World War. However, the fertilizer-responsive character induces the grain production to a more

fertilizer-intensive type, which became severe environmental problem after the war. My article is a preliminary observation on the relationship between seed screening and fertilizer industry. I do not have any intention to accuse that the creation of Ponglai rice is collusion between agro-engineer and fertilizer-capitalists. The agro-engineer should wholeheartedly do their research by every scientific means to resolve the food problem in their homeland. Chemical fertilizer would be one of the best resolutions in the aura of applying science and technology to strengthen the power of nation-state in the first two decades of twentieth century. The Japanese agro-engineer might follow the “selective affinity” to choose what they thought to be the most scientific method to improve their live. However, they also honestly find out that ammonium sulfate might be harmful to soil. But by what extent could this information be obtained by farmers in Japanese Empire would be another theme deserve to explore in another study.

國科會補助專題研究計畫移地研究心得報告

日期： 101 年 5 月 4 日

一、移地研究過程

本計畫名為「近代東亞肥料、肥皂的製造與消費」，其中「東

亞」一詞主要指涉中國、日本與臺灣。有關日本方面的資料，在

前一期國科會專題計畫中，已先有初步的收集，獨缺中國大陸的

資料。是以申請計畫時，乃鎖定上海為目標，收集相關資料。2012

年 4 月有幸受華東師範大學人文學院之邀，於該院「思勉人文講

座」報告，計有 4 月 5 日上午之演講及 4 月 10 日下午之座談，並

趁便於演講座談之餘，赴上海圖書館收集相關資料。上海圖書館

資料極為豐富，尤以一樓之「近現代文獻閱覽室」及二樓之「古

籍閱覽室」與本計畫所需最為相關。其中「近代文獻閱覽室」收

有「舊平裝圖書」33 萬餘冊；1949 年前出版之近現代報紙 3543

種；1949 年前出版之雜誌 18733 種，以及 50 餘萬冊英法德荷西

葡等外文書籍。此外另有「上海地方文獻閱覽室」

，收錄上海相關

文獻近九千種、地圖 2 萬餘張。

「古籍閱覽室」則有 170 餘萬冊線

裝或善本書，史料收藏極為豐富。我於該室收集 24 種善本，主要

以化學、肥料、肥皂相關，另有農學農業農務之書亦極夥，然時

間有限，無法全收。這 24 種善本的出版時間集中在光緒宣統至民

計畫編

號

NSC 100－2410－H－004－102－

計畫名

稱

酸與鹼：近代東亞肥料、肥皂的製造與消費

出國人

員姓名

呂紹理

服務機

構及職

稱

國立政治大學歷史系教授

出國時

間

101 年 4 月 3

日至

101 年 4 月 12

日

出國地

點

上海

國 20 年間，多為譯著，除傅蘭雅外，亦可見新渡戶稻造及日本、

德國化學公司出版之產品解說，頗可見當時外國化學肥料產品對

中國的行銷。

唯此行時間極為有限，而我對上圖相關規定亦需時間熟悉。據云現在

上圖調閱複印資料已較以前快速方便許多，古籍室亦然。唯古籍室若

與其他藏書室相比，仍有許多限制，館員調書速度緩慢，複印限制頗

多，這些都限制了此行收集資料的成效，只能待來日再找機會。

書名 著輯譯者 出版年 出版者 索書號 各國政治藝學簡 要錄 12 卷 杭州圖書公 司輯 光 29 杭州編輯局 鉛印 479775 化學大成 上海璣衡堂 輯 光 22 上海璣衡堂 長 648230-49 爆藥記要 6 卷 美國水雷局 撰，清慈谿 舒高第譯 光 1 江南製造局 長 270946 化學闡原 15 卷 法畢利幹口 譯，王鍾祥 筆述 光 8 同文館 長 270654-72/441486-50 化學表 1 卷 上海製造局 繙譯館輯 光 10 江南製造局 長 64990/長 64991 化學材料中西名 目表 江南製造局 光 10 江南製造局 長 270774/長 18960 化學須知 1 卷 英傅蘭雅 光 12 長 464830 化學衛生論 4 卷 英真司騰 撰，傅蘭雅 譯 光 16 上海格致書 院 長 018962/482718-21 造肥皂新書 11 章（2 冊） 佚名 民國刊本 500157-58 淡氣爆藥新書下 編 5 卷 英山福得 撰，舒高第 光 30 江南製造局 528857-58

