中華佛學學報第 4 期 (p379-450)： (民國 80 年)，臺北：中華佛學研究 所，http://www.chibs.edu.tw
Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal, No. 04, (1991)
Taipei: The Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies ISSN: 1071-7132
" Structure" and "Communitas" in PoC
hü-yi's Tomb Inscription
Koichi Shinohara
Professor. McMaster University
p. 379
Summary
Chinese Buddhist biographies in the three major collections, Kao-seng chuan, Hsü Kao-seng chuan, and sung Kao-seng chuan, are largely based on stupa inscriptions, ie., tomb inscriptions for monks. The stupainscriptions were generally written by secular scholar-officials, in many cases men of great literary fame occupying high government positions. As a consequence, these documents might reasonably be interpreted as reflecting the religiosity of such educated and privileged lay Buddhist followers or sympathizers. In this paper I investigated the implications of these basic facts by examining in some detail the inscriptions written by Po Chü-yi (772-846), the famous T'ang poet who occupied several very high offices in the course of his long career in government. My strategy was to examine Po
Chü-yi's stupa inscriptions by (1) placing them in the larger context of the entire category of tomb inscriptions that Po Chü-yi wrote, and (2)
identifying one important aspect of the rhetorical dynamic of these
inscriptions. I used the concepts "structure" and "communitas" proposed by an anthropologist Victor Turner in identifying this rhetorical dynamic.
Turner suggested that we understand our social experiences and our places in society in terms of two contrasting models: (1) "society as a structure of jural, political, and economic individuals" ("a differentiated, culturally structured, segmented, and often hierarchical system of institutionalized positions"), and (2) "communitas of concrete idiosyncratic individuals, who, though differing in physical and mental endowment, are nevertheless
regarded as equal in terms of shared humanity ("society as an
undifferentiated, homogeneous whole, in which individuals confront one another integrally").
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My central conclusion in the present paper is that the these two often contradictory views of society and the individuals' relationship to it are found in Po Chü-yi's tomb inscriptions in general as well as in
his stupainscriptions. I further anticipate that this conclusion might apply more generally to at least a large part of Chinese tomb and stupa inscriptions written by other authors.
The paper is divided into three sections. In the first section, I discuss the two autobiographical inscriptions that Po Chü-yi's wrote for himself: the
"Internal Tomb Inscription of a Drunken Poetry" and the "Biography of A Drunken Poet." In the former Po Chü-yi wrote about himself using the conventions of tomb inscriptions, which were usually composed after the death of the subject. The "structural" elements are generally prominent in tomb inscriptions, which describe the successful official careers of their subjects in glowing terms. Such a biography written by the subject himself implies a basic contradiction, and that contradiction surfaces in a condensed manner in Po Chü-yi's fictitious description of his own death. Po Chü-yi's autobiographical voice intrudes loudly here, and that voice speaks in the language of "communitas". The language of "communitas" is a good deal more prominent in the second work, which Po Chü-yi wished to be carved on stone and placed near his tomb. Here Po Chü-yi draws a self-portrait in a
highly poetic language, in which the subject "forgets" his worldly self and achieves spiritual fulfilment through wine and poetry.
In the second part of the paper I examined the tomb inscriptions written by Po Chü-yi by focusing on two examples: the "Tomb Inscription for Lord Wang, Administrator of the Granary Section of Yang-chou Prefecture of the T'ang Dynasty" and the "External Tomb Inscription for Lord Wu, Regional Chief of Jao-chou Prefecture". As is usual in most tomb inscriptions these two inscriptions describe the lives of their subjects with considerable
emphasis on. "structural" features (family background, official examinations they passed, and government offices they occupied, etc.). Yet, these
inscriptions also introduce the "communitas" viewpoint as well: in the case of the inscription for Lord Wang through commenting on the subject's life by reference to the concept
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of "fate", and that for Lord Wu by appending to the more "structural"
biographical passage which describes the subject's life in terms of his official appointments another private biography describing his Taoist cultivation. The passage on Taoist cultivation is more "communitas"
oriented as most description of religious practices tend to be, but here an even higher "communitas" is posited as an ideal that fuses the two aspects of the subject's life.
In the third part of the paper I examine surviving stupa inscriptions written by Po Chü-yi. Here I chose to focus on two examples: the "Inscription for the Transmission of the Law Hall" and the "stupa inscription of the Great Master Ming-yüan of Great T'ang, the Master of the Precepts Platform at the K'ai-yüan temple of Ssu-chou Prefecture, Highest Monastic Official of the Three Prefectures of Hsü-chou, Ssu-chou, and Hao". The first inscription describes the subject's life though a set of questions and answers: the
"structural" viewpoint is prominent in the answers that describe the basic facts of the subject's life, the lineage of the teaching he received, and his relationship to other contemporary teachers: the "communitas" viewpoint is prominent in the answer that give the subject's spiritual biography and the essence of his teaching. The emphasis on the "structural" viewpoint in Po Chü-yi's stupa inscriptions, generally more notable in the first part of the inscriptions, may reflect the advanced degree of institutionalization in T'ang
Buddhism; it might also reflect the basic character of these documents as works of secular scholar-officials. In the inscription for Ming-yüan, the subject's life is described in considerable detail from the "structural" point of view and the "communitas" viewpoint is found in the rhetorical verse that alludes to famous passages in the Buddhist scripture. What is distinctive in this case is the fact that there appears to be no tension between the
"structural" and "communitas" viewpoints represented here.
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1.Introduction
Chinese Buddhist biographies are largely based on stupa inscriptions, ie., tomb inscriptions for monks. In an earlier study (Shinohara, 1986), I
investigated the relationship between the biographies of monks collected in the three major works, Kao-seng chuan ("Biographies of Eminent
Monks"), Hsü kao-seng chuan ("Further Biographies of Eminent Monks"), and sung kao-seng chuan ("Sung Biographies of Eminent Monks"), and the stupa inscriptions on which these biographies are based, Many
biographies in these collections mention explicitly the inscriptions written and carved on stone at the tomb site. In some cases, all from the latest Sung kao-seng chuan, the text of the inscriptions on which the biographies are based is still preserved. My conclusions based on an analysis of these materials included the following observations. The stupa inscriptions of these monks were generally written by secular scholar-officials, in many cases men of great literary fame occupying high government positions. As a consequence, these documents might reasonably be interpreted as reflecting the religiosity of such educated and privileged lay Buddhist followers or sympathizers. In the discussion that follows I would like to pursue this line of investigation by focusing on the inscriptions written Po chü-yi (772-846), the famous T'ang poet who occupied several very high offices in the course of his long career in government[1]. I have chosen this author for several reasons. Po Chü-yi's name is mentioned with some frequency as the author of stupa inscriptions in the Sung collection of Buddhist biographies. Several examples of Po Chü-yi's tomb inscriptions, including a
few stupa inscriptions for monks, are preserved in his collected works. And finally, Po Chü-yi's self-portrait and the tomb inscription he composed for himself provide us with some helpful insights into the internal dynamics of tomb inscriptions in general. Thus,
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focusing on Po Chü-yi's tomb inscriptions I hope to develop a general hypothesis regarding the nature and dynamics of tomb inscriptions as biographies. This analysis then should in turn help me to interpret Po Chü-yi's stupa inscriptions within a broader framework.
