Circumstances and Unchanged Policies.以及 Land Taxation: an Idea Whose Time has Gone.在 The Myths and Realities of Urban Constraint in the UK 中，他提到：英國二 次大戰後所採的防止都市擴張政策，至今都沒有改變。但是，整個經濟社會情況，
(英文) European Real Estate Society Annual Conference 發表論
文題目
(中文) 土地細分與反共有地的悲劇
(英文) Land Fragmentation and Tragedy of the Anticommons
2 次的Professor Erwin Van der Krabben (Radboud University Nijmegen) 交換意見，
他對於台灣獨特的土地稅制和政策，也非常有興趣進一步了解。 Real Estate and Planning)，並且併入商學院中。或是採 Cambridge University 的走 向，結合經濟、法律與環境，由土地、不動產拓展到環境議題。在荷蘭，Dleft University of Technology 以及 Radboud University Nijmegen 為不動產研究重鎮。但
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是依循荷蘭傳統，他們將住宅不僅視為市場商品、也是民眾權利。這種觀念下，
自然地形成獨特的不動產教育理念。亦或是之前提到的芬蘭Aalto University，採 取更明確的跨領域方向，將不動產、都市規劃、以及該校工程背景的空間資訊一 併結合。
多年參與ERES 會議的經驗，個人發現傳統不動產研究重鎮，如 University of Reading 參與人數依舊很高。但是其他學校，例如 Cass Business School, City University 研究團隊也有很高能見度。但是更值得注意的是，其他研究團隊，例 如Radboud University Nijmegen (荷蘭) 以及 Aalto University (芬蘭) 等，近年來參 與人數日漸增加，而且研究議題都非常明確，已經逐漸建立起自己的特色。
三、考察參觀活動(無是項活動者略) 無。
四、建議
這次會議收穫甚豐，也從中體會到一些可供臺灣參考的經驗。首先在於臺灣 不動產相關學科的研究與教育方面，除了必須關注美式財務取向的發展外，歐式 多元取向似乎與地政傳統較為接近。另外，未來在臺灣舉辦國際會議時，可以適 當地加入探討臺灣的特別場次，邀請各國學者參加，如此可以獲得更多不同的觀 點。最後，臺灣學術會議中甚少業界參與，但是不動產是門應用科學，產官學如 果能夠聚在一起研討，對於專業教育及產業品質的提升是極有助益的。
另外，這類的會議不僅具有學術交流功能，也是社交場合。臺灣大學的老師 及研究生應積極提升語言能力，並盡量參與國際會議，拓展個人及臺灣海外網 絡。本人也觀察到，大陸與會人數逐年上升，語言能力顯著進步，甚至也有多位 留在歐洲大學任教。這些都是臺灣學者必須正視的。
今年共有多位臺灣學者以及兩位研究生與會。除本人外，尚有本人同事兩位。
其它臺灣與會者則分別來自：高雄應用科技大學、崑山科技大學、桃園創新技術 學院等。與會者學術背景涵蓋經濟、都市計劃、地政等，這也顯示出土地以及不 動產研究的跨領域本質。會議期間，也巧遇一位在英國倫敦工作的台灣人 (畢業 於 Cass Business School)。這不僅顯示不動產學術與實務互動的可能，也證明在 國際市場就業的前瞻性。
五、攜回資料名稱及內容 論文光碟、紀念背包。
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六、其他（發表論文內容）
Land Fragmentation and Tragedy of the Anticommons
ERES 2013, 3-6 July Vienna Tzu-Chin Lin, Fang-Hsin Huang
National Chengchi University, TAIWAN
Land Assembly as a Type of Anticommons
In a city where land is scarce, it cannot continue growing to accommodate increasing households or firms without re-use of developed sites. Even if this city is not growing, land use might be changed to adapt to new economic and social environments. To say the least, buildings need to be replaced at the time when they reach the end of their economic life. Taking Taipei as an example, the Population and Housing Survey (The Directorate General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics, DGBAS, of Executive Yuan) shows that among 827,538 buildings in Taipei of Year 2000, the percentage of one-storey, two to five storey, six to twelve storey and thirteen or above storey buildings are 3.2%,
59.1%, 29.8% and 7.9%, respectively.
http://www.dgbas.gov.tw/public/Attachment/0761118271.pdf Only a fairly small minority of Taipei residents owns a building of two storey or higher by their own. It is therefore fair to suggest that only 3.2% of buildings might be redeveloped without the need to seek agreements from neighborhoods of the same buildings. Behind the redevelopment of high-rise buildings is the assembly of individual joint ownership of land. Demolition of a high-rise building and replacement by a new one is actually a process of consolidating a number, often a considerable number, of joint shares in land ownership. Naturally, uncertainty and risk are throughout the course of land assembly. Uncertainty and risk will be even more intensified when a great number of sites are involved. However, for a city with nowhere to expand further, the thorny process of land redevelopment or land assembly is an everyday life.
Redevelopment of the old parts of a city pivots on assembly of many small parcels of land with different owners. This creates problems of cooperation and coordination. The high transaction costs associated with cooperation and coordination among owners tend to contribute to a bias towards land fragmentation. Fragmentation of land will likely lead redevelopment of a larger site to being prohibitively expensive. In contrast to the high costs of redevelopment of a large site, economies of scale in development creates a lure for the endeavour of assembling land parcels.
