172 Hualin International Journal of Buddhist Studies, 2.1 (2019): 172–228
LIU YUAN-JU 劉苑如
Academia Sinica ju@gate.sinica.edu.tw
Keywords: Faxian, Liu Yu and his circle, Longhua monastery, Daochang Monastery, Xing Monastery
DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.15239/hijbs.02.01.07
Abstract: This article discusses the interaction between Faxian (338?–423?) and Liu Yu (363–422) and his circles, especially the relations within the sangha in Qingxu and Jingzhou, from the point of geo-relationship and of dharma-associated practices, to remodel the social networks and Buddhist background of the Eastern Jin and the Sixteen Kingdoms, to discuss the protection of Buddhism by Liu Yu’s circles, and to highlight the contribution of Faxian to it. There are some important hints as to that. First, Faxian came back to Qing- zhou, which coincided with the time when Liu Yu had reclaimed the provinces of Qing, Yan and Si, and planned to establish the kingdom of Song. As soon as Faxian reached land, he was invited by Liu Yu’s younger brother, Liu Yan (Dao Lian, 368–422) to build a monas- tery called Longhua in Pengcheng. Second, he translated sutras and vinaya texts together with Buddhabhadra (359–429) at Daochang
Faxian and Liu Yu’s Inner Circle:
Interactions between Society and Buddhism during the Eastern Jin Dynasty
** This essay is a product of the digital humanities ‘East Asia Literature and Culture Map’ of the Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy, Academia
Sinica. It also extensively used resources from the Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Art’s 法鼓山佛教學院 ‘Visualizing and Querying Chinese Buddhist Bi- ographies’ 佛教傳記文學 platform. It was first published at the international re- search forum ‘From Xiangyuan to Ceylon, the Life and Legacy of Han Buddhist Monk Faxian (337–422)’ 從襄垣到錫蘭：漢僧法顯 (337–422) 其生平與遺產, which was held in Xiangyuan County, Shanxi Province, China (PRC), in 2017.
The author feels indebted to the professors Feng Guodong 馮國棟 and Wang Xuemei 王雪梅 for their criticism and corrections, and is also deeply thankful for the suggestions of Wang Fuzhen 王福楨.
Monastery in Jiankang, during the twelfth and fourteenth year of the Yixi period, with the support of the benefactors from Liu Yu’s clique Meng Yi and Chu Shudu (378–424). Lastly, he went to Xing Monastery in Jingzhou for his last days, this was also a consequence of Liu Yu’s power. During his lifetime rich in travel, with the spread of Buddhism to the east, Faxian was connected to several important places of the Buddhist sangha, which is also closely related to the choice and acceptance of the Buddhist doctrine in China, and which constructed a complicated circle of Buddhist believers.
Introduction: The Meeting between Faxian and Liu Yu’s Inner Circle
I
n 399 CE, Master Faxian (338?–423?) was inspired to leave Chang’an and head toward the Indian subcontinent in search of scriptures by the fact that only an incomplete version of the Vinaya- piṭaka was available 律藏殘闕 in China. During the time he was gone, the Later Qin progressively grew in strength, acquiring more and more territories that had previously been occupied by the East- ern Jin. However, when Faxian returned to Qingzhou after thirteen years of travel, the geopolitical trajectory of China had completely reversed. Helian Bobo 赫連勃勃 (381–425) of the state of Daxia 大 夏 had repeatedly led his troops south to harass the Later Qin, re- sulting in the loss of nearly a 100,000 troops, the looting of no less than 20,000 homes, the destruction of countless livestock and assets, and ultimately the decline of the Later Qin. Meanwhile, Liu Yu 劉裕1 The Faxian zhuan jiaozhu 法顯傳校注 [Faxian zhuan, Collated and Anno- tated] by Zhang Xun 章巽 and its corresponding annotations reads: ‘[he] invited Faxian to stay from the winter to the summer’. Adachi Kiroku 足立喜六 believes Faxian came to Yangzhou by ship with merchants, and was then invited by Liu Daoling to spend a winter through a summer in Jingkou. Tang Yongtong 湯用彤, however, does not agree with this notion and instead believes that after Faxian ar- rived on shore at Laoshan, he travelled to the south by land, passing through Peng- cheng along the way. At that time, Liu Daolian was the governor of North Xuzhou and Yanzhou, and he was based in Pengcheng. Tang Yongtong suspects that Liyi 李 嶷, a military officer under Liu Daolian’s command, suggested to Liu Daolian that he should retain Faxian and support him. This article supports the latter opinion.
See Zhang, annot., Faxian zhuan jiaozhu, 175.
2 Rao, ‘Zaoqi Qingzhou Cheng yu Fojiao’, 52.
3 There has always been disagreement over whether or not Faxian actually went to Lushan. The arguments suggesting he did go to Lushan are epitomized in Zhang Xun’s The Collated and Annotated Record of Faxian and Kimura Eiichi’s
‘Research on Huiyuan: Lost Text’. See Zhang, annot., Faxian zhuan jiaozhu, 180; Kimura, Eon Kenkyū, 46 (see footnote 37 on the ‘Buddha Shadow Inscrip- tion’ 佛影銘). Some have argued that Faxian did not go to Lushan, such as Chen Jinhua 陳金華. See Chen, ‘Faxian Deng Lufeng’.
(363–422) had been busy turning the tide for the previously falter- ing Eastern Jin. Liu Yu annihilated the Southern Yan 南燕 in 410 and the Later Qin shortly after in 417, and then he recaptured the northern lands of Qingzhou, Yanzhou, and Sizhou. Following these achievements came a series of events initiated by Liu Yu that ended with the formation of the Liu Song 劉宋 (420–479) Dynasty—a dynasty of which he was declared emperor.
Faxian returned from Sinhala 師子國 (Ceylon, modern day Sri Lanka) by sea in 412 CE. He arrived at the shores of Qingzhou, a land that was under the influence of Liu’s inner circle 劉氏. There, Liu Yan 劉沇 (a.k.a. Liu Daolian 道憐, 368–422), a brother of Liu Yu, invited Faxian to stay in Jingkou 京口 from the winter of 412 to the summer of 413,1 during which Faxian established the Long- hua Monastery 龍華寺.2 Later, in either 413 or 414, Huiyuan 慧 遠 (334–416?/417?) invited Faxian to Lushan.3 This was likely
4 Liu, ‘Gushi de zaisheng’.
5 Liu, ‘Sheyan yu guifan’.
6 Liu, ‘Gushi de zaisheng’.
the place where Faxian completed the first draft of Foguo ji 佛國記
[Record of the Buddha Land], a work which describes the dignified and blossoming Buddhist nation he experienced to the west of China, along with the geography and local customs of that land.4 Next, around 416 to 418, Meng Yi 孟顗 (384–465) and Chu Shudu
褚叔度 (378–424) of Liu Yi’s inner circle supported Faxian’s collab- orative translation work with Buddhabhadra 佛跎跋陀羅 (359–429) at Daochang Monastery 道場寺, which resulted in Chinese editions of many Buddhist scriptures and Vinaya 律. Finally, at some point after 418, Faxian went to Jingzhou, which Liu Yu had already estab- lished control over, and later spent his final years at Xin Monastery
辛寺.
Faxian lived a life of abundant travel. He was involved with several monasteries vital to Buddhism’s transmission to the East and central to the selection of Buddhist doctrines that became ac- cepted throughout Han Chinese lands. Accordingly, a complicated web of Buddhist groups materialized under his watch. I previously performed a separate study of the interaction between Faxian and the inner circle of Huiyuan of Lushan,5 and I have also studied the relationship between Faxian and the project of translating Buddhist texts that was carried out at Daochang Monastery.6 However, I have done relatively little research on the society and culture that served as a backdrop to Faxian’s translations of scriptures following his return to China. This paper compares a variety of different, import- ant perspectives from geopolitical and Buddhist lenses. It intends to unearth just how Faxian interacted with Liu Yu’s inner circle—es- pecially with respect to how this related to the Buddhist groups in Qingzhou, Xuzhou, and Jingzhou—and reveal exactly what kind of influence Faxian had on Buddhism and politics during his life.