In this study I will first offer some observations concerning the dynamics of Chinese tomb inscriptions based on an analysis of the two
"autobiographical" inscriptions written by Po Chü-yi. In this context I will introduce Victor Turner's distinction between "structure" and "communitas"
and a related concept "liminality" in order to interpret the broader
significance of these dynamics. I will then move on to discuss some other, more typical examples of Po Chü-yi's tomb inscriptions and establish that the same inner dynamics are also at work in these inscriptions. Finally, l will move my focus to Po Chü-yi's stupainscriptions for Buddhist monks and comment on them on the basis of the general observations developed earlier.
2. Po Chü-yi's "autobiographical" inscriptions
Po Chü-yi's tomb inscription is of particular interest to us since this inscription was written by Po Chü-yi himself[2]. Tomb inscriptions
(mu-chih ming) carved on stone and buried inside the grave were normally composed by prestigious writer-officials after the death of their subjects. Po Chü-yi's tomb inscription is thus clearly unusual in that it was composed by the subject himself. In addition, in this inscription Po Chü-yi specifies that only one stone inscription with the text of his short essay, "The Biography of A Drunken Poet" (Tsui-yin hsien-sheng chuan) should be placed outside his tomb. Both these texts are preserved and we will begin our discussion of Po Chü-yi's inscriptions with a detailed analysis of these two texts.
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These two texts, as it is often the case with traditional Chinese writings, were written with specific literary antecedents in mind. T'ao Ch'ien, Po Chü-yi's favorite poet, had written "a short and fanciful autobiographical sketch", "The Gentleman of Five Willow Trees" (Wu liu hsien sheng
chuan)" (Hightower, 1970:4). As the original Chinese titles of the two works and the similarity in content indicate, Po Chü-yi's "The Biography of a Drunken Poet" is his attempt to write a fanciful autobiographical sketch in the same spirit. T'ao Ch'ien also wrote an "elegy" for himself (Tzu-chi-wen,
"sacrifice text composed by the subject [i.e., the deceased] himself"). The elegy was probably written in the last year of his life, and maybe on the eve of his death. (5). Po Chü-yi's "tomb inscription composed by the subject himself" must have been composed with T'ao Ch'ien's work in mind. In this case, however, the shift in the context from that of chi-wen ("sacrifice text"
which was read and burned as an offering to the spirit of the deceased) to tomb inscription introduces changes that are of particular interest for our purposes here, as will become clear in the discussion below.
a) Po Chü-yi's own tomb inscription: (Tsui-yin hsien-sheng mu-chih ming,
"the internal tomb inscription of a drunken poet")[3]
This inscription (PCYC, l503-l505) follows faithfully the normal
conventions of tomb inscriptions. Thus it begins by giving the surname, given name, and style of the subject, Po Chü-yi. Then follows a rather detailed description of the subject's background: first his family's origin in T'ai-yuan and its connection with an ancient figure, Ch'in general Po Ch'i, Lord of Wu-an,
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and then a list of his closer ancestors (going four generations back) with their posthumous names and official ranks. The account of his father's official career is followed by a brief description of his mother, giving her family name and posthumous name; then a brief comment on his wife. in this case, since she was still alive, giving only her family name; after that the names and ranks of his older brother and younger brother. His daughter
is mentioned along with the name and rank of her husband, then the names and titles of his three nephews with the statement that Po Chü-yi did not have a son and a son of his nephew was to look after his family after his death.
The inscription then shifts to Po Chü-yi himself. He loved learning in his youth and became a good writer. He passed three stages of official
examinations (chin-shin: "presented scholar", pa-ts'ui: "outstanding
excellence", and chin-chu: "special")[4] His first and last appointments, both very prestigious, are named with the added information that he occupied 20 offices during the forty years that he served in government. He was
Confucian in cultivating his conduct externally, Buddhist in controlling his mind internally, and in his spare time he enjoyed "mountains, waters, the moon, winds, songs, poems, zithers, and wine". The collection of his writings in seventy chüan containing 3,720 poems and his encyclopedia in thirty sections containing 1,130 item are mentioned, and we are told that since Po Chü-yi's experiences and sentiments are described concretely in the materials in his collected works, no detailed description of these matters will be given in the inscription itself.
The next section focuses on Po Chü-yi's death and funeral. The dates and the location of the residences in which he was born and died (spaces for the month and day of his death left blank) are given in a parallel fashion. The place of burial is given, along with blanks for his age at death and the dates, with the statement that he was buried next to his grandfather and his father.
Then an anecdote follows. On the night of his death, Po Chü-yu told his wife
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and nephews that he was fortunate to have lived a long life and to have achieved a high official standing, and that he had become famous without having done anything to benefit the people. He then instructed them that his funeral should be very simple and that they should erect only one stone in front of his tomb on which his "Biography of A Drunken Poet" is to be carved. After these words, Po Chü-yi's ended his life.
The inscription then concludes in a conventional manner with a verse, but with the unusual feature again that the verse was composed by Po Chü-yi
himself. The verse sings of the unreality of death and pointlessness of attachment to life, using phrases that are distinctively Buddhist and Taoist:
"Le-t'ien (Po Chü-yi's style)! Le-t'ien! He lived between Heaven and Earth for seventy-five years. His life was like a floating cloud; his death was like the casting of an old integument (as by snakes and cicadas). What was the cuase of his coming? What was the condition of his going? Our nature does not change. Our body changes frequently. It is over! It is over! Where would I not go? And what justifies hating or loving this life?"
As a tomb inscription composed by the subject himself this inscription has a fundamentally contradictory character. I have noted earlier that Po Chü-yi is here following the example of T'ao Ch'ien, but the contradiction appears to have broader consequences in his case since he chose to compose the tomb inscription (mu-chih ming), whereas T'ao Ch'ien was writing an elegy to be read at his funeral. The significance of this difference becomes clearer if we examine Po Chü-yi's use of the conventions of tomb inscriptions more closely[5].
A later manual for composing inscriptions, Mu-ming chu-li by Wang Hsing of the Yüan dynasty, lists thirteen items that should be included in tomb p. 387
inscriptions: 1.posthumous name, 2.style, 3.surname, 4.place of origin of the family, 5.ancestors (going back three or four generations), 6.deeds
(especially those prior to appointments), 7.official appointments, 8.date of death, 9.age, l0.wife's surname, 11.children (including the positions
occupied by the sons), l2.date of burial, and 13.place of burial (CSSL, 125).
