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Studies in Chinese Religions
ISSN: 2372-9988 (Print) 2372-9996 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rstu20
What is in a Name? The Possibility of Identifying the Monk Damo as the Mentor of the First
Known Self-Claimed Reincarnation of Maitreya in Medieval China
Jinhua Chen
To cite this article: Jinhua Chen (2015) What is in a Name? The Possibility of Identifying the Monk Damo as the Mentor of the First Known Self-Claimed Reincarnation of Maitreya in Medieval China, Studies in Chinese Religions, 1:1, 3-19, DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2015.1006839
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2015.1006839
Published online: 05 May 2015.
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RESEARCH ARTICLE
What is in a Name? The Possibility of Identifying the Monk Damo as the Mentor of the First Known Self-Claimed Reincarnation of
Maitreya in Medieval China
Jinhua Chen*
University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada (Received 13 September 2014; accepted 1 December 2014)
On the basis of a memorial inscription dedicated to an obscure foreign monk known to us only by a rather ordinary word, Damo達摩 (Dharma), which was obviously a part of his name, this study attempts to reconstruct some traces of his life, and several key aspects of his image as was perceived by his contemporaries. Partly due to his obscurities and popularities, starting from a certain point of time this Damo started to be conflated with the famous Bodhidharma. The research presented in this article shows that it is difficult to identify this Damo to be Bodhidharma. However, several major aspects of Damo’s image seems to have played a noticeable role in informing the image of Bodhidharma and the Chan ideologies related to him. This case study underscores the complexity of the process through which the life and image of a religious paragon in medieval China, like elsewhere in the world of any time, were made and remade.
Keywords: Damo; Song Toutuo; Bodidharma; Chan Buddhism; Sengfu; Mahasattva Fu
Sengfu僧副 (464–524) was a renowned scholar monk active under the Qi 齊 (479–502) and Liang梁 (502–557) dynasties. Daoxuan 道宣 (596–667) wrote a biography for him and included it in his monastic biographical collection, the Xu Gaoseng zhuan續高僧傳.
This biography of Sengfu mentions a monk called Damo達磨 (Skt. Dharma; ?-564?) as his major teacher. Taking this Damo as the famous Bodhidharma (Putidamo 菩提達摩 [allegedly died in 535]), some Chan histories present him as a disciple of Bodhidharma.
For instance, Zhiju智炬 (var. Huiju 惠炬, d. after 801), the author of Baolin zhuan 寶林 傳 (Account of the Treasure Forest), lists Sengfu, whom he renames Piantou Fu 偏頭副, as a major disciple of Bodhidharma.1Daoyuan道原 (?-1004+), the compiler of a major Chan historio-biographical compendium under the Song dynasty, identifies, just to take another example, Damo as Bodhidharma and gives Sengfu another name: Daofu 道副.2 This identification has been widely accepted by modern Chan scholars.3
However, given Sengfu’s prestige, he would have been mentioned along with Huike 惠可 (487–593) and Daoyu 道育 (dates unknown) in Bodhidharma’s biography in the Xu Gaoseng zhuan had Daoxuan really taken him as a disciple of Bodhidharma. This becomes even more certain when we consider that Sengfu appears to be much more important than Daoyu. On the contrary, evidence suggests that Daoxuan seems to have taken Sengfu’s teacher to be different from Bodhidharma. In Sengfu’s biography, Daoxuan says the following about Damo:
*Email:jinhuachen2013@gmail.com
Vol. 1, No. 1, 3–19, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2015.1006839
© 2015 Institute of World Religions, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
There was a meditation master called Damo, who was versed in the practice of contemplation and who hid in a stone cave to escape worldly afflictions. His words and learning were profound and broad.有達摩禪師, 善明觀行, 循4擾巖穴, 言問深博.5
As Daoxuan wrote a separate biography for Bodhidharma in the same fascicle containing Sengfu’s biography (actually only three entries after Sengfu’s), it seems rather unlikely that Daoxuan would have deemed it necessary to make these comments on Damo had he believed that Damo was actually Bodhidharma. Furthermore, Bodhidharma’s Xu Gaoseng zhuan biography says nothing about his experiences as a recluse in the course of his career as a Buddhist missionary in China, which is incompatible with the image of Damo as a cave dweller.6
As far as I know, only one scholar, Furuta Shōshin 古田紹欽 (1911–2001), does not take Sengfu’s teacher, Meditator Dharma, to be Bodhidharma. Rather, he suggests that Dharma was Dharmamitra’s (Damomiduoluo 達摩蜜多羅; 356–442) disciple, Da 達.7 Furuta’s hypothesis does not seem convincing either. First of all, while Da was based at Dinglin Temple定林寺 on Mount Zhong 鍾山, Sengfu’s Xu Gaoseng zhuan biography mentions his discipleship under Damo before describing his entry into Yangdu 揚都 (Jinling金陵) and, specifically, Mount Zhong. This suggests that it was in a place other than Mount Zhong that he met and studied under Damo.
Second, as far as Daoxuan is concerned, it seems unlikely that he would have referred to Damo as Da. In its Chinese transliteration, the name of an Indian or central Asian monk appears in three, four, or more characters. He might be called by the first two or the last two characters in his name. Belonging to the former case are Lena勒那 and Fotuo 佛陀 (standing for Lenamoti 勒那摩提 [Ratnamati] and Fotuobatuoluo 佛陀跋陀羅 [Buddhabhadra] respectively), while in the latter case, Luoshi羅什, Damo 達磨, Liuzhi 流支 were used for Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什 (Kumā rajīva), Putidamo 菩提達磨 (Bodhidharma), and Putiliuzhi 菩提流支 (Bodhiruci), and so on. When these two-char- acter shorthand terms were further shortened into a one-character name, it was usually the latter character that was used: Shi 什 for Luoshi 羅什, Na 那 for Lena 勒那, Mo 摩 for Damo 達磨. Two examples of the name Damo shortened as Mo can be found in Bodhidharma’s Xu Gaoseng zhuan biography8 and Daoxuan’s “Xichan lun” 習禪論 (A Treatise on Meditation).9
Third, had Daoxuan really believed that this Damo was none other than Bodhidharma, he would not have put the biography of Sengfu, as a disciple, before that of Bodhidharma.10Although Daoxuan seems to have arranged the order of his biographical items in terms of the years of death, it would still be too unusual to give priority to a student over a teacher, particularly when their biographies are collected in the same fascicle.
Fourth, given the large age-gap between Sengfu and Dharmamitra (Sengfu was 108 years younger than Dharmamitra), it is not likely that he could have been a second- generation disciple of Dharmamitra and an immediate disciple of Da.
Finally, if my assumption stands that Meditation Master Da was actually Sengyou’s teacher, Fada法達, it would not be possible to identify him as Damo.11
Nobody notes that this Damo could have been a homonymous monk held as the mentor of Mahāsattva Fu 傅大士 (i.e., Fu Xi 傅翕 [497–569]), a charismatic leader who promoted, among others, a kind of Maitreyan cult in which he was venerated as a reincarnate Maitreya.
Damo: An obscure foreign monk
This “dharma master” is of a very obscure background. The sole source for him is a memorial epitaph (or less likely, a biography) known as“Song toutuo fashi” 嵩頭陀法師 (“Dharma Master Duta Song”), which unfortunately contains very scant verifiable histor- ical and biographical information on him. Nevertheless, several things can be gleaned from the epitaph. The epitaph starts with a general note to the effect that Damo was from a foreign country, the name of which had already become unknown to the composer of the epitaph. It seems that he had been active in northern China for a while before traveling to the south,12 where he resided in a valley some 40 li to the north of Shuanglin雙林 (in present-day Yiwu義烏, Zhejiang Province) that was replete with fragrant maple trees (香 楓樹), which won him the title of “Dharma Master Xiangshan” 香山法師 (Fragrant Mountain).13 The remaining parts of this epitaph are narrated around the following three focuses: Damo as a temple-builder, Damo’s supernatural power, and Damo as the only known mentor to Mahāsattva Fu.