7 Song shu 5.5.
1. Military Expeditions, Deferential Treatment, and Worshipping the Buddha
The formation of Liu Yu’s inner circle can be traced back to when he formed a volunteer army. At that time, Liu Yu called together He Wuji 何無忌 (351–410), Wei Yongzhi 魏詠之 (approx. 375–405), and the brothers Wei Xinzhi 魏欣之 and Wei Shunzhi 魏順之. He also called on Tan Pingzhi 檀憑之 (?–404), who brought relatives with him such as Tan Shao 檀韶 (366–421), Tan Zhi 檀祗 (369–
419), Tan Long 檀隆, Tan Daoji 檀道濟 (337–436), and Tan Fanzhi
檀範之. There were also Liu Yu’s younger brother Liu Daolian 劉道 憐 and his cousins Liu Yi 劉毅 (?–412) and Liu Fan 劉藩 (?–412). In addition, there were Meng Chang 孟昶 (?–410) and Meng Huaiyu
孟懷玉 (385–415), brothers of the same clan. There were also Xiang Mi 向彌 (363–421) of Henei 河內; Guan Yizhi 管義之; and Zhou Anmu 周安穆 of Chenliu 陳留; Liu Wei 劉蔚 of Linhuai 臨淮 and his little brother (從弟) Liu Guizhi 劉珪之; Zang Xi 臧熹 (375–413) of Dongguan 東莞, his cousin Baofu 寶符; and his nephew Musheng
穆生; Tong Maozong 童茂宗; Zhou Daomin 周道民 of Chunjun 陳 郡; Tian Yan 田演 of Yuyang 漁陽; Fan Qing 范清 of Qiaoguo 譙 國; and more. In total, there were twenty-seven central figures to the army,7 and they were collectively able to defeat Huan Xuan 桓 玄 (369–404), who had managed to usurp the throne. Afterwards, they carried on under the banner of the Eastern Jin, garnering great renown and progressively expanding their inner circle’s sphere of influence. Afterwards, they took advantage of internal strife within the Southern Yan kingdom to crush its troops. Soon after came the task of pacifying Lu Xun’s 盧循 (?–411) rebellion, and then they annihilated all other dissidents within the court, such as Liu Yi 劉 毅, Zhuge Zhangmin 諸葛長民 (?–413), and Sima Xiuzhi 司馬休 之 (?–417). Finally, the Eastern Jin carried out expeditions in the north against the Later Qin, wherein they recaptured Luoyang 洛陽
and Guanzhong 關中, thereby obtaining the status of Nine Bestow- ments 九錫 and establishing the Liu Song Dynasty.
8 Wang, ‘Liu Yu yu Fojiao gaoseng’.
In virtually all of Liu Yu’s campaigns, he was outnumbered but managed to emerge victorious in a seemingly invincible fashion.
Relevant research by scholars have identified such factors as the Beifu System 北府制度, superior strategy, and personnel manage- ment to account for his success, but in recent years a good deal of scholars have begun paying attention to the beliefs of Liu Yu’s family. For example, based on researched cultural images of Liu Yu, Wang Yongping 王永平 posited that Liu used Buddhism to assist his military and political affairs. There were two main ways in which Liu Yu and his inner circle did this: first was the deferential treatment given to leaders of the Sangha from the North and South, such as Huiyuan, Huiguan 慧觀 (366–436?/453?), and Sengdao 僧 導 (362–457), which led to political stability throughout the region;
second was the manufacturing of numerous talismans (furui 符瑞), which influenced public opinion about the Song dynasty which Liu Yu founded.8 Lin Feifei 林飛飛 expanded the scope of this research, pointing out in her doctoral dissertation, Liusong Diwang yu Zongjiao Guanxi 劉宋帝王與宗教關係 (The Relationship Between Liu Song and Religion), that subsequent emperors of the Liu Song Dynasty essentially continued to use the religious policies of Liu Yu, which at once supported and exploited Buddhism. Specifically, these policies included inviting to the court, and providing defer- ential treatment to, famous Buddhist monks and nuns; establishing monasteries and making statues; setting up Dharma assemblies;
summoning monks to teach the Buddha scriptures; ordering chil- dren of the royal family to become friends or disciples of monks and nuns; and even forming friendly ties with other kingdoms that believed in Buddhism. At the same time, Liu Song emperors often called upon preeminent monks to provide them with lectures over Buddhist scripture in which they had interest. They even person- ally attended Dharma banquets and ordered other high officials to accompany them. This reflects that the emperors valued the growth of Buddhist doctrine and understood the process of how Buddhist doctrine developed. On the other hand, Liu Song emperors also
9 Lin, Liusong diwang.
10 Song shu 43.1336.
made sure to carefully control the number of pagodas, temples, and Buddhist statues; remove unqualified monks and nuns; and task officials with managing the Sangha. This was done to prevent Bud- dhism from infringing on the dynasty’s political sovereignty.9
While this paper does draw on the research of other papers that discuss the religious and political strategies of the Liu Song Dynasty, it also aims to forge ahead on an entirely new path of study. Specif- ically, it studies the military expeditions, deferential treatment of certain Buddhists, and the interactions between various social circles in the hopes of opening a new path for research.
Liu Yu spent his whole life waging military campaigns. At some point after his major victories at Luoyang and the Guanzhong during his northern expeditions, he personally recounted his successes while at an official feast of ministers at Ximatai 戲馬臺:
The year Huan Xuan usurped the throne, taking charge of the East- ern Jin’s great power, was the first time I advocated for this righteous cause to rejuvenate the royal household.
By campaigning in the South and fighting in the North, I pacified all beneath the sky. It could be called a great accomplishment or an outstanding achievement. And as a result, I was granted the honour of the Nine Bestowments.10
Despite such proud words, Liu Yu was ultimately a high-ranking military leader that had led troops into battle. Though he could previously show disdain for the civil and military officials at court, after he took the throne it no longer mattered how many victories he had amassed—he needed to sagaciously appease the commanders, soldiers, officials, and people that had risked their lives following him to the doorstep of death. Accordingly, after Liu Yu founded the Liu Song Dynasty, he issued this imperial order in the first year of his reign:
Recording meritorious deeds performed by outstanding men is an important decree of the state; diligently handling the funeral arrange- ments of those who passed away on behalf of the state is an extension of the sincere wish in my heart. Since this great cause began, seventeen years have passed. There have been challenges in the world and wars have commenced. From the East to the West, there hasn’t been a day of peace. In truth, it was the exhausted minds and bodies of generals that brought peace to our land, and the military and civil officials that risked their lives to carry out orders that expanded our territory; the achievements we celebrate today can be traced back to them. Our prestige spreads far and wide; enemy invaders and traitors have all been vanquished. As a result, the emperor abdicated his throne, pass- ing it on to me—and I can only feel humbled upon receiving such a tremendous blessing. Thinking over achievements and evaluating contributions, at neither day nor night can I forget the devoted and diligent efforts of those persons, which should be celebrated by the nation as a whole. Rewarding and exempting them from taxes has been promptly agreed upon. As for those who died in battle, their families shall be exempted from taxation and rewarded as well.