Po Chü-yi's inscription summarized above contains information on all these items except item 1, posthumous name, and the exact dates of his death and burial. Since the inscription was composed by Po Chü-yi himself, he could hardly have known these details. However it was a common practice for the writer of tomb inscriptions to use blank space or the charactermou for details of these dates. When the text was carved on stone, these blanks were filled with correct numbers. Po Chü-yi clearly followed the conventional format for tomb inscriptions when he composed an inscription for himself.
A closer examination, however, reveals irregularities. lf he composed this inscription during his lifetime, how could the anecdote about his last
instructions be based on fact? Po Chü-yi here must have been expressing in this way his wish concerning his funeral. It has also been noted that the place of burial mentioned here, "northern field in the Lin-chin li, Hsia-kuei District, Hua Prefecture" does not match the present location of Po Chü-yi's tomb in Lung-men near Lo-yang. Apparently, Po Chü-yi first wished to be buried in the location mentioned in this inscription but later changed his mind and chose Lung-men as the place of burial.[6] This confirms our reading that in this "tomb inscription composed by the subject himself", Po Chü-yi was expressing his wishes
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concerning his funeral and burial. He was using the conventions of the tomb inscription to define how he was to be remembered after his death.
Tomb inscriptions were normally prepared by the subject's family and friends to glorify the life of the subject. In traditional China the funeral was an important occasion in which the life of the subject was publicly evaluated and the evaluation was ceremonially demonstrated. The building of the tomb and the preparation of the tomb inscription were an important part of this process, and thus the convention of having a well-known writer-official compose the inscription ought to be interpreted as an important part of these efforts to decorate the life of the subject with maximum prestige. The list of thirteen items conventionally included in the inscription also reflects this basic context. Given the importance of family relationships in traditional China, it makes sense, for example, that the inscription, in trying to glorify the life of the subject, mentioned the origin of the family, often going back to a well-known hero in the remote past, and listed the offices held by the subject's immediate ancestors.
The contradiction in a "tomb inscription composed by the subject" becomes more apparent if we reflect on this inherent nature of tomb inscriptions. In composing a tomb inscription for himself, and following the conventions of tomb inscriptions, Po Chü-yi was forced to engage in a certain amount of self-glorification, not acceptable conduct in the light of the dominant
Confucian morality in traditional China. This tension appears to be reflected in the contrast between the conventional items and the two sections toward the end of the inscription where Po Chü-yi's person appears more vividly.
Thus, the instruction on his death bed given in the fictitious anecdote
directly contradicts the inherent logic of tomb inscriptions by stating explicitly that he does not wish to have an ostentatious funeral and burial.
Secondly, the verse (ming) that concludes this inscription expresses the view that the worldly details of a man's life and death are not important for
someone with Po Chü-yi's religious views. In these parts of the inscription, then, Po Chü-yi's is speaking autobiographically, summarizing the
significance of his life from his personal p. 389
and religious point of view and giving some specific instructions concerning his funeral and burial. What interests us here is that Po Chü-yi chose the form of a tomb instruction to express these views. Other-worldly attitudes are instructions in a document that by convention was meant to highlight social status and accomplishments. Even if we keep in mind the precedent of a favorite poet it may still not be entirely out of place to ask how these two contradictory viewpoints are to be related to each other.
One point seems to be clear: it was precisely because the manner in which one was remembered after death in traditional China was so strongly bound by conventions that Po Chu-yi was able to borrow these conventions to express how he himself wished to be remembered, the contrast with
conventional expectations and the irony thereby achieved adding emphasis to his point of view. The irony of Po Chü-yi's autobiographical writing is more apparent in the other document we need to examine here.
b) The Biography of A Drunken Poet (Tsui-yin hsien-sheng chuan) By convention tomb inscriptions were buried in the tomb with the coffin.
Other types of inscriptions, for example, one called shen-tao-pei, were
erected outside the tomb. Po Chü-yi in expressing his wish for simple burial, instructed explicitly that no such external inscription should be made[7].
Instead he requested that a stone with his "Biography of A Drunken Poet"
(PCYC, 1485-1487) be placed at his tomb. Let us now turn to a brief examination of this document.
This "biography" begins with a statement that the subject has forgotten his surname, courtesy name (tzu), place of origin of his family and official appointments. Thus, he "does not know who he is". The text states that after
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thirty years of government service the subject has retired. A description of his life in retirement follows: in his estate there is a large pond, a bamboo grove, tall trees, pavilions and bridges. He is poor but not to the point of suffering from cold weather and hunger; he is old but not yet senile. He loves wine, the zither, and poetry, His friends, bound by love of these three pleasures and by their common interests in Buddhism, are then mentioned.
The subject has visited all places of cultural interest and natural beauty in the neighborhood of Lo-yang: Taoist and Buddhist temples, hills and fields, and gardens; he has met families which offer good wine or own fine zithers, and those with books, and who present performances of songs and dances.
Whoever invites him to a party, he goes. On beautiful days, or in mornings after a snow, or full-moon evenings, he gets together with friends to drink and recite poetry. As he begins to feel the effects of wine, he picks up the zither and play "Autumn thought",[8] if so inclined, he orders his servants to perform "The immortal's dress of rainbow and feathers";[9] if he is really having a good time, he orders his female
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tertainer to sing the "Branches of a willow tree",[10] Carefree and having a good time, he stops only after he has become completely inebriated.
Often he visits neighbors, and takes a trip into the village, he rides to the city and goes to the field carrying things on his shoulder. He takes a zither, a pillow, and several chüans of the poetry of T'ao Ch'ien and Hsieh Ling-yün.
He carries a fishing stick with a wine bottle hanging from one end. Looking for beautiful scenery, he would go as his sentiments drive him and return only after he has had a great time playing the zither and drinking. Living like this for ten years, the subject has written over a thousand poems and consumed a great deal of wine.
The second section of the text centers around an anecdote concerning the subject's love of wine. When members of his family became concerned about his excessive drinking and criticized him repeatedly, the subject responded as follows: human nature is seldom perfectly balanced (chung);
his own nature is not perfectly balanced, and if he were unlucky, he might
have ended up with loving profit making excessively, or with loving gambling, or with loving the elixir of immortality; all these unbalanced loves risk catastrophes for oneself and for one's family, luckily, he does not love those things, he is content simply with drinking and reciting poetry.
This love of drinking and reciting poetry is harmless compared to the above three examples. Here he cites two examples of Liu Po-lun (or Liu Ling)[11]
and Wang Wu-kung (or Wang Chi)[12] from the p. 392
past to strengthen his position. After this remark, he took the younger men in his family and went to a drinking establishment to share a jar of wine with them. He took a long breath and commented on his good fortunes, for
having lived longer than Yen Hui, the favourite disciple of Confucious who died young, being able to eat as much as he wishes in comparison to Po-yi who starved, being happier (le) than Jung Ch'i-ch'i,[13] and being able to enjoy better health than Wei Shu-pao (Wei Chieh);[14] after nothing that if he had given up his love of wine there would be nothing to fill his old age, he recited a poem: "Embracing a zither, Jung Ch'i-ch'i was happy (le);
Indulging himself in wine, Liu Ling achieved the state of spiritual attainment (ta).[15] I cast my eyes around me and see blue mountains. I carry a head that has grown white hairs. l do not know how many more years I am to live in the realm between Heaven and Earth. From now till the end of my life, all the time I have is leisure time". When he finihsed reciting, he laughed to himself, and drank several cups of wine. He became drunk and unconscious sitting tall and
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unmoved with his legs stretched out in front. When he woke up, he recited poems and drank again, and again he became drunk and unconscious.