Damo, an avid temple-builder
The epitaph narrates several occasions in which Damo managed to build temples in different locations. The first was called“Xiangshan Temple” 香山寺, which, judging by its name, was located very close to the place he lived. A layman who went to collect firewood in the valley found Damo and persuaded him to visit a local village, where he identified a place suitable to build a temple. Later, with the assistance of a government official, he succeeded in building a temple there, which he named“Xiangshansi.”14
After Xiangshansi, Damo successively built Laishan Temple萊山寺 on Mount Lai 萊 山 (in present-day Yiwu 義烏);15 Longpan Temple 龍盤寺 at the foot of the southern mountain in Jinhua 金華 (in present-day Zhongrou Village 中柔村, Jindong 金東 District, Jinhua City, Zhejiang Province);16 the “Longqiu yansi” 龍丘巖寺 (the Cliff Temple of Dragon Mount) on the southern mountain in Longqiu 龍丘 (i.e. present-day Mount Jiufeng九峰, located in the south of Tangxi town 湯溪鎮, the Wucheng district 婺 城 區 of Jinhua);17the Liliuchensi離六塵寺 (the Temple of Removing the Six Kinds of Dust) at the pass of Mount Wanshan萬善山;18 the“Sanzangsi” 三藏寺 (the Temple of Tripartite Canon) at Mount Mengdu孟度.19
Most of these temples are reported as completed through human efforts. However, the intervention of supernatural beings is believed to have constructed one of them, the Liliuchen Temple. According to the narrator of this story, Damo ran into three persons at the pass of Mount Wanshan who offered to help him build a temple. Although identifying themselves as a Chen 陳, a Zhao 趙, and a Su 蘇, respectively, these three mysterious figures refused to provide their given names and were evasive when asked the places of their residence. When the temple was built, the three suddenly disappeared together, with no one knowing where they had gone, thus to the revelation of their celestial nature.
Damo’s supernatural power
Damo’s supernatural power is reported to have been to such a degree that he was able to perform a number of miracles. According to these reports, Damo applied his supernatural power in three areas of service to the dharma: first, to the construction of monastic
institutions or buildings; second, to the conversion of those who were hostile to Buddhism; and finally, to the edification of precepts-breakers.
The author of the epitaph provides two instances of each kind of service. For how he used his supernatural power to facilitate monastic construction projects, we are first told of a marvelous granary called“Changman cang” 常滿倉 (“Granary Constantly Full”), said to have displayed the wondrous power of attracting donations of rice from lay believers whenever its stores were running low.20 It is interesting to note that“Changman cang”
refers to a political and financial institution that Emperor Ping of the Han 漢平帝 (r. 1 BC–6 AD), at the instigation of Wang Mang 王莽 (45 BC–23 AD), ordered to erect in the fourth year of his reign.21 The other instance of supernatural construction is how Damo, by employing an esoteric ritual, succeeded in erecting a pole in front of the Buddha-hall as a sign of the temple.22
For his use of supernatural power to convert Buddhism’s enemies, we are told two interesting stories. First, when some bandits came to loot his temple, Damo shut himself inside his chamber. The bandits tried to approach him, but in vain. Suddenly, they felt as if their arms and legs were tied and fell to the ground, unable to move. After they were seized and sent to the local government for persecution, the mothers of these bandits went to Damo with an appeal for mercy. Damo, out of compassion and foresight, predicted that they were to be pardoned, which came true on the Buddha’s birthday (i.e., the eighth day of the fourth month) of that year.23While in this story the threat comes from people on the margins of society, a local official challenges Buddhism in another story. In 520, the magistrate of the subprefecture where Xiangshan Temple was located came to visit Damo after having wined and dined to satiety. Damo, who knew the intoxicated state of the official’s mind by virtue of his supernatural power, refused to greet him. This infuriated the magistrate, who then intended to burn down the temple. Damo, once again through his supernatural power, read his mind and literally blocked him out of the temple. The magistrate then had to leave in frustration and dismay. Later, he learnt from one of Damo’s lay followers (Lou Yan 樓偃, who helped Damo build Xiangshan Temple) that due to his misbehaviors, the territory under his jurisdiction was doomed to a drought for 30 consecutive years. In panic, this magistrate rushed to Damo’s temple, submitting obeisance to him and pledging that he would believe in Buddhism forever.24
Last, the author of this epitaph noted two episodes in which Damo admonished two persons—one Buddhist monk and the other a layman—who breached the precepts. The first is rather simple, merely telling us that Damo, who, probably out of his“deva-like vision,”25reproached a monk who ate a cooked hen with his mother when he went home to visit her, obviously assuming that no one would know of his misdeeds committed so far away from his temple.26
The other episode, however, is relatively complex. A layperson bought some food from the market to prepare a vegetarian feast. Seeing that the seller of ginger was not around, he took one piece of ginger without paying for it. When the meal was offered to Damo, the monk ate everything except for this piece of ginger. He then scolded the layperson for breaking one of the five general precepts for all lay believers—“not to steal”
(不偷盜). The layman, in immense embarrassment, walked away on the double.27
Damo as the only known mentor to Mahāsattva Fu
The most significant role that Damo played in the history of Chinese Buddhism was arguably his association with Mahāsattva Fu, whom he was reported to have drawn home
to the fact that he (Fu) was a reincarnated Maitreya who descended from Tuṣita Heaven to the earthy world. The epitaph is rather brief on the first encounter between Damo and Fu:
Going southwards, he reached the Jiting pond, where he saw Mahāsattva [Fu] fishing along the river. He then revealed to Mahāsattva [Fu] his wondrous traces; and before parting with him, showed him the place where to practice the Way.南至稽停塘下, 見大士沂水求魚, 因
發大士神玅之跡, 并示以修道之所而去.28
Not only is this passage short, but it is also ambiguous, failing to tell us what the wondrous traces that Damo revealed to Fu, what the place was for practicing the Way that Damo showed to Fu and where it was. These questions can be answered only by referring to a relevant passage in Mahāsattva Fu’s own biography:
In the first year of the Putong era (520), at the age of twenty-four sui, [Mahāsattva Fu] ran into a“barbarian monk” called “Toutuo Song” while fetching fish along the river, who told Mahāsattava [Fu]: “In the past, you and I made a vow before the Buddha Vipaśyin to deliver all sentient beings. What you enjoyed before still exists in the Tuṣita Palace now. When will you return to there?” The Mahāsattva only stared at him. Dhūta [Song] said, “You may try to see your reflection by looking at the water.” The Mahāsattva did as instructed, seeing that [in the reflection] his head wore a jeweled canopy surrounded by a round halo. Thereupon, he was awakened to the former conditions of his life. He then said,“A place of furnace and leather bag (i.e. a blacksmith factory) is replete with blunt metal, while at the doorway of a capable physician there are plenty of patients. I shall take delivering sentient beings as my urgent task. How can I find the leisure of seeking the pleasure of living in the Tuṣita Heaven?” He therefore abandoned the fishing devices and took Dhūta [Song] to his house.
He consulted with Dhūta [Song] about the place to cultivate the Way. Dhūta [Song], pointing to the twin trees of tao at the foot of the mountain of Pine Trees (松山), said, “Here is fine.”