夫銘功紀勞, 有國之要典; 慎終追舊, 在心之所隆. 自大業創基, 十 有七載. 世路迍邅, 戎車歲動, 自東徂西, 靡有寧日? 實賴將帥竭心, 文武盡効, 寧內拓外, 迄用有成. 威靈遠著, 寇逆消蕩, 遂當揖讓之 禮, 猥饗天人之祚. 念功簡勞, 無忘鑒寐, 凡厥誠勤, 宜同國慶. 其酬 賞復除之科, 以時論舉. 戰亡之身, 厚加復贈.11
Liu Yu thus regarded inscribing the achievements of his generals to be a matter of paramount importance, and he provided broad financial support to relatives of those killed in battle to show that he had not forgotten about those who gave their lives. In the first year of his reign, Liu Yu also issued another imperial decree, which read,
‘The families of those who perished in the battlefields and were not able to return home shall be financially supported’.12 This empha-
11 Song shu 3.53.
12 Song shu 54.
13 Song shu 59.
14 For example, Liu Yu was once 30,000 units in debt to Diao Kui 刁逵 (?–404) with no ability to repay the money, so Diao Kui detained him. Fortunately, Wang Mi 王謐 (306–407) repaid the debt on Liu Yu’s behalf, allowing him to be re- leased. Later, Wang Mi was a chancellor whom Huan Xuan relied on heavily.
During Huan Xuan’s coronation ceremony, Wang Mi personally held the emper- or’s jade seal. When Huan Xuan was defeated, many thought Wang Mi should be killed, but Liu Yu went to great lengths to protect him. Cf. Song shu 1.10.
15 Jin shu 43.2518.
16 Zizhi tongjian 115.3616.
17 Song shu 1.19.
sized the importance he attached to the families who survived those who died in battle.
As a result, throughout the entirety of Liu Yu’s life, although he had no clear cut belief in religion—and even refused to hold events to pray for spirits to cure disease later in his life when he was terminally ill13—he still strongly backed Meng Yi and Meng Yi’s diligent work in service of Buddhism. This is likely on account of Meng Yi’s elder brother, Meng Chang 孟昶.
Liu Yu was born into extreme poverty, so it is only natural that those who provided him with financial aid when he was poor were later compensated for their kindness.14 When Liu Yu first proposed crusading against Huan Xuan, Meng Chang gave all his assets to pro- vide for the army.15 He was also one of the few voices that encouraged him to attack the Southern Yan Kingdom, despite a chorus of voices in opposition.16 Ultimately, Meng Chang died as a result of Lu Xun’s rebellion. In fact, when an invading army had grown close enough to the capital to pose a viable threat, and the public was nearing a state of hysteria, Meng Chang issued a dying appeal to the masses to risk their lives defending their homes.17
After Meng Chang died, Liu Yu wholeheartedly assumed the task of looking after Meng Chang’s child so that the boy could inherit his father’s post, and he also supported Meng Yi, who was looking after their parents at this time. After first being appointed governor taishou 太守 of Dongyang with no official experience to speak of,
18 Nanshi 19.541–542.
19 Song shu 66.1737.
20 Nanshi 72.1766.
21 Song shu 100.2449.
Meng Yi went on to be appointed governor of Wujun, Kuaiji, and Danyang, one after another. Later, he was appointed chancellor (shizhong 侍中), court official (puye 僕射), and administrator of the crown prince taizi zhanshi 太子詹事, and finally he was once again made provincial governor of Kuaiji. After he died, he was granted the honorific title of left imperial minister of state (zuo guanglu daifu 左 光祿大夫).18 By looking over the posts which Meng Yi held through- out his life, one can quickly realize that his history as an official is vastly different than other members of Liu Yu’s inner circle, who had all held multiple posts related to military campaigns—whether that meant on the front line or in the rear. In stark contrast, Meng Yi always occupied lucrative posts as a governor or court sinecure.
Later, Meng Yi’s son, Meng Shao 孟劭, married Princess Nan Jun 南郡, the sixteenth daughter of Liu Yu; one of Meng Yi’s daugh- ters married the Prince of Pengcheng 彭城王, Liu Yikang 劉義康
(409–451), which was the title conferre to one of Liu Yu’s sons; and the other married the Prince Ai of Baling 巴陵哀王, Liu Ruoxiu 劉若 休 (447–471),19 another son of Liu Yu. In this way, Meng Yi forged familial relations with the royal family of Liu Song.
Careful analysis of available information reveals that Meng Yi’s official reputation was actually not very positive, particularly be- cause he often exhibited an arrogant attitude when he served as the governor of Kuaiji 會稽. It was recorded that ‘he regards his family as powerful and influential, and he looks down on all other officials’.20 He was eventually accused of committing a crime and thus relieved of his post21—yet the royal family still honoured and pampered him.
This fact is likely the result of the tremendous influence his brother, Meng Chang, exerted on the royal family.
Meng Yi did, however, devote himself wholeheartedly to the service of Buddhism, and he put a great deal of effort into the pro- motion of the Three Treasures.22 Most researchers pay little attention
22 Chu sanzang ji ji, T no. 2145, 55: 14.105a.
23 Liu, ‘Gushi de zaisheng’, 239–42.
24 Song shu 29.842; cf. Song shu 28.800.
to the fact that Meng Yi not only worshiped the Buddha but was also infatuated with talismanic poetic prophecies. According to records from ‘Wuxing Zhi’ 五行志 (Record of the Five Elements), from History of the Early Song Dynasty (Song shu 宋書), during the time when Sima Yuanxian 司馬元顯 (382–402) consolidated power, Zhu Tanlin 竺曇林, known as Xiangyang Daoren 襄陽道人, wrote a poetic prophecy which read, ‘When there is Shiyikou (十一口), and [Huan Xuan] injured by the blades of soldiers, Mugen (木亘), best to cross the Yangtze River, into the vast wilderness’. And there was another that read, ‘A weapon of gold has already been made, in Jincheng its lustre shimmers’. Meng Yi provided interpretations for these two poems.23 In addition, on the sixth month of the second year of Yongchu (421 CE), of the reign of Emperor Wu of Song, Meng Yi presented the emperor with an auspicious white bird, which had been discovered at Lou County 婁縣 of Wu Commandery 吳郡. On the eighth month of fifteenth year of Yuanjia (438 CE), Meng Yi presented to the emperor a yellow dragon, which had been dis- covered at the Kuaiji Commandery 會稽郡.24 It is clear that, within Liu Yu’s inner circle, Meng Yi’s role was essentially that of a religious counsellor. As a result, he focused all his energy on graciously and deferentially receiving highly regarded monks and lay Buddhists from home and abroad, such as Sengyi 僧翼 (381–450/451), Chaojin 超進
(380?–473/477), Lanhui 覽慧, Dharmamitra 曇摩密多 (356–442), Kalamyasas 畺良耶舍 (383–442/443), and Juqu Anyang hou 沮渠 安陽矦 (?–464). In total, these visitors amount to no less than nine people, and in Yuhang, Meng Yi also founded the Fangxian Mon- astery 方顯寺, Fahua Monastery 法華寺, and expanded the Maota Monastery 鄮塔寺. Moreover, the grandest event attributed to Meng Yi was held in 416 after Liu Yu victoriously returned from his cam- paign in the North with the Former Qin. Meng Yi also invited Bud- dhabhadra to return to Daochang Monastery in Jiankang (Nanjing) and translate scriptures collectively with such personages as Faxian
and Huiguan 慧觀25 (Fig. 1)26. Admittedly, these events were related to Meng Yi’s personal faith, but they likely exceeded the scope of what his personal power alone could accomplish. It seems a reason- able proposition that these events were tactics used by Liu Yu’s inner circle to assist with their war efforts and help establish a new country.
25 Song shu 31.919.
26 The diagram of social relations above is based on information produced by the Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Art’s 法鼓山佛教學院 ‘Visualizing and
FIG. 1 Diagram of Social Relations Between Faxian 法顯 and Meng Yi 孟顗. Image capture by Wan-chun Chiu.