Repeating this cycle over and over, he reached the state in which he could treat things that happened to him in this world as if they were dreams, wealth and high ranks as if they were clouds in the sky, and everything between Heaven and Earth as if part of a theatrical performance. One hundred years would pass, but he would feel as if only one moment has passed. In this state of happiness and half-consciousness, he does not realize that old age is approaching. The ancients would have called him a person
who has attained the wholeness in wine (or: realized himself completley through wine). For this reason, he calls himself "A Drunken Poet". At this time, the third year of K'ai-ch'eng (838), he is 67 years old. His beard is white and his head half-bald. He has lost two teeth. But his energy for drinking and reciting poetry has not shown signs of decline. Turning to his wife and children he says, "I have lived my past contentedly; I do not know what pleasures the future may bring".
As we noted earlier, this self-portrait presented as "a biography" (chuan) is modeled after T'ao Ch'ien's "Biography of the Gentlement of Five Willow Trees" (Wu-liu hsien-sheng chuan) (TYMC, 175). Although called a
"biography" (chuan), these self-portraits are fundamentally different in orientation from the official biographies in dynastic histories or tomb inscriptions which shared the same orientation as the official
biographies.[16] This difference is best illustrated by the manner in which Po Chü-yi's self-portrait begins. A text with a title "chuan" begins with a statement that the subject has "forgotten" his surname, courtesy name, origin of his family, and official ranks and hours. The text says that the subject does not know who he is. The items listed here represent the basic facts of the subject's life that are invariably given in official biographies and, as we noted above, in biographies written as tomb inscriptions. Such facts given in formula-like expressions constitute the framework of these biographies. The
"biography" under consideration here then is making a p. 394
point: it in not a conventional biography, but a parody of one. When we take into account that this "biography" is composed by Po Chu-yi himself, the significance of his statement might become clearer. He, of course, has not
"forgotten" these basic facts of himself; he says that the subject, that is, he himself, has "forgotten" these facts as a literary device to say emphatically that the following account of his life transcends the worldly concerns of ordinary biographies. The higher state, in which one has "forgotten" these worldly concerns, is the state in which the subject has achieved spiritual fulfillment through wine and poetry portrayed toward the end of the essay.
The text further notes that after thirty years in official service, the subject has retired to his estate. What follows is an account of his life after
retirement. Whereas official biographies and tomb inscriptions focus on
their subjects' official careers, here we have a "biography" that focuses on the life in retirement after many years of unspecified official service. Again, the message is clear: there is a higher point of view from which the life of a person may be described not in terms of worldly accomplishments but transcending them and achieving a higher spiritual state. A number of themes are introduced to describe this higher point of view: addition to love of wine, zither music, poetry; friendship centered around these passions;
Buddhist cultivation; appreciation of beautiful scenery, and so on. In the second half of the essay, the vice of excessive drinking is transformed first into a relatively harmless pleasure of old age and finally into a path that leads to spiritual attainment.[17]
The contradictions between the conventions of biography and the
autobiographical content that we saw in Po Chü-yi's tomb inscription may also be seen in this "biography" composed ten years or so earlier. The convention of biography is seen in the use of the term "chuan" in the title and the literary device of beginning with a statement concerning the surname, courtesy name, etc. Yet, the emphasis is decidedly on the autobiographical content in the form
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of an account of Po Chü-yi's private life centered around wine and poetry. In order to clarify the nature of this complex relationship between these two dimensions of Po Chü-yi's biographical inscriptions, let me at this point turn to Victor Turner's discussion of "structure" and "anti-structure" or
"communitas".
c)Turner on "structure" and "communitas"
Turner states in The Ritual Process (Turner, 1969: 177f.):
All human societies implicitly or explcitly refer to two contrasting social models. One, as we have seen, is of society as a structure of jural, political, and economic positions, offices, statuses, and roles, in which the individual is only ambiguously grasped behind the social persona. The other is of society as a communitas of concrete idiosyncratic individuals, who, though differing in physical and mental endowment, are nevertheless regarded as equal in terms of shared humanity. The first model is of a differentiated,
culturally structured, segmented, and often hierarchical system of institutionalized positions. The second presents society as an
undifferentiated, homogeneous whole, in which individuals confront one another integrally, and not as "segmentalized" into statuses and roles[18].
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Turner is saying that the two social models described here are found in all human societies, i.e., members of any human society engage at one time or another in activities that presuppose one or the other of these models of society whether they are self-conscious about it or not. The "models" are in the mind of the subjects of Turner's analysis, or perhaps better still,
implicitly presupposed in the cultural forms which they adopt. To make this point clearer, I will frequently use the expression "Viewpoints" in the sense of the viewpoint of the author, i.e., Po Chü-yi and of the intended readers in the discussion below.
My hypothesis is that the relationship between the biographical conventions and the autobiographical content in the two inscription examined above is in fact a concrete manifestation of the general relationship between
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"structure" and "communitas" analyzed by Turner. I will first explain this identification in greater detail, and then try to see whether, given this identification, Turner's analysis enables us to see more clearly the broader implications of our observations concerning the contradictory relationship between the two elements in Po Chü-yi's inscriptions.
It is not difficult to demonstrate that the biographical convention presupposes the "structure" viewpoint or model of society. As we have noted earlier, tomb inscriptions glorify the lives of the subjects, and
therefore, their conventions specify that they provide information regarding the subjects' family background and official careers. Such information is given in terms of a hierarchical view of the social prestige of different families and of offices in government. Thus, biographical conventions
presuppose a model which sees the society "as a structure of jural, political, and economic positions, offices, statuses, and roles."
The autobiographical elements in these documents contradict the hierarchical and conventional view of life. These elements represent a different viewpoint based on a different model of society. In the tomb inscription the author directs that his funeral and burial should not follow the conventions of high government officials: he thus rejects important conventions upholding the "structure". In the "biography" inscription, the subject is described as an "idiosyncratic" personage who spends his life in friendship with other individuals equally "idiosyncratic", ie., engrossed in the pursuit of similar goals in life. The human relationship described in the
"biography", the relationship between friends sharing common interests and that between family members (an old patriarch drinking excessively and his wife and other younger members concerned about it) appears to be, in contrast to the relationships of official position and status, a relationship between individuals "regarded as equal in terms of common shared humanity" "in which individuals confront one another integrally."