This is where the current Shuanglin Temple is located. The Mahāsattva constructed a temple here, calling himself“Mahāsattva Shanhui (i.e. “Good Wisdom”) under the Twin Trees Who Is to Come with Enlightenment.” 泝水取魚於稽停塘下, 遇一胡僧, 號嵩頭陀. 語大士曰:
“我昔與汝於毗婆尸佛前發願度眾生, 汝今兜率宮中受用悉在, 何時當還?” 大士瞪目而 已. 頭陀曰, “汝試臨水觀影.” 大士從之. 乃見圓光寶盍, 便悟前因. 乃曰: “鑪韛之所多 鈍鐵; 良醫門下足病人. 當度眾生為急, 何暇思天宮之樂乎?” 於是棄魚具, 攜行歸舍. 因 問修道之地. 頭陀指松山下雙檮樹曰: “此可矣.” 即今雙林寺是. 大士於此結菴, 自號“雙
林樹下當來解脫善慧大士”.29
From the foregoing passage, one knows that it was during his former residence at the Tuṣita Palace that Damo made Fu realize he was actually a bodhisattva under disguise and that it was Damo’s instructions for Fu to build the temple later known as Shuanglinsi.
Furthermore, it was because of his belief in his previous Tuṣita ties that Fu gave himself a title strongly suggestive of his status as a reincarnated Maitreya.
It seems that Damo did not stay long with this Chinese disciple he “adopted” on the road. There was only one more occasion in which Mahāsattva Fu renewed his discipleship under Damo. Not unlike their first meeting, the second also happened inadvertently. When the two ran into each other, Damo, who had assumed that Fu had returned to the Tuṣita Palace (in other words,“had died”), praised Fu for having carried out the bodhisattva-way in the world. Together they went to Fu’s temple (presumably Shuanglin Temple), although it seems that Damo left to continue his journey only a few days later. I suppose the brevity of Damo’s stay with Fu on the basis that a few days after he arrived at Mahāsattva Fu’s temple, he left his fish-shaped iron chime (tieyu qin鐵魚磬), which he might have gifted to Fu on his departure.
The shortness of Mahāsattva Fu’s association with Damo notwithstanding, there seems to have existed a kind of telepathy between these two men. Right after Damo died at
Sanzang Temple, Mahāsattva Fu, who was not staying with him at the time, immediately proclaimed to his disciple that Damo had left this world for the Tuṣita world and would be awaiting Fu’s return. This is repeated in Mahāsattva Fu’s biography, which reports his prediction that he would soon to follow Damo to the Tuṣita Palace.30
Sengfu: Another disciple of Damo
In addition to Mahāsattva Fu, Damo had one more disciple, Sengfu, who—in contrast to Fu—was a prestigious scholar-monk highly respected by Emperor Wu of the Liang—
Liang Wudi 梁武帝 (r. 502–49), and several other members of the royal family. A member of the Taiyuan Wang 太原王 clan, Sengfu arrived in Jinling in the Jianwu 建 武 era (494–7) after studying with Damo for a while. Given that Damo came to the south (around present-day Zhejiang Province) from the north (particularly around the Mount Song area), it may be assumed that Sengfu too traveled south by following his teacher.
Except for a brief sojourn in Shu蜀, which—according to Daoxuan—greatly contributed to the spread of meditation in the area, Sengfu stayed at Mount Zhong and died at Kaishan Temple開善寺.
Esteem from the imperial family
According to Daoxuan, Sengfu is remarkable for several reasons. First of all, it seems that he succeeded in attracting and maintaining a great deal of admiration from several of the most powerful figures of his day. His most important admirer was, without a doubt, Emperor Wu of the Liang. The famous Buddhist emperor, fearing that Sengfu might miss the beauty of the mountains and forests when brought to the capital, ordered that a refined chamber be built for him at Kaishan Temple.31
Additionally, Sengfu was popular among Liang Wudi’s children. Among them was one of his princesses, Yongxing永興 (Xiao Yuyao 蕭玉姚, d.u.). Yongxing was notorious for her astonishing “immoral” behaviors, such as having a sexual relationship with her uncle and conspiring with her uncle-cum-lover to murder her own father. Abandoning her husband, Yin Jun殷均 (or 殷鈞, 484–532),32a capable administrator and a famed author of Buddhist treatises,33 she jumped to the bed of Xiao Hong 蕭宏 (?-526), a younger brother of Liang Wudi. Her exasperated father badly berated her in person. In anger, the princess decided to retaliate against her father by conspiring to have him murdered. She was exiled with the exposure of her scheme, and no report is left on the details of her life post-expulsion from the capital.
Based on the memorial epitaph for Sengfu, Daoxuan reports that Princess Yongxing, a longstanding believer of Buddhism (and a follower of Sengfu), requested the current crown prince to compose an epitaph for Sengfu when the monk’s death was declared.
Liang Wudi then ordered that another of his sons, Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–554; to rise as Emperor Yuan of the Liang梁元帝 [552–554]), who was then Prince Xiangdong 湘東, to take up this task. The resulting epitaph was carved on a stele erected in front of Kaishan Temple.34Two more members from the imperial Liang family were also among Sengfu’s fans: Xiao Yuanzao蕭淵藻 (483–549), the marquis of Xichang 西昌侯 and a cousin of Liang Wudi who brought Sengfu to Sichuan for a period of unknown length;35and Xiao Wei 蕭偉 (476–533), another younger brother of Liang Wudi, whose association with Sengfu is to be discussed below.
Sengfu’s expertise on the Huiyin Sanmei Jing
The mystic experience through which Sengfu’s expertise on a meditation text was revealed and, particularly, a ritual formulated therein is extraordinary and deserves a note. The following is a short description Daoxuan made of this experience:
Formerly, a divine being appeared on the mountain of Huyi who bestowed a copy of the Huiyin sanmei jing to the villager He Gui, saying,“You may give this scripture to Prince Nanping, [with the name of] Guan, and host a feast for three weeks with an aim of helping him recover from his illness. If you do not understand this procedure, you may ask [Seng]fu.”
When he visited him, it turned out that this was indeed a procedure that [Sengfu] had practiced. Prince Nanping therefore [ordered] that the feast and prayers be carried out, [which resulted in] the healing of his illness. Wasn’t this the case that the inner causes and the external structure together contributed to [one’s] recovery? 先是, 胡翼之山, 有神人現, 以慧印三昧授與野人何規, 曰: “可以此經與南平王觀, 為病行齋三七日也. 若不曉此法, 問之於副.” 時以訪之, 果是其曾所行法. 南平遂行齋祀, 疾便康復. 豈非內因外構, 更相 起予?36
This account clarifies several points. Most importantly, it informs us that thanks to the performance of a ritual prescribed in a scripture titled“Huiyin sanmei jing” 慧印三昧經, Prince of Nanping南平, who was none other than Xiao Wei 蕭偉 (476–533; style name Wenda 文達), succeeded in recovering from a disease that was then torturing him.
Second, this account emphasizes that the copy of this scripture was derived from a divine being on Mount Huyi, the location of which this account does not give. Finally, the account highlights Sengfu’s expertise on this ritual through the confirmation of that divine being.
It turns out that Daoxuan’s note was based on a far longer report found in the preface Wang Sengru 王僧儒 (465–522) wrote for this sutra. It is interesting to note that this preface is collected in a major work by one of Daoxuan’s predecessors, Sengyou 僧祐 (445–518).37This version of the story differs from Daoxuan’s account on several impor- tant points. First of all, Wang Sengru positions the mountain known as Huyi in Yuzhang 豫章; that is, present-day Nanchang 南昌 in Jiangxi. Second, he dates the villager He Gui’s encounter with this divine being on 14 November 515 (Tianjian 天監 14.10.23 (the 23rd day of the 10th month of the 14th year of the Tianjian era)). Third, Wang Sengru identifies a third subject in this story as Prince Jian’an. This is in contrast to the way the prince is identified in the account surveyed above—Prince Nanping, whose name Daoxuan gives as Guan 觀, which is not verified by any historical sources known to me. Nanping and Jian’an were the two princely titles that Xiao Wei assumed, which means that the Xu Gaoseng zhuan account does not necessarily contradict the one provided by Wang Sengru. The latter is more accurate given that Xiao Wei, who received his princely title, Jian’an, in 502 (Tianjian 1) as a consequence of his older brother’s enthronement, had not been conferred the new princely title of Nanping until 518 (Tianjian 17).38 This was three years after the alleged encounter between He Gui and the divine being, in which He Gui is instructed to act as a conveyer of the scripture for the prince.