Querying Chinese Buddhist Biographies’ 佛教傳記文學 platform (http://bud- dhistinformatics.ddbc.edu.tw/biographies/socialnetworks/interface/), accessed on February 20, 2017. This diagram is centred around Faxian and Meng Yi, and it is based upon Liang Gaoseng Zhuan 梁高僧傳 [Biographies of Eminent Monks], Tang Gaoseng Zhuan 唐高僧傳 [Continuation to Biographies of Em- inent Monks], Biqiuni Zhuan 比丘尼傳 [Bhikshuni Biographies], Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集 [Compilation of Notes on the Translation of the Tripitaka], and Meisō den shō 名僧傳抄 [Biographies of Famous Monks]. See Appendix One for more details.
27 Nanshi 1.17.
28 Liu, ‘San Ling Juanshu’.
The fact of the matter is that the military operations of Liu Yu’s inner circle were often accompanied by religious activities. Cejia Songgong Jiuxi Wen 策加宋公九錫文 [Regarding Liu Yu Receiving the Nine Bestowments] praises the moral achievements of Liu Yu, specifically stating that ‘recovering the lost lands of the Eastern Jin and protecting the divinity of the emperor were the meritorious deeds of Liu Yu’.27 Related research that I personally performed in the past has focused on famous mountains, great rivers, deceased emperors, burial grounds of sages, and ancestral shrines.28 However, my research has rarely touched on the topic of Buddhist worship.
Additional research revealed that the relationship that initially existed between Liu Yu’s inner circle and Buddhism was subtle at best, but after Faxian returned from abroad, various Buddhism projects began to occur, which were inextricably linked to Faxian. This is worth a thorough investigation.
2. Faxian, Buddhism, and the Political Forces of Qingzhou and Xuzhou
During the Eastern Jin and the Sixteen Kingdoms period, ethnic groups took control of various parts of the Central Plain, inciting a long lasting struggle over the Huang-Huai River Basin 黃淮流域. Emperor Mu of Jin (343–361) also repeatedly launched campaigns
29 Wang, Wei Jin Nanbei chao, 271–303.
30 Song shu 1.17.
31 Jin shu 128.3183.
32 Jin shu 15.451.
33 Song shu 1.11. Yang Muzhi was originally the zhangshi 長史 [administrator]
of Xinyu 辛禺, who was then the governor of Yanzhou. In 404, Xin Yu planned a mutiny, so Yang Muzhi beheaded him and sent his decapitated head to the capital.
See Nanshi 70: 1700, it is recorded that ‘from the Yixi Period to the end of the Liu Song Dynasty, Yang Muzhi was the most talented of all the governors. He was praised by all the officials and people’. Song Yuan Fongzhi congkan 4: 586a, reads:
After Liu Yu captured Guanggu City, Guo Dafu of the state of Qi noticed the quality of feng shui there and persuaded Yang Muzhi to build Dong- yang City for Qingzhou. Later, a shrine was built for Guo in front of
in the North, but his forces were ultimately defeated, and when all was said and done, they returned without any success to speak of. In 410 CE, Liu Yu began the process of destroying the Southern Yan, bringing the likes of Qingzhou, Xuzhou, and Yanzhou completely under the rule of the Eastern Jin.29 Throughout the process of cam- paigning against the Southern Yan, resistance of the city occupied by Murong Chao 慕容超, was especially relentless. The city held out for a considerable period of time, and even after the Southern Yan had fallen, Liu Yu was still so furious over the matter that he wanted to completely eviscerate it. However, he let go of this notion after being strongly advised against it.30 As the historical records note: ‘That year in Donglai (Guanggu City 廣固城), sheets of blood fell from the sky, and at night you could hear the ghosts weeping’.31
The site of this city was a key post for military transportation that needed to be effectively controlled. And so when it came time to rebuild, Liu Yu’s inner circle specially picked Minister Yang Muzhi
長史羊穆之 to serve as the governor of Qingzhou and manage the construction of Dongyang City.32 Although there was no biography about Yang Muzhi left behind, he was still acclaimed by a historian as the governor of Qingzhou who was most beloved by his people during the Eastern Jin and Liu Song period.33 Half a century later, the work Sishui Zhu 泗水注 [Annotations on the Zi River Records],
Yunmen Mountain. 劉裕既夷廣固城, 齊人郭大夫相水土, 勸羊穆之築東陽 城為青州. 後人為大夫立廟於雲門山前.
34 Sang, Shuijing zhu shu, 2234.
35 Wen, ‘Qingzhou Fojiao Zaoxiang Kaocha Ji’.
which was compiled in Shuijing Zhu 水經注 [Annotations on the Waterways Classic] by Li Daoyuan 酈道元 (472–527), described Dongyang City as such:
The Yang River comes from the East and flows through Dongyang City’s southeast corner. In the Yixi Era, Yang Muzhi, the Eastern Jin’s governor of Qingzhou, built this city. Because this city is to the north of the Yang River, it is thus known as Dongyang city.
Li Daoyuan made a point to specially mention Yang Muzhi’s meritorious deed of founding the city; at the same time, he also mentioned that the ‘most famous monastery’, Qiji Monastery 七級 寺, was located near the city, writing:
The Yang River flows from the East, passing by the south of the [former] Qiji Monastery’s temple; north of the river is the Buddha palace, which is surrounded by corridors and meandering pavilions that are connected together. Beside the forest are prayer mats scat- tered across the ground, along with a few staffs and alms bowls that are used by the monks. These are used by strict, prudent monks.
They practice a life of Chan meditation in the distant mountains and forests.34
It is evident that monks of this monastery engaged in cultivation methods centred around chan meditation. It is also worth examining that this temple was built by Murong De 慕容德 (336–405) during the Southern Yan, and in terms of size, it was likely no smaller than Yongning Monastery 永寧寺, which employed the same Seven Story Pagoda layout and existed later during the Wei Dynasty.35 In fact, documents from the period of Emperor Xianwen of the Wei Dynasty (467–470) indicate the ‘former’ Qiji Monastery had already been
36 Wei shu 67.1495 records, ‘Cui Guang admonished Ling Taihou 靈太 后 [the mother of the emperor] by not climbing to the top of the Nine Layers Pagoda in Yonging 永寧 Monastery’, it reads:
In the past, during the Huangxing year, Qiji Monastery stood in Qing- zhou. It was both imposing and majestic, but one night it burned down.
Despite the predictions of divination and prophecies, we still cannot rid away this bad omen. Things often change over a long period of time; there is absolutely no use in making preparations in advance. The way of heaven is hard to predict, as has been admonished from the past. 去皇興中, 青州七 級, 亦號崇壯, 夜為上火所焚. 雖梓慎、裨竈之明, 尚不能逆剋端兆. 變起倉 卒, 預備不虞. 天道幽遠, 自昔深誡’.
37 Wei shu 97.2131.
38 Tian, ‘Bei Fu Bing Shimo’, 373.
destroyed on account of a naturally occurring fire.36 Thus, although history recorded that after Liu Yu vanquished the Southern Yan he ‘eliminated all their local temples’,37 the truth is that he only destroyed military installations. In contrast, he treated monasteries with respect and protected them. As a result, despite experiencing rule under the Southern Yan, Eastern Jin, Liu Yu, and Wei of the Northern Dynasties, this monastery never suffered any meaningful man-made damage.
Tracing back through history, it is clear that along with the south- ward migrations following the Yongjia Period, many people relocated to Jiangnan, causing the four states of Xuzhou, Yanzhou, Qingzhou, and Qizhou to become the largest in terms of population and influ- ence. Additionally, the people who moved to the three states of Jin- ling—Qingzhou, Xuzhou, and Yanzhou—formed the main source of troops for the Beifu 北府 army.38 After these events, Xuzhou and Yanzhou in particular formed a strong geopolitical and ancestral rela- tionship with the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties that followed.