譯 化學名詞草案 1 卷 醫藥學會輯 民國京華印 書局 長 104355/長 104356 化學鑑原 6 卷續 編 24 卷補編 6 卷 附 1 卷 英韋而司 撰，續編英 蒲陸山撰 光 22 上海璣衡堂 547699 化學求數 15 卷 附表 1 卷 德富里西尼 烏司撰，傅 蘭雅譯 光 23 娛萊小築石 印 長 663955-60 最新格致肥料改 良農務種植全書 上海禮和洋 行輯 光 34 中國圖書公 司鉛印 441505 肥料學講義 1 卷 福建農林學 校輯 民間抽印本 527157/527104 農務化學問答 2 卷 英仲斯敦 撰，英秀耀 春口譯，上 海范熙庸筆 述 光 25 江南製造局 405482-3 肥料學第 3 編（3 冊） 國立北京農 業大學輯 527449 農務化學簡法 3 卷 美固來納 撰，傅蘭雅 譯上海王樹 善筆述 光 29 刻本 長 024379 農務土質論 3 卷 美金福蘭格 令希蘭撰， 美衛理譯， 范熙庸筆述 光 26 江南製造局 438789-91 肥料效用篇 1 卷 日梅原寬重 口述，伊東 貞元譯 光緒間石印 本 長 014014 子

農業汎論卷肥料 講義 1 卷 民間佚名輯 鉛印 485881-2 農業本論 2 卷 新渡戶稻造 光緒間石印 本 長 014014 丙 農務全書上編 16 卷中編 16 卷下 編 16 卷 美施妥縷 撰，舒高第 譯 江南製造局 長 65724-27

國科會補助計畫衍生研發成果推廣資料表

日期:2012/07/23

國科會補助計畫

計畫名稱: 酸與鹼：近代東亞肥料、肥皂的製造與消費 計畫主持人: 呂紹理 計畫編號: 100-2410-H-004-102- 學門領域: 台灣史

無研發成果推廣資料

100 年度專題研究計畫研究成果彙整表

計畫主持人：呂紹理 計畫編號：100-2410-H-004-102- 計畫名稱：酸與鹼：近代東亞肥料、肥皂的製造與消費 量化 成果項目 實際已達 成數（被接 受或已發 表） 預期總達成 數(含實際 已達成數) 本計畫 實際貢 獻百分 比 單位 備註（質 化 說 明 ： 如 數 個 計 畫 共 同 成 果 、 成 果 列 為 該 期 刊 之 封 面 故 事 ...等） 期刊論文 0 0 100% 研 究 報 告 / 技 術 報 告 0 0 100% 研討會論文 1 1 100% 篇 完 成 一 篇 英 文 初 稿’’’’’’’’The Production,

Distribution and Impact of Chemical Fertilizer in East Asia’’’’’’’’， 發表於第一屆亞洲環境史 國際研討會（The First Conference of East Asian Environmental History）。目前改寫為中 文，擬投稿學術期刊。 論文著作 專書 0 0 100% 申請中件數 0 0 100% 專利 已獲得件數 0 0 100% 件 件數 0 0 100% 件 技術移轉 權利金 0 0 100% 千元 碩士生 0 0 100% 博士生 0 0 100% 博士後研究員 0 0 100% 國內 參與計畫人力 （本國籍） 專任助理 0 0 100% 人次 期刊論文 0 0 100% 研 究 報 告 / 技 術 報 告 0 0 100% 研討會論文 0 0 100% 篇 論文著作 專書 0 0 100% 章/本 申請中件數 0 0 100% 專利 已獲得件數 0 0 100% 件 件數 0 0 100% 件 技術移轉 權利金 0 0 100% 千元 國外