Turner notes that "communitas has an aspect of potentiality; it is often in the subjunctive mood" (127). Po Chü-yi's relationship to his tomb inscription p. 398
is indeed in the "subjunctive mood", if by that term we understand a suspension of normal expectations and an interjection into reality of the hypothetical, the potential. To be more specific, Po Chü-yi employs the form of the tomb inscription which was normally written by a third party on the death of another individual, and suspends this normal procedure, saying in effect that if it were possible for a man to write his own epitaph, this is what his would be. In addition he is using the medium of a tomb inscription that describes the subject's funeral after the fact to give his own funeral instructions, a second violation of normal events. This use of the
"subjunctive mode" explains the contradictory character of this document examined in some detail above. The contradiction may be explained as a gap between the conventions of tomb inscriptions in the "indicative mood" and Po Chü-yi's use of this form for his unconventional purpose in a manner that defies normal expectation, much as the subjunctive mood implies a lifting of
the rigid rules of the mundane to include the possibility of new events and modes of visualizing those events.
The use of the expression "A Drunken Poet" in the "biography" may also be an expression of the "subjunctive mood" of that document, where the poet speaking of himself writes as if he were writing of a third party. For by writing of himself as if he were someone else Po Chü-yi is permitted to open up the hard reality of fact into fiction, to imagine himself as he would
potentially like to see himself and to present himself to the world as the potential Po Chü-yi and not the actual Po Chü-yi. Thus by inventing this humorous sobriquet for himself Po Chü-yi is able to distance himself from his subject and at the same time to describe himself using the conventions for idealizing a certain type of remarkable personality. Calling the document
"a biography of a drunken poet" (Ts-ui-yin hsien-sheng chuan) invites the reader to recall another poet's self-portrait and transforms Po Chü-yi's self-portrait into an image of a highly "idiosyncratic" individual who stands in the company of another well-known and highly idealized figure. The overall effect then may be that of an idealized self-portrait: the conventional biography in the "indicative mood", describing simple fact, has become a self-projection in the "subjunctive mood",
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in which the author is then able to express his dream about himself and to describe scribe how he wants others to remember him later.
The subject's life described in the "biography" is a life in retirement after many years of government service in the world of the "structure". Ultimately, this life (of leisure time) constitutes a rather prolonged stage of transition from an active role in the society ("structure") to the ultimate stage of death.
This transitional character of Po Chü-yi's biographies is even clearer in the case of the tomb inscription: Po Chü-yi as the author is describing the transition from life to death as if he were a conscious witness to his own deathbed scene. Turner's term for characterizing and analyzing such transition is "liminality":
Liminal entities are neither here not there; they are betwixt and between the positions assigned and arrayed by law, custom, convention, and ceremonial.
As such, their ambiguous and indeterminate attributes are expressed by a
rich variety of symbols in the many societies that ritualize social and cultural transitions (95).
What is interesting about liminal phenomena for our present purposes is the blend they offer of lowliness and sacredness, of homogeniety and
comradeship. We are presented, in such rites, with a "moment in and out of time", and in and out of secular social structure, which reveals, however fleetingly, some recognition (in symbols if not always in language) of a generalized social bond that has ceased to be and has simultaneously yet to be fragmented into a multiplicity of structural ties (96).
This "generalized social bond" is "communitas". The basic presentation of the subject's excessive drinking may be interpreted as an example of the
"blend of lowliness and sacredness": here love of wine, something that is openly admitted to be a weakness or shortcoming, is eventually transformed into a positive value as a path toward spiritual perfection. This state of spiritual perfection, moreover, is described as a "a moment in and out of time" in the
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description of the half-drunken, half-sober state of reciting poetry in which the subject is happily unaware of the approach of old age.[19] The
"biography" therefore describes a "liminal mode of experience" and the dominant model of society represented there is "communitas".
If we can interpret the relationship between the viewpoint represented by biographical conventions and that of these autobiographical statements as an instance of the basic relationship between "structure" and "communitas", Turner's analysis leads us to an important suggestion: this relationship must be understood dialectically;[20] the two viewpoints do not simply contradict each other, they also complement each other. In the paragraph immediately following the long paragraph quoted above, Turner describes the
relationship between the two "social models" as follows:
In the process of social life, behaviour in accordance with one model tends to "drift away" from behaviour in terms of the other. The ultimate
desideratum, however, is to act in terms of communitas values even while playing structural roles, where what one culturally does is conceived of as
merely instrumental to the aim of attaining and maintaining communitas (96).
In preparing a tomb inscription himself and instructing that his self-portrait in the "A Drunken Poet" be placed at his grave, Po Chü-yi was trying to achieve something like this "ultimate desideratum": a "structural" image of Po Chü-yi as a famous writer and an eminent statesman, something one associates naturally with a grave site, would then be complemented by a
"liminal" or "communitas" image. If this is the case, it is important to interpret these document
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with the awareness that the two contradictory elements are in fact both necessary and stand ultimately in a complementary relationship. These biographies or autobiographies are not simply saying that the worldly titles and family backgrounds, for instance, are not important, or that Po Chü-yi did not pay attention to them;[21] rather the point is that these facts are naturally important, but must be remembered as only one aspect of Po Chü-yi's life, a life which had an entirely different dimension centered around friendship, drinking, reciting poetry, and Buddhist cultivation[22].
Turner may further help us in understanding the significance of "liminality"
and "communitas" in these inscriptions if we consider his statements about symbolic figures in folk literature.
All these mythic types are structurally inferior or "marginal", yet represent what Henri Bergson would have called "open" as against "closed morality,"
the latter begin essentially the normative system of bounded, structured, particularistic groups. Bergson speaks of how an in-group preserves its identity against members of out-groups, protects itself against threats to its way of life, and renews the will to maintain the
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norms on which the routine behaviour necessary for its social life depends.
In closed or structured societies, it is the marginal or "inferior" person or the
"outsider" who often comes to symbolize what David Hume has called "the
sentiment for humanity," which in its turn relates to the model we have termed "communitas" (110f.).
Po Chü-yi was an elite scholar-official who at many points in his life occupied positions very close to the centre of power. He was obviously a member of the elite "in-group". At first this fact about Po Chü-yi's career and his autobiographical "communitas" image may seem difficult to
reconcile. As a man who held important positions in the central government, why did he not wish to describe his life simply as that of a loyal and selfless minister, for example?
As we have seen above, Turner's analysis of the dialectical relationship between "structure" and "communitas" suggests that "liminality" and
"communitas" exist in all lives with structure. A concomitant of this
"liminality" is "marginality", and a brief consideration of the lives of Chinese officials reveals the extent to which an official could and did become marginal in traditional China. It would have been Po Chü-yi's experience of this "marginality", then, that might have contributed to his describing his own life as he did.
Officials in traditional China lived a life that was inherently precarious.