Accordingly, an emotional bond existed between these two regimes and the states of Xuzhou and Yanzhou.
Setting aside the fact that Liu Yu’s ancestral hometown is Peng- cheng 彭城, the twenty-one generals that attacked the Southern Yan with him, namely, Liu Fan 劉藩, Liu Muzhi 劉穆之, Tan Shao 檀韶,
39 Wang, Wei Jin Nanbei chao, 300–01.
40 During the Eastern Han Dynasty period, Liu Ying 劉英 (29–71) was known by the title of Prince of Chu 楚王 and praised noble Buddhist monasteries, and Ze Rong 笮融 (?-196) established many monasteries throughout Xuzhou. See Zhang, Han Tang Fosi, 22–23.
41 Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2059, 50: 324; additionally, ‘Shihui Zhangju Xu’ 十 慧章句序, Chu sanzang ji ji, T no. 2145, 55: 10.70a2: ‘(The principle of Shihui are) spread far and wide through the cosmos and can help practitioners with their cultivation’ （十慧之文）廣彌三界, 近觀諸身. It is clear that this work is re- lated to changuan meditation. Ren, Zhongguo Fojiao shi, 146; Zhang, ‘Mile Xin- yang Shu Pin’, 534.
Liu Huaishen 劉懷慎, Meng Longfu 孟龍符, Liu Zhong 劉鍾, Yu Qiujin 虞丘進, Kuai En 蒯恩, Liu Daolian 劉道憐, Wang Dan 王誕, Liu Jingxuan 劉敬宣, Zang Xi 臧熹 were all descendants from areas around Qingzhou, Xuzhou, and Yanzhou, with the exception of Liu Huaiyu 劉懷玉, Shen Zhongdao 慎仲道, Suo Miao 索邈, Tao Yan- shou 陶延壽, Sun Chu 孫處, Hu Fan 胡藩, Liu Cui 劉粹, Wang Yi 王 懿, and Yu Yuezhi 庾悅之.39 Thus, after they defeated the Southern Yan, they were especially meticulous in the management of these three states.
In Qingzhou, Xuzhou, and Yanzhou, Liu Yu’s inner circle not only established how to handle political and military affairs, but they also acknowledged and conformed to the area’s religious customs.
This is because the region of Xuzhou and Haizhou had been an important route for the acceptance and propagation of Buddhism from the Eastern Han Dynasty onward. It was here that the earliest monasteries were set up,40 and more importantly, it was here that prominent monks from abroad stayed—such as Yan Fodiao 嚴佛 調 of the Eastern Han period who wrote Shami shihui zhangju 沙 彌十慧章句 [Ten Pieces of Wisdom by Lowly Monk], a work that proclaimed the fundamental teachings of Hinayana Buddhism and made reference to practicing changuan 禪觀 meditation.41 Another example is the monastic group of Senglang 僧朗 at Mount Tai during the Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdom’s period. Sovereigns of the Former Qin, Eastern Jin, Later Yan, Southern Yan, and Southern Wei
42 Miyagawa, Rikuchō-shi kenkyū, 255–78.
43 Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2060, 50: 10.506.
44 For further details, see Lin, ‘Hongming ji’, 82–85.
45 Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2059, 50: 6.363.
46 Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2059, 50: 7.375.
47 Tang, Han Wei Liangjin, 491–526.
all preferentially treated and revered this group,42 and they founded large monasteries for the group as well—especially Langgong Monas- tery. Specifically,
On behalf of Senglang, Murong De, Emperor of the Southern Yan, carried out the construction [of Langgong Monastery]. ... Murong De provided Senglang with tribute from three counties in order to build this monastery. The monastery was composed of a few dozen Buddha structures, both big and small. Corridors extended for a thousand metres. The monastery experienced three campaigns to eradicate Buddhism, and yet it remains standing. ... Since ancient times, this monastery has been called ‘Langgong Monastery’ 朗公寺 on account of its efficaciousness. As a result, it is revered by all people.43
It is evident from this that belief in Buddhism was nearly universal in this region.44 After Liu Yu conquered Chang’an and destroyed the Later Qin, monks in the Guangzhong region went east to Xuzhou and Haizhou. Kumārajīva’s 鳩摩羅什 (344–413) disciples, Daorong
道融 and Sengsong 僧嵩, went to the Pengcheng region to preach.45 There, Sengyuan and other monks were taught about the Satyasiddhi- śāstra 成實論 and Abhidharma 毘曇 by Sengsong.46 In this way, Peng- cheng and Shouchun became bases of operations for the Hinayana Free School during the Northern and Southern dynasties period.47 As for the attitude of Liu Yu’s inner circle toward Buddhism, by and large they maintained an air of reverence, and they safeguarded the religion, especially during the campaigns to extinguish Buddhism during the Northern Dynasties (446–452). Sengdao 僧導 (362–457) took in a good number of monks who were fleeing, and he also respectfully burned offerings for the deceased in an act of mourning.48
48 Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2059, 50: 7.375:
Later when a monastery was founded at Shouchun, it was also called Dong- shan Monastery. He often explained Buddha scriptures and theories to the masses there, and over 1,000 people followed him there to study. During the campaigns to eradicate Buddhism, several hundred monks went to where he was, seeking refuge. Sengdao provided all of them with clothes and food. Sengdao held Buddhist ceremonies in honour of the monks that had been killed and wept for them. 後立寺於壽春, 即東山寺也. 常講說經 論, 受業千有餘人. 會虜俄滅佛法, 沙門避難, 投之者數百, 悉給衣食. 其有 死於虜者, 皆設會行香, 為之流涕哀慟.
49 Zhang, Faxian zhuan jiaozhu, 147–48.
50 Song shu 51.1462.
51 Rao Zongyi did some textual research on the two footnotes that read ‘Liu Yun of Qingzhou’ and ‘invited Faxian to stay from the winter to summer’ from
Just after Faxian returned to his native country, he went to Pengcheng, and although he only resided there for a short period of time, he nonetheless left a tremendous impact. According to records from Record of the Buddha Land, after Faxian arrived at the shores of Laoshan 牢山, he was received by Li Yi 李嶷, governor of Changguang Jun 長廣郡. Afterwards, he received an invitation from the governor of both Qingzhou and Yanzhou to stay for the winter through the summer.49 The biography regarding Liu Daolian, contained in History of the Early Song Dynasty, recounts that his post was changed to governor of North Xuzhou 北徐州
in 411, which moved his garrison to Pengcheng. In 412, when Liu Yu attacked Liu Yi, he appointed Liu Daolian as martial governor of Yanzhou and Qingzhou. Liu Daolian was later responsible for administering the military affairs of Jinling 晋陵, Jingkou 京口, and Huainan 淮南, and he also governed Yanzhou and Qingzhou.50 Scholars use this evidence as proof that Liu Daolian invited Faxian to spend the winter through summer in Qingzhou; that is to say that the one called ‘Liu Yun 劉沇 of Qingzhou’ 青州 who invited Faxian to stay there from the winter to summer was indeed Liu Daolian.51 Furthermore, during the time which Faxian stayed in Pengcheng, he established Longhua Monastery 龍華寺 in accor-
Zhang Xun’s Faxian Zhuan Jiaozhu. See Zhang, Faxian zhuan jiaozhu, 148;
Rao, ‘Zaoqi Qingzhou Cheng yu Fojiao’, 52–53.