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Consolidation of multiple ownerships provides an incentive for each of landowners to halt the redevelopment by refusing to sell at the market price. The opportunity for the last seller to capture part of the gain from assembly produces the incentive for all owners to hold out to be that last seller. Fennell (2004: 928-929) believes that this price gouging can destroy the surplus that would otherwise be enjoyed by the would-be assembler and all of the other fragment holders who are now precluded from engaging in mutually beneficial trades. Heller (1998: 622-626) coins the above hold-out phenomenon as the anticommons. “When too many owners hold such rights of exclusion, the resource is prone to undersue- the tragedy of the anticommons…resources can become stuck in low-value uses.” If we put the anticommons argument in the context of urban redevelopment, it is naturally concluded that many land in old city centres tend to be overfragmented and underused. The land there is underused in the sense that if it were assembled for redevelopment it would be worth more than enough to fully compensate all the original owners for giving up their parts. In conclusion, public planning is supposed to guide land use, including redevelopment, but it is the private market that will carry out the process.
Wanhua is Taipei’s Old Downtown where Land Assembly is in Need
Wan-Hua district, as evidenced in the statistics of net floor space supply, is one of the places where new development rarely occurred over the past 10 years. In other words, it is an area in decay. However, Wan-Hua, originally called Man-Ka, is one of the earliest development areas of Taipei City. It is geographically located in the southwest part of the City with Dan-Shui river flowing along the west and Shin-Dian river along the south.
Several bridges were built across the rivers to connect Taipei City and New Taipei City (previously called Taipei County).
In order to understand how old declined areas are redeveloping, Wan-Hua Railway Station Special Zone (WRS area) is chosen for a close examination. The ideas of WRS project area was originally proposed in a research project on the redevelopment for Shi-Men downtown and the Surrounding Areas in Wan-Hua Railway Station (西門市中心區暨萬華火 車站附近地區再發展), jointly undertaken by Urban Development Department of Taipei City and Taipei City Open Space Foundation (台北市開放空間文教基金會). This research suggested to incorporate the then underground railway and Taipei metro system to revitalize the surrounding areas of WRS area. The zoning allocation of the WRD area is shown as Figure 3. This area is designed to serve multi-purposes. Sites in the northern part of the WRS area are primarily zoned for commercial functions. A number of marketplaces cluster along the famous Long-Shan Temple, together with the Shi-Men-Ting area with a reputation of cultural diversity and retailers. In contrast,
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residential sites are largely assigned to the southern part of the WRS area. Housing here are occupied by low to middle classes by income featured by numerous public housing and resettlement apartments. Later, the passage of Urban Renewal Act in 1999 provided further legal stimulus, such as floor space bonus, at the government’s disposal.
Figure 1 Allocation of Land Uses within Wan-Hua Railway Station Special Zone
Following the transformation of the WRS area, the original configuration of sites and ownerships within this area will be inappropriate for the new economic functions of this area, and sites are expected to be redeveloped accordingly. Figures 4-1, 4-2 and 4-2 are taken from google earth and exhibit the present development situations.
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Figure 2-1 The Wan-Hua Railway Station Special Zone and its Surroundings at Present
Figure 2-2 The Wan-Hua Railway Station Special Zone and its Surroundings at Present
Figure 2-3 The Wan-Hua Railway Station Special Zone and its Surroundings at Present
At a first glance, this area does not seem to have redeveloped as depicted by the WRS plan. It is understandable that the consolidation of sites and ownerships for new development or redevelopment are time-consuming and risky. However, this prolonged process of land redevelopment is exactly what we attempt to understand in that it decides how a city has reshaped itself.
Through the official records of building permits kept by the City government, we are able to locate all the buildings that were built from the 1970s up to the present time.
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Figure 3 Land Development and Redevelopment within Wan-Hua Railway Station Special Zone over Time (Red – 1970s; Green – 1980s; Yellow – 1990s; Blue – after 2000)
Measuring Land Fragmentation
The theoretical argument suggests that land fragmentation causes the need for assembly of land, and that, in the anticommons framework, leads to the tragedy of underuse of land resources. However, empirical evidence is called for if this anticommons argument is to be taken seriously.
The figures of housing price index and housing stock in Taipei City in Figure 1 indicate a rapid rise of price but an inert response of supply. This is a clear evidence of inelasticity of housing supply with respect to price. The elasticity of housing supply between 2009 and 2012 is only 0.0663. One possibility for an inelastic housing supply is due to the overregulation of land use control. Glaeser (2009) suggests that the variations in the rise of housing price among US cities in booming times can be largely accounted for by the various strictness of land use control. Another possibility is implicitly suggested in the land size-price hypothesis. Colwell and Munneke (1997) finds a convex relationship between land size and price. The price per unit rises with the size of plots in the city
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center where land tends to be small and ownership fragmented. Among the two alternative explanations, Taipei fits much better into the second explanation.
Table 1 Housing Price and Housing Stock in Taipei City 2009 onwards