Finally, we shall not let it pass without noting that Wang Sengru makes a remark to Sengfu’s credit as an eminent monk:
If people do not know [how to execute] the procedure of this feast, it is proper to consult Master Fu of the Lower [Ding]lin Temple. Dharma Master Fu has been striving to maintain the practice of vinaya, taking light of name and profit and making no effort
[for his own personal benefit]. He gets rid of preferences and desires, treating the noble and the humble equally. He is satisfied with vegetables and practices meditation without any lapse.若不曉齋法, 可問下林寺副公. 副法師者, 戒行精苦, 恬憺無為. 遺嗜欲, 等豪 賤. 蔬藿自充, 禪寂無怠.39
“Master Fu of the Lower [Ding]lin Temple” (下林寺副公) obviously refers to Sengfu in view of the latter’s affiliation with Lower Dinglin Temple, as recorded in his Xu Gaoseng zhuan biography.40 Most of these were standard praises that could have been easily heaped on the head of any eminent monk in medieval China. However, it is noteworthy that Wang Sengru deems Sengfu praiseworthy for his vegetarianism, which implies that in Sengfu’s day this had not yet been so common a practice within the saṃgha.
Both Daoxuan and Wang Sengru, by emphasizing Sengfu’s critical role in restoring Xiao Wei’s health, allude to Sengfu’s personal friendship with the prince after—if not prior to—Xiao Wei’s recovery. Neither Daoxuan nor Wang Sengru tell us what health problems the prince was then having. The exploration of this issue leads us into some other deeper layers in the personal and intellectual life of this prince, which may help provide more knowledge of Sengfu (and hopefully also his teacher Damo). It turned out that Prince Jian’an/Nanping, one of Sengfu’s chief admirers, was the major patron of an immense project to carve a colossal stone statue of the Maitreya Buddha in Shicheng石 城. Sengyou, whose narration of Sengfu’s mystic experience was quoted by Daoxuan, supervised this project. In view of his leading role in this project centering on the cult of Maitreya, we have reasons to assume that Xiao Wei (Prince Nanping) was actually a keen promoter of Maitreyanism.41
It is not known if Sengfu was directly involved in this project. The following several facts are noteworthy, nonetheless. First, Sengyou and Sengfu shared Xiao Wei’s friendship (and perhaps also his patronage). Second, it seems that Sengyou and Sengfu might have known (or even befriended and admired) each other; Sengyou collected in his bibliogra- phy a preface with several highly positive remarks on Sengfu, and Sengfu spent some time at the Lower Dinglin Temple, which was geographically close to (and even institu- tionally related to) Sengyou’s temple, the Upper Dinglin Temple. Finally, it is most remarkable that the Shicheng statue, featuring the Maitreya Buddha, seems to have grown out of the current keen Maitreyanistic sentiments that had much to do with Sengfu’s teacher Damo and particularly with another disciple of Damo, Mahāsattva Fu.
This dharma and that dharma: Different but not unrelated
If Daoxuan is correct in claiming that Bodhidharma died in the Luoyang area,42it will be difficult to identify him with our Damo, who died in the present-day Zhejiang, in spite of the efforts made by some Chan chroniclers and modern scholars to do so. This will become even more difficult if this Damo was the homonymous monk Daoxuan mentions as the chief mentor of Sengfu in the latter’s biography. It seems that Daoxuan did not consider Damo, the teacher of Sengfu, to be identical with Bodhidharma.
Thus, despite his obscurity, this foreign (either South or Central Asian) monk Damo acquired at least two quite different disciples in China: one (i.e., Mahāsattva Fu) was a charismatic Buddhist leader who, as a Maitreyan promoter, mainly appealed to believers at the grassroots levels, whereas the other (i.e., Sengfu) was a scholar-monk most popular among the noblemen and even some members of the imperial family of his day, including the“Buddhist emperor” Liang Wudi and one of his younger brothers.
Although the current textual and epigraphic evidence at my disposal renders it hard, if not completely impossible, to identify Damo as Bodhidharma, what people knew about our Damo seems to have played a part in the formation of the image and ideology related to that Chan patriarch. There are reasons to suspect that Bodhidharma came to be associated with Mount Song because of Damo. As far as my current research indicates, Bodhidharma had not been linked with Mount Song (Shaolin Temple in particular) until the middle of the Tang dynasty, roughly the eighth century, more than two centuries after the patriarch was believed to have died. The inspiration for such a linkage might have been derived from the style name of Damo (Song Toutuo). Daoxuan makes no mention whatsoever of Bodhidharma’s ties with Mount Song or Shaolin temple. My limited research shows that the following are several of the earliest sources that attempt to wed him to this marchmount in China, along with the most renowned Buddhist temple located there. They are, first, the memorial epitaph that Pei Cui 裴漼 (?–730) wrote for the Shaolin temple:
Then again there was Chan Master Bodhidharma, who, profoundly schooled in the sect of clarity, was trusted as a ford or bridge of deliverance. His disciples, such as Chan Master Huike, who possessed a profound insight into the Dharma Treasure (the Dharma law), at some time resided on this mountain.復有達摩禪師, 深入惠門, 津梁是寄; 弟子惠可禪師 等, 玄悟法寶. 嘗託茲山.43
This passage is ambiguous in that it might be read as meaning that Bodhidharma and his disciples including Huike all resided on Mount Song, or that only Huike and other disciples of Bodhidharma resided there. In contrast to Mamoru, who, by punctuating the text differently,44has adopted the second reading, I am inclined to read this passage the other way.
Following Pei Cui, we have a collection of the recorded teachings left by Shenhui神 會 (684–760):
The first patriarch: There was a Brahmin monk at the Shaolin Temple under the Later Wei dynasty. Style named Putidamo (Bodhidharma), he was the third son of the Southern Indian kingdom. Abandoning his secular life in his youth, he was enlightened to [the teachings of]
the supreme vehicle. On the basis of various samādhi, he was awakened to the meditation of the Tathāgata. He took a boat that floated on the seas. Thus, by crossing the tides from afar, he reached the land of the Han, where he encountered Huike. Huike subsequently followed [Bodhi]dharma to arrive at the Shaolin temple on Mount Song, where Huike acted as his
attendant. 第一代：後魏嵩山少林寺有婆羅門僧, 字菩提達摩, 是南天竺國王之第三子,
少小出家, 悟最上乘, 於諸三昧, 證如来禪. 附船泛海, 遠涉潮, 來至漢地, 便遇慧可. 慧
可即随達摩, 至嵩山少林寺, 奉侍左右.45
Finally, there was an even later collection of hagio/biographies of Chan patriarchs and the teachings attributed to them:
In the tenth year of the Dahe (=Taihe) era (586) of the eighth emperor of the Later Wei (i.e., Northern Wei) whose tabooed name is Yi (i.e., Emperor Xiaoming of Northern Wei [r.
515–28], Yuan Yi 元詡 [510–28]), he arrived at the Shaolin temple in Luoyang for the purpose of proselytizing. He died in nine years. Thus, he had been in China for fifteen years.