52 Sang, Shuijing zhu shu, 2144.
53 Su, Zhongguo shiku si, 187.
54 Rao, ‘Zaoqi Qingzhou Cheng yu Fojiao’, 52.
dance with the Longhua Tu 龍華圖 [Longhua Image]. This matter is recorded in Sishui Zhu 泗水注 [Annotations on the Si River Records], in Shuijing Zhu 水經注 [Annotations on the Waterways Classic] by Li Daoyuan 酈道元 (?–527), which reads:
The Si River moves southeast, moving through the northeast of Pengcheng (Xuzhou). To the west of the river is Longhua Monastery.
This monastery was the first designed according to the Longhua Image, which was brought back from India by Faxian, after he returned by boat. Faxian was the first person in China to produce such a monastery. The emergence of these types of monasteries in China began with Faxian. When Faxian returned, he brought two stones back with him. These are still within the southern foundation of Longhua Monastery. With a bright surface that is clean to the eye, these stones have garnered people’s admiration.
(泗水）又東南過彭城(徐州）東北, 泗水西有龍華寺, 是沙門釋法顯 遠出西域, 浮海東還, 持《 龍華圖 》, 首創此制, 法流中夏, 自法顯始
也. 其所持天竺二石, 仍在南陸東基堪(龕)中, 其石尚光潔可愛.52
Regarding the contents and essence of the Longhua image 龍華圖, scholars have different opinions. Some of them believe it depicted the Maitreya Buddha attaining enlightenment beneath the Hualin Tree in the Longhua garden.53 Others believe the image depicted offerings to Mile Fo jing 彌勒佛經 (Maitreya Buddha Sutra), as described in the sutra. Apparently, it featured two large flower wrapped treasures in the sky, and the Kings of Nagas performed refined music and gestures in the image—beautiful flowers bloom out of their mouths and petals rain from their pores, depicting an ideal scene of offerings being presented to the Buddha.54 A third explanation contends that
55 Wang, ‘Faxian yu Mile xinyang’, 176.
56 Gaoseng Faxian zhuan, T no. 2085, 51: 857a.
besides being a manifestation of Rebirth Maitreyanism, the image was also a diagram of Indian Buddhist monasteries, and Longhua Monastery was the first Buddhist monastery on Chinese soil to be built according to such a diagram.55 Besides indicating that the Longhua Image and the Maitreyanism Image are related, the third ex- planation also adds a new idea to the mix—that the Longhua Image provided a diagram of Indian monasteries. As for the implication that it was ‘first designed [according to the Longhua Image]’, there remain two possible ways in which one could interpret this phrase. It is clear, though, that given the materials currently available it remains difficult to reach a final conclusion.
Despite this, we can already confirm that Faxian personally saw images of the Maitreya Buddha when he was seeking scriptures in India and also personally heard an oral version of the Mile jing 彌勒 經 [Maitreya Sutra]. Record of the Buddha Land also records a mysti- cal legend about the Maitreya image:
There is a small state named Darada 陀歷. The monks in this state all study Hinayana Buddhism. There is an Arhat in this state with remarkable abilities that sent a craftsman to Tuṣita. There, the craftsman saw the appearance of the Maitreya Bodhisattva, and upon returning they used a block of wood to carve a statue of Maitreya. The craftsman was sent to Tuṣita about three times before he was able to make a consummate statue. This statue is eight zhang tall, and the feet of Maitreya are eight chi long. On days when they fast, the statue often glows. The rulers of many states were eager to come here and make offerings to the statue. Currently, this statue is still in the same state.
有一小國名陀歷, 亦有眾僧皆小乘學, 其國昔有羅漢, 以神足力將一 巧匠, 上兜率天觀彌勒菩薩長短色貌, 還下刻木作像, 前後三上觀, 然後乃成像, 長八丈足趺八尺, 齋日常有光明, 諸國王競興供養, 今 故現在於此.56
57 Gaoseng Faxian zhuan, T no. 2085, 51: 863a.
58 Wang, Mile Xinyang Yanjiu, 6–18, provides a detailed explanation of this.
59 Examples include Gautama Saṇghadeva’s (Qutan Sengqietipo 瞿曇僧伽提 婆) translation of ‘Wang Xiangying Pin Yi’ 王相應品一 from juan 13 of Zhong Ahan jing 中阿含經 (Skt. Madhyamagama). See T no. 26, 1: 508–511; and Gau- tama Saṇghadeva’s translation of ‘Deng Yue Sidi Pin Ershi Qi’ 等趣四諦品二十 七 from juan 19 of Zengyi ahan jing 增壹阿含經 (Skt. Ekottara-āgama), collect- ed in T no. 125, 2: 645.
In Darada, Faxian saw the image of the Maitreya Buddha with a glow that extended for eight zhang. An arhat used his supernatural powers to send an artisan to Tuṣita three times. This allowed the ar- tisan to depict Maitreya visually. Typically speaking, a person would have to engage in self-cultivation for a long period of time before they could see the true form of Maitreya, but after this image was brought to the human realm it was thus worshipped by all the kings.
Moreover, Faxian also spent over two years living in Tāmralipti, tran- scribing Buddhist texts and making copies of Buddhist images. He even tried writing down the Mile jing, which had been orally trans- mitted by masters in the Indian subcontinent.57 It is thus clear that he was extremely interested in the content of the Mile Jing, especially the practices of the Maitreyanism faith. These practices are related to holding on to precepts (shoujie 守戒), reciting the Buddha’s name (nianfo 念佛), and stabilizing meditation (zhiguan 止觀), and the content of the Mile jing is also identical in nature to the translations of texts he later engaged in. We can from this infer that the building Longhua Monastery in Pengcheng and the Longhua Image are both intimately related to Rebirth Maitreyanism, the faith of Maitreya being reborn down into the world.
Previous research has already produced abundant material on Maitreyanism during this period in China.58 Simply put, Maitrey- anism in Han regions originates from India. Early Buddhist sects in India had a theory that Maitreya is the Buddha of the future. Accord- ingly, the Ahan jing 阿含經 (Āgama Sutra) from the early period of sectarian Buddhism already spoke of Maitreya.59
That said, by looking through Pure Land Buddhist classics, we
60 Yang, ‘Hanyi Fojing Zhong’.
61 Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2059, 50: 352; on Dai Yong, see Fayuan zhulin, T no.
2122, 53: 16.406; on Faxiang, see Meisō den shō 28.359; on Fasheng and Tanfu see Meisō den shō 27.359.
can see that the six scriptures on Maitreya of Mahayana Buddhism began to emerge during the Western Jin dynasty, and they contain a considerable amount of information concerning the Pure Land notion. There are three of note: the Mile xiasheng jing 彌勒下生經
[Maitreya Rebirth Sutra; Skt. Maitreyavyākaraṇa], Mile chengfo jing 彌勒成佛經 [Maitreya Attaining Buddhahood Sutra], and Mile shangsheng jing 彌勒上生經 [Maitreya Ascending Sutra]. These three scriptures had a rather large impact on China at that time, and they are referred to collectively as the ‘Mile sanbu jing’ 彌勒三部經 [Three Scriptures on Maitreya].60 These introduce the innate causes and conditions of Maitreya, Maitreya’s previous and coming life, Mai- treya’s attainment of Buddhahood, the three assemblies under the Longhua Tree, and more. Generally speaking, virtually everything within these texts can be considered important information regard- ing the Maitreyanism faith.