Their careers depended on often unpredictable appointments; careers were often interrupted by unpredictable punishments.[23] The experience of
"marginality" was then also a part of their lives. One might interpret the career of a scholar-official in traditional China as a process that included many periods of transition and reversals of status. During these periods of
"liminal" transition theof p. 403
ficials must have experienced marginality. These periods would have also occasioned a distanced evaluation of life in the "structure".[24] It would thus be natural to attribute a tendency toward "communitas" to the spiritual life of the elites in traditional China.
Po Chü-yi's own career was broken in 815 (age 44) when he was appointed to a local post in remote Chiang-chou as a punishment for criticizing the government. It may not have been entirely an accident that his famous letter to his friend Yüan Chen was written in the same year a few months after he
arrived in Chiang-chou. In this letter Po Chü-yi describes his view of literature and reflects on his life in a manner that comes closets to what modern readers would consider an autobiography. It is tempting to interpret this autobiographical letter as a "liminal" document, produced at a point when Po Chü-yi's official career in the "structure" was interrupted and he had an opportunity to reflect on his life in the light of a pursuit of a literary goal ("cultural value") and share this reflection with a friend ("confronting"
him "integrally"). Perhpas it is significant that this "liminal" autobiography no longer uses any of the conventions associated with a biography: the concern in this document appears to have nothing in common with
biography writing in traditional Chian which was so intimately connected with the world of "structure". Since here our interest is focused primarily on the literary form of biography, a more detailed examination of this important document must be postponed until another occasion.
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This analysis of the two biographycal/autobiographical documents written by Po Chü-yi suggests that an important aspect of the internal dynamics of traditional Chinese biogrpahies may be illuminated by Turner's distinction between "structure" and "communitas". The conventions of official
biography emphasize the viewpoint of "structure" in glorifying the life of their subjects. Yet, there is also room in this literary form for expressing the viewpoint of "communitas".
Since religion is rooted in "communitas" and "liminality", this analysis of traditional Chinese biographies in terms of "structure" and "communitas"
may prove to be useful in analyzing Chinese religious biographies, where one would naturally expect that the elements representing the viewpoint of
"communitas" and "liminality" would be found. At the same time, however, we need to keep in mind the fact that "communitas" once institutionalized as religion also enters the realm of "structure". Turner notes,
In complex large-scale societies, liminality itself, as a result of the
advancing division of labor, has often become a religious or quasi-religious state, and, by virtue of this crystallization, has tended to reenter structure and acquire a full complement of structural roles and positions" (167).
The study of Chinese biographies and particularly of religious biographies may then be guided by a conceptual framework that evaluates the material in terms of the relationship between "structure" and "communitas". The internal dynamics of biographies may thus be analyzed in terms of the complex relationship between the glorification of the lives of the subjects from the worldly point of view of "structure" on the one hand and the transcending of this viewpoint from a higher (or paradoxically lower)
"liminal" viewpoint of "communitas".
As a first step toward such an analysis, let us now move to a brief discussion of Po Chü-yi's tomb inscriptions for secular figures and then to a consider p. 405
ation of his stupa inscriptions written for Buddhist monks.
3. Po Chü-yi's tomb inscriptions
Po Chü-yi's collected works preserve a number of tomb inscriptions for secular figures: thirteen mu-chih ming inscriptions (five of which are for women), six shen-tao-pei ming or similar inscriptions, and
two chia-chuang (one for his grand-father and one for his father). I will here examine one ma-chih ming, inscription and one shen-tao-pei ming
inscription in order to illustrate the relationship between "structural" and
"communitas" concerns in secular tomb inscriptions.
a) "The Tomb Inscription for Lord Wang, Administrator of the Granary Section of Yang-chou Prefecture of the T'ang Dynasty" (T'ang yang-chou ts'ang ts'ao ts'an-chün Wang fu-chüh (mu-) chih-ming)
This inscription (PCYC, 927-929) is accompanied by a note saying that it was composed on behalf of Secretary (she-jen) Pei T'ing. In the text Po Chü-yi mentions that he was acquainted with the three sons of the subject, and that this is the reason why he composed the inscription.
The text begins by giving the posthumous name (in fact left in blank) and courtesy name of the subject. Then a long description of the subject's
ancestry follows. The family claims its origin from the prince Chin of King Ling of the Chou dynasty; mention is made of Chien, in the twenty-first
generation after the prince, who became a general of the Ch'in dynasty, of Hsün who was born three generations later and lived in T'ai-yüan, thus establishing the fmaily's place of origin in this place; and of Ch'iung who came nineteen generations later and served as Vice Director under the Later Wei and was given the honorary posthumous name (shih) Duke Hsiao-chien.
Next is mentioned the subject's great grandfather who followed two generations later, and was given the posthumous name Man; he served as District Magistrate of the Wang-wu District of the He-nan superior
Prefecture; then the grandfather with the posthumous name Ta-chin who served as a Commander of Chia-chou region, and his father with the posthumous name P'ien, who served as the Director of
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Hsien-yang in the Ching-chao superior Prefecture and as the Director of Yi-ch'üeh in the He nan Superior Prefecture. P'ien was educated both in literature and conduct, passed the special examination (chih-cha) called tui ch'en-mou mi-lüeh ts'e k'e, and his poetry was included in the Cheng-sheng chi ("Collection of Poetry with Correct Sounds"). The buject was the third son of this Director of Yin ch'üeh.
The next section describes the life of the subject, emphasizing his official career. He loved learning and was good at composition. During the
T'ien-pao period (742-756), he took the ming-ching ("knowledge of scriptures") examination, passed, and was appointed (hsüan-shou) as the Commandant of Yi-wu in Wu-chou Prefecture. He was known for his
integrity and ability (ch'ing-kan). Prefect Wei Chih-chin having learned that this was so appointed him as the Administrative Assistant for Defense of his prefecture.
Soon Special Supply Transport Commissioner Yuan Tsai also heard about him and appointed him as the Acting Director of Graneries to take exclusive charge of transport. At the end of the year, impressed by the subject's
accomplishments, Yüan Tsai recommended to the court that he should be appointed to the same position on a regular basis. During the Yung-t'ai period (765-766) he was transferred to the Ministry of Revenue of the Yüeh Superior Prefecture. He directly administered any commuity within the territory that was not in proper order himself. Consequently, order was restored everywhere. During the Ta-li period (766-779) Surveillance
Commissioner Hsieh Chien-hsün recommended him to the court as a man of extraordinary integrity and he was appointed as. Probationary District
Magistrate of Yü-yao District. The area at that time was suffering from pirates and bandits, but the subject of this inscription governed so well that he was known at the best local government official in the South. Details of his accomplishments are said to be noted in local government records. At the beginning of the Chien-chung period (780-783) he was appointed
Administrator of the Granary Section of Yang-chou Prefecture. In the fourth year of this period, on the 26th day of the 7th month, he died of sickness in the private residence in the Chiang-yang District. He was 62 years old.
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Some information about his wife and children is given after this account of the subject's official career. His wife was from the Ts'ui family of Ch'ing-he area. She was a grand-niece of the Drafter of the Phoenix Pavilion Jung, and a daughter of the Legal Administrator of Cheng-chou Prefecture Ang. The woman followed the instruction of her mother and treated her husband as her teacher on all questions. She died of sickness in the official residence in the San-yüan District at the age 62.