[達摩]至此土. 後魏第八帝諱詡大[=太]和十年, 至于洛陽少林寺化導, 至九年示滅, 經於 一十五年矣.46
The legend of Damo’s crossing a river by spreading his umbrella over the water47is also highly reminiscent of the legend in which Bodhidharma crosses the Yangzi river by
using a bundle of reeds as a boat (the so-called“Yiwei dujiang” 一葦渡江), the latter of which had a rather late provenance (as late as the thirteen century).48
Finally, quite ironically, the famous exclamation, put into the mouth of Bodhidharma, on the vanity and futility of the effort made by Liang Wudi to construct Buddhist temples, might have also been inspired, though in a somewhat“antagonistic” fashion, by Damo’s image as a restless temple-builder:
The Emperor asked,“Since We acceded throne, We have been having innumerable temples constructed, scriptures copied, and monks ordained. Have We accumulated any virtue or merits?” 帝問曰: “朕即位已來, 造寺寫經度僧, 不可勝紀. 有何功德?”
The Master answered,“No virtue or merit at all.” 師曰: “並無功德.”
The Emperor asked,“Why are there no virtue or merits?” 帝曰; “何以無功德?”
The Master answered, “All these belong to the trivial fruits of the human and celestial beings, the causes of the afflictions. Like shadows following bodies, [these trivial fruits]
are not tangible even though they appear to have form.” 師曰: “此但人天小果, 有漏之因, 如影隨形, 雖有非實.”
The Emperor asked,“ What are the real virtue and merits?” 帝曰; “如何是真功德?”
[The Master] answered,“Wondrous and perfect, the pure wisdoms are empty and quiet in nature. Virtue and merits like this cannot be sought through the worldly dharmas.” 答曰:
“淨智妙圓, 體自空寂. 如是功德, 不以世求.”
The Emperor asked again,“What are the paramount purports of the holy truths?” 帝又問:
“如何是聖諦第一義?”
The Master said,“Empty; there are no sages.” 師曰: “廓然無聖.”
The Emperor asked,“Who is the person facing Us?” 帝曰; “對朕者誰?”
The Master said,“No one recognizes him.” 師曰: “不識.”49
Concluding remarks
On the basis of a memorial inscription dedicated to an obscure foreign monk known to us only by a rather ordinary word, Damo達摩 (Dharma), which was obviously a part of his name, this study attempts to reconstruct some traces of his life, and several key aspects of his image as was perceived by his contemporaries. A close reading of his epitaph shows that even by the time the epitaph was composed, people already knew very little for certain about him. Although there was no doubt on his foreign provenance, his nationality was a mystery. His activities in northern China before traveling to the south of China were completely unknown, although judging by his style name (Song Toutuo嵩頭陀, which literally means a dhūta practitioner coming from Mount Song), it seems that he had spent some time at Mount Song. His epitaph emphasizes the following three aspects of his life:
first, he was an ardent temple-builder; second, he was an awesome miracle worker; and finally, he was the most important (and to the best of my knowledge, the only) mentor of Mahāsattva Fu, a charismatic religious leader who claimed for his status as an reincarna- tion of Maitreya. Despite the obscurities of his life, Damo seems to have been an influential monk who succeeded in attracting followers from different walks of the society, including a distinguished scholar-monk and an unconventional monk.
Partly due to his obscurities and popularities, starting from a certain point of time this Damo started to be conflated with the famous Bodhidharma. The research presented in this article shows that it is difficult to identify this Damo to be Bodhidharma. This said, several major aspects of Damo’s image seem to have played a noticeable role in informing the image of Bodhidharma and the Chan ideologies related to him. This is another case in which a historical figure was obscured and siphoned off by his more famous homonymous counterpart. This, once again, underscores the complexity of the
process through which the life and image of a religious paragon in medieval China, like elsewhere in the world of any time, were made and remade. Such an awareness, in turn, hopefully will alert scholars to the resilience of the“posthumous” life of a religious and cultural hero and the necessity of using multi-sourced and multidisciplinary approaches to decipher the various layers deeply embedded in the stories and ideologies that were manufactured over time around such religious figures, particularly those of Bodhidharma’s importance and influence.
Acknowledgements
The research presented in this article was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1. See Baolin zhuan寶林傳, 8.25b5-6.
2. Jingde chuandeng lu景德傳燈錄, as printed in Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經, ed. Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 and Watanabe Kaigyoku 渡邊海旭 (hereafter T), no. 2076, vol. 51, 3, 216c1 - 3.216c1.
3. E.g., McRae, The Northern School, 19-21.
4. 循 (“abide by”) seems to be an error for 遁 (“escape”).
5. Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2060, 50, 16.550b3-4.
6. The legend that Bodhidharma practiced meditation for 10 years in front of a wall within Shaolin Temple 少林寺 appeared long after Daoxuan’s day. See my discussion in the concluding part.
7. Furuta,“Bodaidaruma izen no zen”, 6–7.
8. Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2060, 50: 16.551c23-24:摩以此法，開化魏土.
9. Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2060, 50: 20.596c15:摩法虛宗.
10. It is noteworthy that the biography for Sengfu heads the whole section of xichan習禪 (the Practitioners of Meditation), while that for Bodhidharma is ranked only number five in the section.
11. Chen, Monks and Monarchs, 161-62.
12. That he probably came to the south from the north is verified by the fact some of his followers once urged him to make an oath not to go back to the north. See“Song Toutuo fashi,” in Shanhui dashi yulu善慧大士語錄, printed in Wanzi xuzang jing 卍續藏經 (hereafter X), no.
1335, 69: 4. 127a24-b1:眾人苦請法師, 誓不北顧.
13. Ibid., 126b19-20.
14. Ibid., 126b21-c15.
15. Ibid., 127b6-8.
16. Ibid., 127b17-20.
17. Ibid., 127b20-22.
18. Ibid., 127b22-c4.
19. Ibid., 127c4-6.
20. Ibid., 126c15-19.
21. Han shu漢書, 99A: 4069: 是歲, 莽奏起明堂、辟雍、靈臺，為學者築舍萬區, 作市、常 滿倉, 制度甚盛.
22. “Song Toutuo fashi,” in Shanhui dashi yulu, X no. 1335, 69: 4.127a4-9.
23. Ibid., 126c20-127a4.
24. Ibid., 127a14-23.
25. One of the“five supernatural powers” (wu shentong 五神通) that is generally known as tianyan tong天眼通 (Skt. divya-cakṣus) –– “the instantaneous view of anything anywhere in the form- world.” (Charles Muller,http://www.buddhism-dict.net/cgi-bin/xpr-ddb.pl?q=五神通).
26. “Song Toutuo fashi,” in Shanhui dashi yulu, X no. 1335, 69: 4.127a9-11.
27. Ibid., 127a11-14.
28. Ibid., 127b5-6.
29. Shanhui dashi yulu, X no. 1335, 69: 1.104c3-11.
30. Ibid., 109a21-23:
When Dhūta Song entered extinction, the Mahāsattva knew this in heart. He therefore ordered his disciples to gather, saying,“Master Song has already returned to the Tuṣita Palace, where he is waiting for me. Those who, along with me, have been delivering the sentient beings are all gone now. I am definitely not going to stay long!” 嵩頭陀入滅, 大 士心自知之, 乃集諸弟子曰: “嵩公已還兜率天宮待我. 我同度眾生之人, 去已盡矣. 我決 不久住於世!”
31. Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2060, 50: 16.550b12-14:梁高素仰清風, 雅為嗟貴. 乃命匠人考其 室宇於開善寺以待之: 恐有山林之思故也.
32. Yin Jun’s biographies are in Liangshu 梁書, 27.407; Nanshi 南史, 60.1488.
33. Yin Jun associated with Buddhist monks, wrote a funeral epitaph for one monk, and sponsored the lectures of another. See Xu gaoseng zhuan, T 50: 6.467b, 21.609b. For other evidence of his role in the contemporary political and religious worlds, see Chen,“Pañcavārṣika,52–53.
34. Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2069, 50: 16.550c5-7:永興公主, 素有歸信. 進啟東宮, 請著其文.
有令遣湘東王繹為之, 樹碑寺所.
35. Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2069, 50: 16.550b18-22:乃有心岷嶺, 觀彼峨眉. 會西昌侯蕭淵藻, 出鎮蜀部. 於即拂衣附之, 爰至井絡. 雖途經九折, 無忘三念.又以少好經籍, 執卷緘默, 動 移晨晷. 遂使庸蜀禪法, 自此大行.
36. Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2069, 50: 16.550b23-27.
37. Chu sanzang ji ji出三藏記集, T no. 2145, 55: 7.50c2-22. This long passage is translated and discussed in my articles, Chen,“Shenhua, jibing, zhuanshi guannian, yu Fojiao shengji.”
38. Liang shu 22.347; Nanshi南史52.1291.
39. Chu sanzang ji ji, T no. 2145, 55: 7.50c16-18.
40. Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2060, 50: 16.550b7-9:齊建武年, 南遊楊輦, 止於鍾山定林下寺.
副美其林藪, 得栖心之勝壤也.
41. This forms the topic of my forthcoming article on the Shicheng image, as quoted above.
42. Daoxuan speaks of the end of Bodhidharma’s life only in his biography for Huike (Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2060, 50: 16.552a7: 達摩滅化洛濱), but not in that for Bodhidharma, in which he limits himself to an ambiguous note that “no one knows what eventually happened to Bodhidharma” (see 551c26: 不測於終).
43. Shaolin si bei.. The Shaolin Monastery,37.
44. 復有達摩禪師, 深入惠門, 津梁是寄; 弟子惠可禪師等, 玄悟法寶,嘗託茲山.
45. Shenhui heshang chanhua lu神會和尚禪話錄, 89. Though attributed to Shenhui, who died in 760, the collection itself was compiled much later making it possible that Bodhidharma’s Songshan ties might have been interpolated into the collection many years after Shenhui’s death.
46. Zutang ji祖堂集, 76. The Zutang ji (Kor. Chodang chip) was initially completed in 952 in 10 fascicles and was further expanded to 20 fascicles in Korea. [Bodhidharma] arrived in his land.
47. “Song Toutuo fashi,” in Shanhui dashi yulu, X no. 1335, 69: 4. 127b4-5: “When he reached Mount She 佘山, the river flooded so much that no boatman dared ferry. Spreading his umbrella on the water and holding the fish-shaped iron chime, our dharma master crossed the river by cutting it in two.” 行至余[=佘]山, 江水泛溢, 船人不肯渡. 法師乃布繖水上, 手 把鐵魚磬, 截流而渡.
48. Cao Shibang曹仕邦, 267-80.
49. Jingde chuandeng lu, T no. 2076, 51: 3.219a21-28.
50. The original has兒 (“son”), which seems to be an error for 兇 (“frightening”).
51. An error for佘 52. Emend沂 as 沿.
53. The original has各, but judging by the context, it shall be an error for 共.
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Appendix 1.“Song Toutuo fashi” 嵩頭陀法師(Dharma Master Dhūta Song): An English Translation (Shanhui dashi yulu, X no. 1335, 69: 4.126b18–128c11)
Our dharma master Damo (Dharma) came from an unknown country. He lived among cliffs, valleys and forests forty li to the north of Shuanglin雙林. As these places are replete with fragrant maple trees, he was called“Dharma Master Xiangshan” (Fragrant Mountain). Although he had lived there for long, no one knew of him.法師名達摩, 不知何國人. 所居在雙林北四十里岩谷叢林之間. 其 地多楓香樹, 因號為香山法師. 居此已久, 無人知者.
Later, a firewood collector ran into him. He found that [Damo], although with a body like a withered tree, had spirit and manners that looked brisk and transcendent [as he] sat alone under a tall tree. After talking to [our dharma master], he was pleased. Our dharma master told him,“This place is good for building a temple. I regret that I lack resources to build it by myself.” The firewood collector then invited our dharma master to come forth from the mountain and seek offerings from secular families. Our dharma master said,“Shall there be a place where none of the five pungent roots have ever been planted, I may do so.” The firewood collector thought of one family that, from the time of his remote ancestors, had never planted any of these roots. He therefore brought our dharma master to the family. Thereafter, the villagers took their turns making offerings to him. He then led people to the place where he formerly lived. Making [four marking] poles with four trees, he used them to mark [four spots] on the ground, saying,“This place is good for building a temple.”
後有採薪人遇見, 形甚枯槁, 神氣爽邁, 獨坐大樹下. 因就與語, 甚悅. 法師謂曰: “此處堪造寺.
恨力寡不能自致耳.” 樵者乃請法師出山, 向俗人家供養. 法師曰: “有不種五辛處, 吾乃往矣.”
樵者思惟, 乃有一家, 先世已來, 未嘗種此.即將法師往其家. 於是邑聚之人, 迭供養之. 乃與人 相攜, 向所居之處, 以四本作臬, 釘地曰: “此可置寺矣.”
Later, when he made a brief sojourn to the south of Mount Songxiao松峭, [our dharma master]
encountered Lou Yan樓偃, an attendant-in-ordinary (changshi 常侍) of the Liang dynasty. Lou Yan, who also had the capability of assessing people [in accordance with their personality and talents], immediately realized that [our master] was not an ordinary person once seeing [his]
outstandingly beautiful eyebrows and eyes. In talking to [our dharma master], he was greatly pleased. Our dharma master told him,“I, a humble pursuant of the Way, am an ordinary foreign monk who has come here in the course of carrying out the practice of dhūta. Having maintained profound karmic ties with you, a danapati (chief donor), from the past, I wish that I could promote the cause of the Buddha along with you, acting as the boats for sentient beings [to help them cross the sea of suffering]!” He therefore made an appointment with [Lou] Yan to meet in the eighth month of the following year in the pine forest where he lived.後因暫遊松峭山南, 遇梁常侍樓偃.
偃亦有倫鑒, 見法師眉目秀異, 知非常人. 因與語, 大悅. 法師謂曰: “貧道是外國凡僧, 頭陀至 此. 與檀越過去深有因緣. 今欲共弘佛事, 舟航群生.” 乃與偃期來歲八月, 至所居松林下相見.
At the time, the Buddhadharma was still poorly promoted. [Lou] Yan had not yet fully under- stood what his mind really aspired for. Further, he suspected that [our dharma master] was perhaps a sage. Therefore, when the date for the appointment came, he ordered that thorns be removed from the road, opening up a road of approximately twenty li leading to the place where our dharma master dwelled. He [then] saw our dharma master, wearing a robe made of discarded rags, sitting in a lotus position. In pleasure, [our dharma master] told [Lou] Yan,“The way of the bodhisattva has a great amount of benefits. You, a danapati, and I ought to promote and establish the Three Treasures together, to the elimination of the‘six dusts.’ Shall one lose the right retribution, one will not be reborn in a human body throughout the whole of the extensive kalpa. How could one expect that a blind turtle might enter a small hole the second time?” In hearing these words, [Lou] Yan, along with his attendants, raised their minds to the Way and were determined to promote the right dharma.
Therefore, our dharma master, together with Yan and others, closely inspected the geographical features [of the place], seeing that one thousand rocks stand out, surrounding the place in four directions. Therefore, they called the place formerly marked by the four poles the“dragon’s armpit.”
Together, they subsequently erected a temple there, naming it“Xiangshansi” 香山寺 (the Temple of Fragrant Mountain).于時佛法尚劣, 偃猶未識心之所期. 又疑其或是聖人. 故至時, 芟薙別棘, 開 路向二十里, 方達法師所. 見法師披糞掃之衣, 加趺而坐, 懽然謂偃曰: “菩提之道, 利益處廣. 當 與檀越, 共崇建三寶, 蕩汰六塵. 若一失正報, 曠劫不復人身. 盲龜遇孔, 豈可復期?” 偃聞是言, 乃與從者, 共發道心, 崇弘正法. 法師乃與偃等, 瞻視地勢, 見千岩秀出, 四向環繞. 因號向者四 臬所釘之地為“龍腋”, 遂共立一精舍, 名香山寺.