博士生 0 0 100% 博士後研究員 0 0 100% （外國籍） 專任助理 0 0 100% 其他成果

(

無法以量化表達之 成 果 如 辦 理 學 術 活 動、獲得獎項、重要 國際合作、研究成果 國 際 影 響 力 及 其 他 協 助 產 業 技 術 發 展 之 具 體 效 益 事 項 等，請以文字敘述填 列。) 無 成果項目 量化 名稱或內容性質簡述 測驗工具(含質性與量性) 0 課程/模組 0 電腦及網路系統或工具 0 教材 0 舉辦之活動/競賽 0 研討會/工作坊 0 電子報、網站 0 科 教 處 計 畫 加 填 項 目 計畫成果推廣之參與（閱聽）人數 0

國科會補助專題研究計畫成果報告自評表

請就研究內容與原計畫相符程度、達成預期目標情況、研究成果之學術或應用價

值（簡要敘述成果所代表之意義、價值、影響或進一步發展之可能性）

、是否適

合在學術期刊發表或申請專利、主要發現或其他有關價值等，作一綜合評估。

1. 請就研究內容與原計畫相符程度、達成預期目標情況作一綜合評估

■達成目標

□未達成目標（請說明，以 100 字為限）

□實驗失敗

□因故實驗中斷

□其他原因

說明：

2. 研究成果在學術期刊發表或申請專利等情形：

論文：□已發表 ■未發表之文稿 □撰寫中 □無

專利：□已獲得 □申請中 ■無

技轉：□已技轉 □洽談中 ■無

其他：（以 100 字為限）

3. 請依學術成就、技術創新、社會影響等方面，評估研究成果之學術或應用價

值（簡要敘述成果所代表之意義、價值、影響或進一步發展之可能性）（以

500 字為限）

計 畫 期 間 已 完 成 一 篇 英 文 初 稿 ， 發 表 於 第 一 屆 亞 洲 環 境 史 國 際 研 討 會 （ The First Conference of East Asian Environmental History）。本文主要論點，有二：一是臺灣 農民習用化肥與殖民政府推廣耐肥作物品種有關；然為了解臺灣日本帝國圈域內其他殖民 地在化肥使用上的相互關係，本計畫將觀察焦點擴大到同受殖民統治的朝鮮。透過閱讀朝 鮮農業史及化學肥料史二手研究成果，我發現朝鮮與臺灣有著既相似又相異的經驗。就相 似面而言，1910 年代以後，朝鮮半島的稻作農業也同樣經歷了與臺灣相似的品種改良、 土地改良與耕作法改良的過程，以達到日本增加米產的需求。品種改良的目標，亦在與日 本水稻雜交，以育成耐肥的水稻品種。然而，朝鮮與臺灣經驗相異者，為日本新興財閥「日 窒」（日本窒素肥料株式會社）在朝鮮投入大量資金，開發水力發電，而其目的則為製造 氮肥提供廉價的電力，從而使得朝鮮也成為提供自身及日本氮肥極為重要的產地。本文另 一個重要觀察，為國際化學肥料市場變動對日本對殖民地供給化肥的影響。初步的觀察發 現：就在日窒大力在朝鮮投資的同時，國際化學肥料市場產生了不小的變動，致使日本在 1920 年代末期發生化肥生產過剩現象，同一時間卻也是臺灣農技官僚大力尋找耐化肥水稻 品種的時期。兩者之間未必純屬時間巧合，對於臺灣總督府及日本農技官僚而言，使用化 肥是一種時代的「選擇性親近」，但是否此一選擇也與日本化工業者的政商力量有關？則 還需要求證。