There were three sons, called Po, Yen, and Ch'i. All three passed the prestigious Presented Scholars' examination. Po passed in addition the special examination called the tui chih-yen chi-chien k'e and was given the office of Editor in the Academy of Scholarly Worthies, and then transferred repeatedly to Chief investigating Censor, Palace Censor, and Director or San-yüan. Yen had already passed the examination, but had not served in any office. Ch'i had pased the po-hsüeh hung-ts'u k'e special examination and was appointed as an Editor in the Academy of Scholarly Worthies. Thus, these three brothers passed altogether five of the most difficult examinations within ten years. They were widely praised for this accomplishment. There was one daughter who was married to Lu Chung-t'ung of Fan-yang.
A passage states that the oldest son Po and others moved the grave of the subject to a field in Ch'un-hua village, Fu-p'ing District in the Ching-ch'ao Superior Prefecture in the capital region. This was done for the sake of finding a more auspicious location for the grave.
In the last section Po Chü-yi makes some comments on the life of the subject. He refers to the Confucian concept of ming* ("fate"), stating that moral cultivation of the self is a matter over which man has control, but appointment in high offices and success in benefitting the people is
something that depends on ming*. Even sages, who have done everything in man's control, cannot accomplish anything if ming* is against them. The subject of the inscription was a man of integrity and ability, those who were wise knew that he considered serving the ruler and bringing salvation to people his responsibility. But ming* was such that though his name was known by the Son of Heaven, his rank was that of a low ranking official (p'ei-ch'en). The ancients said that if
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a man of great virtue and wisdom was not recognized in his life time, good fortune would always come to his descendants. This prediction appears realized in the three sons of the subject. Heaven is probably making his descendants prosper in order to demonstrate how virtues are rewarded later.
Po Chü-yi then mentions his connection these three sons: he passed
examinations at the same time as Yen; served in government office with Po, and served as an examiner when Ch'i passed the state examination. He had a friendly relationship with the sons and through them became familiar with the subject's life. Therefore, he composed this text without any distortions of facts or flattering words.[25]
The verse that constitutes the last section of the inscription summarizes in rhetorical language the family history, the subject's remarkable talents and accomplishments, and the fact that though he did not receive an appropriate position in his life, his descendants prospered.
There is little doubt that the primary concern of this inscription is the social status defined in the context of "structure". It describes the family history in detail mentioning the figures who attained high government positions.
Obviously it is saying that the subject comes from a prestigious family. It describes his life primarily in terms of the offices he occupied. And finally the inscription places considerable emphasis on the fact that the three sons of the subject passed very prestigious examinations.
One interesting feature of this inscription is that whereas both the ancestors and descendants are glorified in terms of the positions they occupied, the subject himself is treated differently. Po Chü-yi is obviously not impressed by the official record of the subject and attempts to explain the unimpressive record by referring to the concept of ming* ("mandate", "fate"). The concept implicitly makes a distinction between worldly success from the viewpoint of the "structure" and the moral worth of the man that is determined from a higher point of view.
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In an ideal society morally worthy men should occupy high positions in the government. But in the real world, for reasons that we do not understand and that are beyond our control ("ming*"), morally worthy men do not always occupy high offices. In this inscription Po Chü-yi calls our attention to this anomaly by calling to mind the ideal world, a Confucian "communitas"
where virtue is always recognized and leads to appointments in high offices.
He then softens his discontent with the mundane world by quoting an old saying that in cases where morally worthy people do not receive appropriate appointments in their life times, their descendants prosper. The effect of this linking of the subject's moral worth and the worldly success of his
descendants is to underline the significance of the worldly success of the latter. Thus while the text remains primarily oriented to the world of
"structure", the introduction of the concept of ming* is an intrusion of the
"communitas" viewpoint into a primarily "structure" oriented inscription.
As we noted earlier Turner suggests that there is a dialectical relationship between "structure" and "communitas'. The relationship between the primary "structural" orientation of the inscription and the "communitas"
viewpoint that appears at the point where Po Chü-yi begins his own personal comments on the life of the subject may be explained in terms of this
general insight. Again, the two viewpoints are not merely contradictory, but are complementary as well.
Po Chü-yi is using the religious and symbolic concept of ming* as a rhetorical device to make a point: the subject was a man of greater virtue and ability than the positions he occupied in his life time suggest; he would
have served in higher offices if it were not for the adverse ming*.[26] We must also note that in making rhetorical use of this concept in this way, Po Chü-yi is also asserting the necessary dialectic between the order of the world and its repeated
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breakdown. By returning then to the concept that reward goes to the man's descendants, he in effect finally suggests that structure and order may be trusted, the ideal order of Confucian society ("communitas") is realizable over a longer span of time.[27]
In many cases tomb inscriptions do not seem to recognize any possible tension between a basic "structural" orientation and the "communitas"
viewpoint represented in symbolic and rhetorical passages. In some cases, however, the tension between "structure" and "cornmunitas" is made more explicit. The focus on the concept of ming* in the inscription we examined above may be taken as an example of this. In the external tomb inscription (shen-tao-pei ming) written for a personal friend, Po Chü-yi focuses even more clearly on this dual perspective.
b) The external tomb inscription of Lord Wu, regional chief of Jao chouprefecture (Ka jao-chou tz'u-shih Wu fu-chun shen-tao-pei ming) In this inscription (PCYC, 1446-1448) Po Chü-yi pays special attention to the question of the relationship between official career and Taoist
cultivation. The inscription begins with a brief paragraph rejecting the two extremes of losing
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oneself in the market place, government office or family life on the one hand and of abandoning one's relatives to escape into mountain forests on the other hand. Neither of these is said to constitute the ideal state of attainment. As an individual spends his life in society, he must adapt to circumstances, maintaining the distinction between his own place and that of other people (i.e., not interfering in the affairs of other people), not seeking unnaturally to be pure by himself nor seeking unnaturally to become impure.
He ought not to reject offices insisting on unnaturally high moral standards
as did Ch'ao-fu or Hsü-yu during the reign of Yao, nor serve in high and conspicuous offices as did famous ministers Yi-yin and T'ai-wang-kung Lü Shang. Making his mind like water and his body like a cloud, rising and sinking, prospering and declining in every circumstance a man attains fulfillment. Such is the ideal state of attainment, and Po Chü-yi says that his friend Lord Wu achieved it.