Further, beside the temple a small granary was constructed, which, with the capacity for one bushel or so of rice, looked rather raw and uncouth. Our dharma master ordered to fill it by buying one bushel of rice. Day after day, rice was taken out of there to supply monks and those [laypeople]
who were in need. When the rice was about to run out, someone always added more, making it never exhausted. Contemporaneous people called it “Changman cang” 常滿倉 (“Granary Constantly Full”). Later, people who loathed it for its smallness expanded it and had it decorated.
When it was emptied, no one came to donate more rice. The granary is still in existence today. At the time, those devotees in the villages mostly donated their crop fields in order to support the learners of the Way coming from four directions.又於其傍, 造一小倉, 止容一斛許米, 狀甚朴陋.
法師令糴米一斛以實之. 日取此米, 供僧及施貧乏. 將盡, 人即送來, 未嘗空匱. 時人號為“常滿 倉.” 後人或嫌此倉太小, 更廣大之, 加以彫飾. 則一空之後, 竟歲無施米者. 其倉至今猶在. 時村 邑聚落信向者, 多捨稻田, 以給四方學道者.
Later, several dozens of mountain robbers, all holding weapons, came to loot. Our master only sat in his chamber at ease, showing no sign of fear. Finding that they were unable to enter [the temple], the robbers started to curse loudly, ordering the monks to come out without delay. Our dharma master slowly told them from inside his chamber,“I look quite scaring50and ugly. I cannot come out to see you, my danapati!” In a moment, all the robbers felt that their hands and feet could not move, as though they had been tied by someone else. They then fell to the ground, with their spirits dispersing in confusion, no longer able to identify each other. In panic, the head of the robbers started to repent, and it took the robbers quite a while to regain consciousness. At the time, scholars and ordinary people in the village unanimously said,“These robbers are big pests. Let us tie them and present them to the Commandery government!” These robbers all asked their mothers to enter the mountain, going to our dharma master’s place to appeal for his mercy. Our dharma master
comforted them with soft words, saying,“There is no need to worry about this overtly! They will be released automatically.” Reaching the eighth day of the fourth month (i.e., the Buddha’s birthday), they were, true enough, pardoned.後有山賊數十人, 皆持軍器, 來劫財物. 法師但閑房安坐, 無有 怖畏. 賊既不能得入, 但揚聲大罵, 令僧速出. 法師於房徐謂之曰: “我狀兒(兇)惡, 不堪與檀越 相見.” 須臾, 群賊手足, 皆不得動搖, 如被人繫縛. 因即頔地, 精神潰亂, 不復相知. 賊率惶怖謝 罪, 良久方得醒悟. 是時, 鄉中士庶謂, “此賊巨蠹, 共縛以上郡.” 賊徒令其毋 入山, 詣法師所請.
法師但輭言謂之曰, “且莫大憂, 復當自解.” 至四月八日, 果遇赦免.
At the time, a project was underway within the temple to erect a“numinous pole” (靈剎) [in front of the Buddha-hall as a sign for the temple], and an open-to-all dharma-assembly was organized. Both the monastic and the lay, in total ten thousand, carried some hempen cords to pull up the pole. The cords were suddenly broken in two from inside. All the carriers fell to the ground, without knowing what to do. Our dharma master therefore asked [himself],“Are there any evil karmas that have brought about this situation?” He thus took from underneath his robe (lit.
“from his body”) a silver vase, from which he poured some water into the bowl, stirring it from inside to outside. Suddenly, he started to cry. In a short moment, he uttered some spells and performed some rituals. After the rituals were performed, he laughed heartily. Then upholding the bowl, he circumambulated the pole. Without the help of the human effort, the pole stood mighty on its own.爾時, 寺中共建靈剎, 設無遮法會. 道俗萬眾, 共引麻䋏舉剎, 䋏忽中斷. 引者皆顛躓, 莫 知何計. 法師乃發念曰, “有何魔事, 使之然乎?” 因出身上銀瓶, 水瀉於缽裡, 乃內外攬之. 忽大 悲泣. 須臾, 咒而作禮. 禮畢, 欣然而笑. 即捧缽繞剎一周, 剎乃不假人功, 屹然自立.
At the time, there was a monk called Huikai慧凱. Once, after bidding farewell [to our master], he took a brief trip back home. His mother secretly cooked a hen for him. Thinking that no one would know it, he privately ate the hen with his mother. When he returned to the mountain the next morning, our dharma master, who came to know this mysteriously, scolded him.爾時, 有沙門慧凱, 暫辭還家. 母密為烹雞, 凱意無人知, 遂與其母私食之. 及明還山, 法師以冥知之, 因訶責之.
Furthermore, there was one layman who went to buy some vegetables and fruits from the market to prepare some vegetarian offerings. As the owner [of the ginger] happened to be away, he stole a small amount of ginger, which he brought back as [a part of] his offering. When noon approached, all the monks were seated, and the host started to serve different dishes successively.
Our dharma master accepted all the food [offered to him] except for the ginger. He then asked [the host],“You took it without permission [from the owner.] How could you commit an immoral act of theft?” The host was embarrassed and walked away on the double. 復次, 有人於市鬻菜果以為齋 供. 遇主人不在, 遂竊少薑還, 以備供養. 及中時, 僧徒咸坐. 主人次第行食, 法師盡受諸物, 唯不 受薑. 因謂曰, “不許而取, 何為濫竊?” 主人蹙蹐而已.
In the third day of the fifth month of the first year of the Putong era (June 4, 520), Xiao Zimu蕭 子睦, the magistrate [of the subprefecture], was about to go to the temple to pay homage to our dharma master. In passing by a village, commoners treated him with wine and food. After having wined and dined to satiety, he entered the temple. Our dharma master shut himself behind the door and refused to come out [to greet the magistrate], only having a message delivered [to him] that said,
“You, Mandarin, please go back.” Magistrate Xiao turned red in face. He raised the intention of setting the temple on fire, which he did not put into action. When he wanted to get closer [to our master], he couldn’t go further for quite a while. He then returned to his subprefectural office. The following day, some laypeople living near the temple came to inquire of our dharma master, saying,
“Yesterday when the magistrate came to visit you, why couldn’t he go further?” [Our dharma master] answered, “He dropped by with a playful mind. I, this humble pursuant of the Way, therefore refused to come out. As he intended to set the temple on fire, the magistrate was unable to move forward. Later, this part of the territory is to suffer from a severe drought for thirty years.” Lou Yan, the attendant-in-ordinary, conveyed these words to Magistrate Xiao. Immensely frigh- tened, he hastened to the temple and with piety entreated [our dharma master] to allow him to repent. Our master subsequently preached to him the wondrous way of the bodhi. Magistrate Xiao left after receiving it with delight.普通元年五月三日, 縣令蕭子睦將往寺頂禮法師. 先過村落, 受百姓酒食之饋, 醉飽然後入寺. 法師閉房不出, 唯傳言: “明府速返矣.” 蕭令勃然作色, 心欲放 火焚寺而未發. 因更欲稍前, 良久不得進. 遂卻還縣. 明日, 近寺檀越來問法師曰: “昨明府拜謁, 何以不前? 法師何以不出?” 答曰: “遊戲相過, 貧道是以不出. 立心放火焚寺, 明府是以不前. 向 後, 此境當三十年大早 .” 常侍樓偃遽以此言白蕭令. 大恐, 即馳至寺, 虔誠禮請懺悔. 師因為說 菩提玅道, 蕭令悅受而去.