It was during the Jin Dynasty that Maitreyanism began appear- ing in China. This began largely on account of the translation of scriptures about Maitreya, such as the ‘Three Scriptures on Maitreya’, and the belief is a subset of belief in the Pure Land. By the Northern and Southern dynasties period (420–589), Maitrey- anism was already widely popular. Considering documents related to Maitreya that were produced in China, Maitreyanism can be roughly divided into Ascending Maitreyanism (上生) and Rebirth Maitreyanism (下生). Believers of Ascending Maitreyanism believe that that the Maitreya Bodhisattva expounds on Dharma in Tuṣita Heaven. As a result, these believers want to be reborn into the fourth of the six devas of Kamadhatu—Tuṣita, where they can receive instructions from Maitreya and attain enlightenment. Be- lievers of this include such figures as Dao’an 道安 (314–386), Dai Yong 戴顒 (378–441), Faxiang 法祥 (lifespan unclear), Huiyan 慧嚴
(363–443), Fasheng 法盛 (347–461), and Tanfu 曇副 (?–497)61 (see
62 There is a great deal of existent research. See Bai, Zhongguo shiku si yanjiu;
Zhang, ‘Nianfo Jingtu’, 83. Additionally, ‘Fayuan Zayuan Yanshi Ji Mulu Xu’ 法 苑雜緣原始集目錄序 [Preface to the Catalog of Primary Karmic Beginnings] col- lected in the twelfth juan of Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集 [Compilation of Doc- uments on the Translation of the Tripiṭaka] contains three articles describing Rebirth Maitreyanism: ‘Songming Huangdi chuzao Longhua shiyuan wen’ 宋明 皇帝初造龍華誓願文 [Text on Emperor Ming of Liu Song’s Initial Writing of the Longhua Faith], ‘Jingshi Zhuyi zao Mile xiang sanhui ji’ 京師諸邑造彌勒像三會 記 [Record of the Establishment of the Maitreya Image of the Three Assemblies across the Capital and Villages], and ‘Qi Jingling Wenxuan wang Longhua hui ji’
齊竟陵文宣王龍華會記 [Record of Longhua Assembly convened by Prince Jing- ling of the Qi], by Emperor Ming of the Song (Liu Yu 劉彧 [439–472]), Zhou Yong 周顒 (?–493), and Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), respectively.
Moreover, Xu Gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳 (T no. 2060, 55: 562) contains this record about Huisi:
Huisi dreamt that Maitreya and Amitabha provided him with lectures of Dharma, and as a result, he attained enlightenment. Consequently, he had two statues made of Maitreya and Amitabha, and he made offerings to both of them. In his dream, he also saw himself along with Maitreya and other deities assembling under the Longhua tree. In his heart, he thought
Appendix Two). As for Rebirth Maitreyanism, its believers firmly believe that 5,670,000,000 years after the Buddha attains nirvana, Maitreya will descend from Tuṣita and be reborn into the human realm, where Maitreya will become a monk, study Buddhism, gain enlightenment under the Longhua Tree in the Hualin Garden of Chitou city, and then hold three assemblies wherein he teaches people how to attain liberation. At this time, people who were not able to obtain enlightenment from the Śākyamuni Buddha’s teachings will be able to use Maitreya’s teachings to attain enlight- enment. Believers of Rebirth Maitreyanism also believe that they can be reborn into Tuṣita, receive instructions from Maitreya, and attain Buddhahood. Such believers of this include Emperor Ming of Liu Song 劉宋明帝 (439–472), Zhou Yong 周顒 (422–483), Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), Huisi of Nanyue 南嶽慧思 (515–577), and others.62
‘after the Śākyamuni Buddha reached nirvana, I had no way to accept the faith of the Lotus Sutra, but now with the help of the Maitreya Buddha’s compassion I have been able to attain enlightenment’. As a result, Huisi cultivated himself diligently. He also had a bottle filled with water placed in front of the Buddha statues, so he could have all his arrangement for offer- ings done appropriately. 夢彌勒彌陀, 說法開悟, 故造二像, 並同供養, 又夢 隨從彌勒與諸眷屬, 同會龍華. 心自惟曰, ‘我於釋迦末法受持法華, 今值慈 尊, 感傷悲泣, 豁然覺悟.’ 轉復精進, 靈瑞重沓, 瓶水常滿、供事嚴備.
63 Regarding Mao Dezu’s ‘the whole family chanted the name “Guanshiyin”
together matter’, see Zhang Yan 張演 (active 430s), ‘Mao Dezu’ 毛德祖, in Guan- shiyin yingyan ji 觀世音應驗記 [Records on Numinous Manifestations of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara], section 8 (Dong, Guanshiyin yingyan ji sanzhong, 52). Also consult Lu Gao’s 陸杲 (459–532) ‘Wuxing Jun Shi’ 吳興郡吏 [an offi- cial of Wuxing Region], in Ji Guanshiyin yingyan ji 繫觀世音應驗記 [Additional Records on Numinous Manifestations of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara], sec- tion 3: 66, which reads, ‘This minor had no belief in Buddhism to speak of, but he everyday listened to Wang Shaozhi 王韶之 recite the names of Avalokiteśvara’
此吏素不事佛，但恒聞王（韶之）道光世音.
64 Fu Liang’s 傅亮 (374–426) biography in Song shu 43.1337, Sheng Yue writes:
‘Just after Liu Yu took the imperial throne, all of his documents were drafted by Teng Yan 滕演, a military official. When Liu Yu went north to campaign at Guanggu City, all of his documents were drafted by the zhangshi Wang Dan 王誕 (375–413). Later, all of Liu Yu’s documents were composed by Fu Liang’.
A good number of the core members of Liu Yu’s inner circle were devout Buddhists, especially those from the south-eastern Binhai Region 濱海區 who believed in the Guanyin Bodhisattva.
Such believers include Mao Dezu 毛德祖 (365–429) and Wang Shaozhi 王韶之 (380–435).63 There was also Fu Liang 傅亮
(374–426),64 a figure in Liu Yu’s inner circle with literary prowess, and both he and his sons were believers in the Guanyin Bodhisattva.
In particular, after experiencing the chaos of Sun En’s rebellion (399–411), they pieced back together the then fragmented Guanshi- yin yingyan ji 觀世音應驗記 [Record of Numinous Manifestations of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara] with the hope of inspiring
65 Fu, ‘Guanshiyin’. Additionally, ‘Shamen Zhu Fayi’ 沙門竺法義 (307–380) [Monk Zhu Fayi], the seventeenth section ze 則 of this work mentions how his father once heard a monk named Fayi tell him about how Avalokiteśvara used a knife to dig in to a person’s stomach and eradicate a disease within. See Dong, Guanshiyin yingyan, 25.
66 In ‘Xiuxin fu xu’ 修心賦序, Jiang Zong 江總 (519–594) personally declared that Longquan Monastery was established by Jiang Yi in 437 CE; see Chen shu 27.344. Fozu tongji 佛祖統紀 36.343c records the legend of Jiang Yi producing a statue. See entry on ‘Dai Yong’ in Appendix Two.
Such a legend should not be believed, but it contains information about a kind of faith during that period. Even if this is actually not related to Jiang Yi, during this period scholar officials initially believed in Guanyin, but later—after people began converting on account of the influence of Maitreya—they likely followed suit. This is perhaps the truth. That said, the time when this occurred should be assumed to be after the establishment of the Liu Song Dynasty.
belief in more people.65 On the other hand, belief in Maitreyanism during the Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms was mainly spread throughout Buddhist groups in Xiangyang and Chang’an. Liu Yu’s inner circle, however, was principally based around Qingzhou and Yanzhou, thus raising the question as to whether or not Liu Yu’s inner circle ever came in contact with Maitreyanism. Today we can see that certain people in their inner circle, such as Jiang Yi 江夷
(384–431) of Jiyang 濟陽, likely started off believing in the Guanyin Bodhisattva but later became a believer of Maitreya.66 In Mile pusa zan 彌勒菩薩讚 (Praise of Maitreya Bodhisattva), Fu Liang 傅亮
wrote,
Time has no distinction between before and after; there is a sole truth that cannot be divided. Dragons fly through Tuṣita as Maitreya waits to descend to the world and be born into the human realm.
Long nights are just as long; we long and thirst for Maitreya. From day to night we think of jubilation, imagining the day when Maitreya arrives.