At this point a paragraph describing the life of the subject in the conventional manner of tomb inscripptions is introduced. After the
posthumous name Tan and courtesy name Chen-ts'un comes a brief account of his family background: he was a great-grandson of Lan, Secretarial Receptionist for the Heir Apparent, a grandson of Shu, Commander of Mu-chou Prefecture, and the eldest son of Ch'üan, Director of Gate Keepers for Heir Apparent, posthumously appointed as Minister of Works. Having passed the examination for Presented Scholars he entered government service. A long list of his offices follows' Proof Reader, Chief Musician, Case Reviewer for the Court of Judicial Review, Palace Investigating Censor, Secretary for the Heir Apparent, Vice-Director of Ministry of Works and Bureau of Provisions, Director of Criminal Administration Bureau and Ministry of War, Grand Master of Remonstrance, Vice-Minister of the Court of Judicial Review, and Regional Chief of Jao-chou Prefecture.
A list of his special assignments (chih) is then given. Finally, this record is summarized by saying that in official rank (chieh) he reached that of Grand Master of the Palace and that his merit title (hsün) reached that of Supreme Pillar of State. He read thousands of volumes of books and wrote a great deal. In the first year of the Pao-li period (825), in
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the sixth month, on acertain day (left blank) he died in the official residence in Jao-chou prefecture. In a certain year (left blank), in the eleventh month, on a certain day (left blank), he was buried in the northern field of the Jen-he village, in the Chin-ling District, Ch'ang-chou Prefecture. This was done following the will of the subject.
A parallel account of the life of the subject emphasizing his Taoist cultivation follows. When the subject was four or five years old, he was playing with mud and sand in a way that was quite similar to the
performance of a Taoist ritual; when he was eight or nine years old he wrote
sentences that were like the writings of well-known poets. He did not know why he did these things-probably they were the result of Confucian and Taoist (hsüan) learning in previous lives. After the capping ceremony, he enjoyed Taoist books, observed the Taoist register (lu), controlled his breathing (ch'i) and avoided eating grains for several years at a strentch.
Bright breath (hao ch'i) filled him and his Cinnabar Field (tan-t'ien) was moistened. Being unworldly he wanted to renounce living in the world.
When he became a fully mature man, he could not abandon his three young brothers and eight nephews and therefore decided to serve in salaried
positions. He said, "A hermit in comfort cannot instruct others. I shall become known by working as a Confucian. A man anxious to achieve greater reputation than others cannot pacify his mind. I shall embody the profound mystery (hsüan) to nourish power. A man suffering from cold and hunger cannot be at peace in the Way. I shall diligently seek salaried
employment. One should not go to excesses in salary and rank. I shall know where to be satisfied and stop and maintain balance(chung)." Then he went to the capital region and obtained reputation and wealth. Yet except for attaining fame and providing for his family he possessed no unnecessary objects and had no unnecessary worries. Unadorned zither on his left side and the Taoist Yellow Court Scripture (huang t'ing) on his right, he was at peace and self-sufficient; he was in harmony with Heaven all his life.
Having served for twenty-seven years, he died at age 88. Having no family of his own, he had no worries about descendants. Following the
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changes in fortune naturally (wei-shun) he was not fearful about anything even for one day, and returned to the completed state at death (kuei-ch'uan fan-chen). Therefore, I call him a man who attained the ideal (ta). This is undoubtedly the case.
A short passage describing the circumstances which led Po Chü-yi to write the inscription follows: the subject's younger brother (chung-li) who was the Administrator of Hu-chou Prefecture requested Po Chü-yi to compose the text for the inscription, "Since l had a friendly association with his brother and as a fellow student and colleague in government I am well informed about the circumstances of his life."
Saying that he can illumine the meaning of the subject's life through reference to an ancient figure, he composes a concluding verse that
compares him to Tung-fang shuo of the Han dynasty, who in legend become a Taoist immortal and praises both as men who attained the ideal (ta).
In this inscription the two aspects of the subject's life, as an official who attained the highest ranks in government service and as a Taoist adept, are given side by side and his achievement is praised as a synthesis of the two ideals. A term ta (translated here as "attaining the ideal") is introduced to fuse the two conflicting ideals into a higher ideal of living in the world naturally and without attachments.
To return to Turner's terminology, the "structure" viewpoint and
"communitas" viewpoint are first presented separately in the biography. On this level, the "communitas" viewpoint describes a life of spiritual
cultivation following Taoist teaching. But there is yet another level on which the ideal of "communitas" is presented in this inscription. We have seen that the emphasis is on the harmonious relationship between the two viewpoints: the subject was particularly admirable in that he was able to live the life of spiritual cultivation ("communitas") while performing his duties through highly successful government service ("structure").
Throughout the author takes the position that the ideal life (ta)
("communitas") should not be sought either in escape from the world p. 414
("sturcture") nor in total immersion in it. The "communitas" viewpoint then is represented on two levels in this inscription: in terms of a life of spiritual cultivation following Taoist teaching and in terms of a life of a man who attained the ideal (ta-jen) through combining successful government service and religious practice.
What we see here may be interpreted in part as a consequence of the process in which the ideal of "communitas" becomes crystalized and
instituationalized into "structured" forms of religious practice; it becomes incorporated into the "structure" and is seen as a socially sanctioned life style of renouncing worldly duties. When this takes place, a higher more transcendent "communitas" is sought beyond this more" structured"
"communitas". As we noted earlier, Turner calls attention to this as a typical development in religions in highly differentiated and structured societies.
Our study of Po Chü-yi's stupainscriptions will throw further light on this complex process.
4. Po Chü-yi's stupa inscriptions
Stupa inscriptions (t'a-ming) are tomb inscriptions for Buddhist monks. As we noted earlier, these stupainscriptions were typically written by
well-known secular scholar-officials. In a survey of authors of stupa inscriptions,[28] we noted that certain figures, generally secular
scholar-officials of great literary fame, appear to have been popular and willing authors of these inscriptions; among them Po Chü-yi figured prominently. In the Sung collection of the biographies of eminent monks, compiled by Tsan-ning (919-1001 ) in 988, Po Chü-yi's name appears four times as the writer of inscriptions (Ch'ung kuei, Taisho, 50, 765c;
Shang-heng, Taisho, 50, 806c; Shen-ts'ou, Taisho, 50, 807a; Chi-jan, Taisho, 50, 880a). Two of these[29] are preserved in
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Po Chü-yi's collected works. Further comparison of the text of the Sung collection with other inscriptions preserved in Po Chü-yi's collected works reveals that at least one other biography was based on Po Chu-yi's
inscription though his name was not mentioned explicitly.[30] Po Chü-yi's collected works contain our texts entitled stupa inscriptions and two others that are in fact biographies of monks in the manner identical with
regular stupa inscriptions. As I noted above, three of these six existing texts were used as the main source by Tsanning when he compiled the
biographies of the respective monks in his collection. Thus, there were at least two more stupa inscriptions that Po Chü-yi composed which were not collected in his works and are probably now lost, and there is the possibility that more biographies in the Sung collection are in fact based on Po
Chü-yi's stupa inscriptions though this dependence is not mentioned in the biographies and the original inscriptions have now been lost. It would be safe to conclude that Po Chü-yi was one of more popular compilers
of stupa inscriptions in his time.[31] Here I will examine a few examples of existing stupa inscriptions composed by Po Chü-yi paying special attention