Starting from the fourteenth day of the third month of that year (Putong 1.3.14 [April 17, 520]), our dharma master attended vegetarian feasts in the nearby villages. [He suddenly] became reluctant
to return to the mountain. In earnest, people implored him to make an oath that he would never return to (lit.“looked back to”) the north. Our dharma master said, “I, this humble pursuant of the Way, have come [here] thanks to the merging of different conditions, and I will have to leave when these conditions end.” At that moment, those men and women who cried with sadness and longing lined up on the road.法師以其年三月十四日始, 在近村赴齋會, 便不肯還山. 眾人苦請法師, 誓 不北顧. 乃言曰, “貧道緣會而來, 緣盡而去.” 於是士女悲戀涕泣, 相繼道路.
On that day, our dharma master suddenly went southwards. When he saw purple clouds covering the crown of the southern mountain, he declared with delight,“This location is good for building a temple.” 是日, 法師卒爾南行. 望見南山有紫雲盍上, 乃喜曰: “此處可以置寺矣.”
When he reached Mount She 佘山, the river flooded so much that no boatman dared ferry.
Spreading his umbrella on the water and holding the fish-shaped iron chime, our dharma master crossed the river by cutting it in two.行至余51山, 江水泛溢, 船人不肯渡. 法師乃布繖水上, 手把 鐵魚磬, 截流而渡.
Going southwards, he reached the Jiting pond, where he saw Mahāsattva [Fu] fishing along the river. He then revealed to Mahāsattva [Fu] his wondrous traces and, before parting with him, showed him the place where to practice the Way.南至稽停塘下, 見大士沂52水求魚, 因發 大士神玅之跡, 并示以修道之所而去.
When traveling to Mount Lai, he stopped at the place covered by the purple clouds. He built a temple at the top of the mountain and called it“Laishansi.” 行至萊山, 當紫雲盍處遂止, 而立精舍 於其山頂, 號萊山寺.
Our dharma master often told people,“Mount Lai will be prosperous, though it is not going to last long; Mount Xiang is going to last long, but not in prosperity.” Receiving a great deal of donations from the believers, this temple was blessed with abundant properties. The monks who arrived kept doing this, accumulating sufficient wealth that sustained it for several ten years. Located as it was on a forest peak, the place was occasionally hounded by ghosts. Not feeling peaceful, the residents there gradually left, eventually leading to its abolishment. Peace had not been restored [to the temple] until it (lit.“its tablet”) was moved to a plain ten li to the north, thanks to the joint effort of some seniors in the village [located in] the vicinity of the mountain. As for Mount Xiang, it has been, from then till now, moderate in terms of wealth.法師常謂人曰, “萊山王而不久, 香山久而 不王.” 此寺從是信施者多, 財物殷贍. 僧徒來者, 相繼隨事, 能給自數十年之外. 其地既依據林 嶺, 或時有鬼物. 故居者甚不安穩, 稍稍引去, 遂至荒廢. 後近村長老共移此寺額於直北十里平 川中置, 乃得安堵. 香山則貧富適中, 至今如初.
Our dharma master also planted a lot of fruit trees on the southern mountain. Every morning and evening, he personally executed the work [of planting trees].法師又於寺南山中, 多種果樹. 每晨 夕躬自履行.
He once ran into Mahāsattva [Fu] on the road, to their immense delight. He then rubbed the crown of Mahāsattva [Fu], saying, “I had been thinking that I was to return to the west without encountering the rise of the Bodhisattva’s way!” Thereafter, they returned to his [Mahāsattva Fu’s]
abode together. Several days after our dharma master arrived at the temple [in which Mahāsattva Fu lived at the time; that is, the Shuanglin temple?], he left there his fish-shaped iron chime. As for the fish-shaped iron chime, it is made of iron and looks like a fish. Up to the present, this chime is still beaten at this temple, morning and evening.於道上重逢大士, 甚悅. 因摩大士頂曰: “自念余當西
邁, 不值菩薩道興.” 遂各53還其所居. 法師至寺數日, 乃留住鐵魚磬. 而鐵魚磬者, 以鐵為之, 狀
似魚形. 此寺晨昏, 至今擊之.
Going [further] westward, our dharma master arrived at the feet of the southern mountain within the boundary of the Jinhua金華 Subprefecture. He said, “This is also good for building a temple.”
Further, he poked the ground with his staff, saying, “It is good to dig a well here.” Later, the Longpan temple was eventually built on this site and a well dug from the place that was poked.
Although the well is not too deep, it has never dried up, even during seasons of drought.法師西至 金華縣界南山下, 曰; “此亦可以置寺.” 又以杖刺地曰, “此可以穿井矣.” 爾後竟以此地置龍盤 寺, 以杖刺處鑿井. 井不甚深, 雖亢陽, 不竭.
Our dharma master went westwards further, reaching the boundary of Longqiu龍丘 where he saw the unique beauty of the cliffs at the southern mountain. He said again,“Here is also good for building a temple.” He therefore took residence and built a temple at the place, calling it “Longqiu yansi” (the Cliff Temple of Dragon Mount). 法師又於西行, 至龍丘界, 望見南山巖勢孤秀. 又曰,
“此亦可以置寺矣.” 因居止其中, 建立蘭若, 後號此為“龍丘巖寺”.
After this temple was completed, our dharma master went further westward, entering the
“mouth” (i.e. pass) of Mount Wanshan 萬善. Seeing that the mountain swirled like a dragon, taking
a tortuous shape, he was, once again, about to build a temple there. Suddenly, he ran into three donors, to whom he referred that the location [was good for building a temple]. The three persons then made a vow, saying,“We will donate rice and [other] food with an aim of encouraging people to complete this [project of] virtue and merit.” Our dharma master asked them, “Where do you, donors, live?” They replied, “Neither too far, nor too close. We are local landlords.” They then respectively supplied their surnames: Chen, Zhao and Su, although each refrained from telling his given and style names. When the temple was about to be completed, it was called“Liliuchen si” 離 六塵寺 (the Temple of Removing the Six Kinds of Dust), the three persons then took leave, with no one knowing their whereabouts.寺成後, 法師更西行, 入萬善山口. 見山盤勢紆, 又欲置立精舍.
忽遇三檀越, 乃指示以其所. 三人遂共發願言: “當給施糧食, 以獎成此功德.” 法師問曰: “檀那 家居遠近.” 答曰: “不近不遠, 是此間地主耳.” 乃各自稱姓: 一曰陳氏, 一曰趙氏, 一曰蘇氏, 並 不言其名字. 及精舍向成, 號曰“離六塵寺”. 三人遂相與辭別而去, 莫知所終.
By moving further westward, our dharma master arrived at Mount Mengdu孟度. Previously, there were deer on this mountain, where the sounds of bells and chimes were often heard. [Our dharma master] further built a temple on this mountain, calling it“Sanzangsi” 三藏寺(the Temple of Tripartite Canon).法師又西行, 至孟度山. 此山先有白鹿, 及常聞鐘磬之響. 更於此地, 置立精 舍, 號三藏寺.
Initially, by disclosing his traces (as a sage), our dharma master set up the Xiangshan temple.
Reaching this [temple] (i.e., the Sanzangsi), he built in total of seven temples, all of which acquired the geographical excellence of mountains and rivers. They have been venerated by the people in black (monastic) and in white (lay), as has been the case till now.始, 法師發跡, 置香山寺. 及此凡 七所, 得山川之形勝, 黑白供養, 逮今猶然.
After finishing the project of Sanzang Temple, our dharma master returned to the Cliff Temple of Longqiu. When he was about to die, Mahāsattva [Fu], who knew this by heart, told his disciples,
“Master Song has now returned to the Tuṣita Palace, where he is waiting for me. Those who, along with me, have been delivering the sentient beings are all gone now.” 三藏事畢, 法師卻還龍丘巖 寺. 及入滅, 大士心自知之, 乃謂諸弟子曰: “嵩公已還都率天宮中待我. 我同度眾生之人, 去已 盡矣.”