67 Fu Liang, ‘Mile pusa zan’, Quan Song Wen, Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 26. 2578a.
68 Zhidun, ‘Mile zan’, Quan Jin wen, Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 157.2370–71.
時無並後, 道不二司. 龍潛兜率, 按轡候時. 翳翳長夜, 懷而慕思. 思 樂朗旦, 屬想靈期.67
It is not clear exactly when this writing of praise was composed, but as Fu Liang died in 426, it was certainly composed no later than this. Among it, the sentence ‘Dragons fly through Tuṣita as Maitreya waits to descend to the world’ means that Maitreya is waiting to descend to Earth from Tuṣita, and the latter half of ‘long nights are just as long; we long and thirst for Maitreya’ expresses a longing for the imminent arrival of Maitreya. It is thus clear that this can be clas- sified as Rebirth Maitreyanism thought. As for this figure that they long for, this Maitreya that will come into the world and become a Buddha—is it really just referring to a Buddha that will arrive in the future or is there a political implication here? I will not offer up an interpretation about this.
Such examples of writings that praise Maitreya are examples of the universality of Maitreyanism. In truth, even earlier during the Jin Dynasty, the famous monk Zhidun 支遁 (314–366) wrote Mile zan
彌勒讚 [Praising Maitreya], which read:
Maitreya possesses a divine position. His deeds were recorded in Bud- dhist texts. A dragon soars through the air in Tuṣita, and Maitreya is solemnly situated above all the deities. The sound of Dharma rever- berates through the celestial palace, and it can be heard throughout the vast cosmos. ... Maitreya possesses thirty-two dignified character- istics that glisten and dazzle the Hualin Garden. As the eternal wheel of Dharma slowly moves forward, Maitreya holds three assemblies here, lecturing over the essence of Dharma.
彌勒承神第, 聖錄載靈篇. 乘乾因九五, 龍飛兜率天. 法鼓震玄宮, 逸 響亮三千. … 挺此四八姿, 映蔚華林園. 亹亹玄輪奏, 三攄在昔緣.68
69 Shen Yue, ‘Mile Zan’, Quan Liang Wen, Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 30: 3127-1.
Here, the praises of Maitreya accept the prophecy of the Sakya- muni Buddha, becoming the Bodhisattva to inherit the position of the Buddha, rise up to the heavenly realm of Tuṣita 兜率天宮, and ex- plain the Dharma to the masses. The last four sentences are describ- ing the thirty-two characteristics of the Maitreya image, reflecting the flourishing Hualin Garden 華林園 as well as anticipation for future karmic results. From this we get a reflection of the circumstances surrounding the spread of early Maitreyanism belief in the south of China. This understanding of Maitreyanism is mainly based on writ- ten scriptures, and it can be classified as Rising Maitreyanism. This work can be contrasted with another work of the same name, the Mile zan 彌勒讚 [Praising Maitreya] by Shen Yue 沈約 (441–531) of the Liang Dynasty period, which was composed on the occasion of the crown prince having a stone statue of the Maitreya built, it reads:
The vast river flows from far away, covering a near endless path.
Religions have fixed deities that should be worshipped, yet deities are without fixed functions. Maitreya will not long for a princely family, and instead will join the Sangha to engage in self-cultivation and assume divine tasks. The sun of wisdom rises early in the morning;
fragrant rain falls to the ground in the evening. A reliance on faith in Maitreya presents a shared, predestined fate that brings us here. This is our divine Maitreya. He is just as important as heaven. Beneath the Longhua Tree, he will lecture over Buddhist scripture. His beautiful words will fill people’s hearts with incomparable joy. ... The present writer records such wonderful words about Maitreya, hoping they can have a far-reaching impact.
眇眇長津, 遙遙遐轡. 道有常尊, 神無恆器. 脫屣王家, 來承寶位. 慧 日晨開, 香雨霄墜. 藉感必從, 憑緣斯至. 曰我聖儲, 儀天作貳. 尚相 龍柯, 瞻言思媚. … 敬勒玄蹤, 式傳遐懿.69
Crown Prince Zhaoming 昭明 had asked Shen Yue to write praise
70 There is a great deal of discussion as to when Liang Huang chan was pro- duced. Recently a final consensus has more or less been reached that the text was produced sometime around the late Northern and Southern dynasties period, or the early period of the Sui Dynasty. In terms of content, the work is consistent with the defining characteristics of methods of repentance from the Southern Dynasties, and it is also consistent with the ways in which Emperor Wu of Liang
of the Maitreya stone statue he had constructed. Two parts in par- ticular—‘Maitreya will not long for a princely family, and instead will join the Sangha to engage in self-cultivation and assume divine tasks’ and ‘beneath the Longhua Tree, he will lecture over Buddhist scripture. His beautiful words will fill people’s hearts with incompa- rable joy’—indicate that he was praising the Maitreya Bodhisattva’s eventual decision to be reborn into this realm where he will not care about being a prince and instead leave his home to study Buddhism, later receive teachings beneath the Longshu tree, attain enlight- enment, and finally explain the true principles of Dharma to the people.
Another work worth considering is the later Liang Huang chan
梁皇懺 [Rituals of Repentance by the Emperor (Wu of the) Liang], which begins as such,
The four-character word of ‘Compassion Site’ was chosen because it was realized in a dream. When the Maitreya Buddha descends from Tuṣita into the human realm, his compassion will extend for all the kalpas that follow. Using the deeds of Maitreya to write this name, one should not dare to rashly make alterations.
This texts makes it clear that such repentance is because the writer was inspired in a dream to visit the Maitreya Buddha and thus estab- lished the name ‘Compassion Bodhimaṇḍa 慈悲道場’. At the same time, the order in which one should worship all the Buddhas is also clear here; all worship starts with the ‘Maitreya Buddha’, only after comes the ‘Master Śākyamuni 本師’, and then all other Buddhas.
Moreover, before worshiping you should first recite, ‘I devote myself to the compassionate and benevolent father, Maitreya’.70
It is clear that in the fifth and sixth centuries, belief in Rebirth Maitreyanism flourished. What remains uncertain is just how the original Rising Maitreyanism turned into Rebirth Maitreyanism between the end of the fourth Century and the early fifth Century.
Currently, the only clear document pertaining to this question is that which described the Maitreya Image 彌勒像 and Longhua Image as brought back to China by Faxian.
It appears from this that Liu Daolian, who was the highest-rank- ing official of that region, personally greeted the prominent monk Faxian after he returned from seeking scriptures abroad. Faxian also brought back with him images and a prophecy that peace and joy would be delivered by the eventual three assemblies at Fahua, and Liu Daolian was certainly very interested. These notions also fit with the near universal psychological demands of the people and soldiers following a long period of warfare. Additionally, support for the establishment of Fahua Monastery contributed to the regional propagation of Rebirth Maitreyanism—especially since Liu Daolian and Faxian spent a winter through a summer together there, which likely provided Liu Daolian with a deep understanding of Faxian’s feelings of zeal and urgency for translating Buddhist texts. As a result, Liu Daolian also supported Faxian’s decision to head south toward Jiankang and translate scriptures, which also caused Rebirth Maitrey- anism to have a greater direct influence on the Jiangzuo 江左 region.
3. Faxian and the State of Buddhism and Political Power in Jingzhou
As the Western Jin dynasty’s control over the Central Plain disinte- grated, educated bureaucrats and civilians from the North moved to the South in hordes. Thus, during the Eastern Jin and Southern
worshipped the Buddha. However, the order in which it worships all the Bud- dhas is different from customs which followed the Tang Dynasty, thus it can be confirmed that the Liang Huang chan was likely produced during the Liang Dy- nasty. See Xin, ‘Liang Huang baochan’, 53–55.
