The Participant-Observer

3.3.1 THE PARTICIPANT-OBSERVER

In terms of method in an ethnographic research, engaging in a participant-observation is necessary in order to gain an insight into social practices, cultural adaptation and even the details of life of the group of people being studied. As a participant-observer, one may not merely be an outside observer, but simultaneously be an observer that joins the group being studied, experiences and shares understandings with the group. Under observation, the researcher must take on a role in the social situation and immerse oneself in the social setting. Often times, the roles are interchangeable and the goal of experiencing the events with the subjects under study is to discover the nature of social reality by understanding their perception and interpretation of certain social circumstances.

Having accepted the position as the CIEE Language coordinator, my job is to organize additional courses related to teaching the Mandarin language while supervising the CIEE students on their learning progress and assisting them in any problems they encounter. I was also able to advance on CIEE students‟ social contacts and observe their academic situation. Therefore, as a participant-observer, I have had participated and observed

according to three settings: cultural excursions, social events and students‟ CIEE academic course. As the former CIEE student of Fall 2007, I had taken on the role as the students‟

senior and friend to better blend in and engage in cultural excursions arranged by CIEE program and social outings that was invited by the students. Accepting almost all the opportunities to join their social gatherings and intermingle with them whenever there is a chance, I was able to, as a friend, find out how they felt about life in Taiwan, what they thought about the cultural differences and notice their behavior and reactions due to their cultural experiences. These observations were then noted after each event in a cultural activity log and analyzed accordingly. Additionally, in order to observe students in their classroom setting, as a graduate student of the TCASL, I attended the CIEE core course bilingual discussion to lead students into further discussion on various Taiwanese social,

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historical and political topics. Reflections on students‟ classroom performance were accumulated as a whole at the end of the semester course.

3.3.3 THE COLLECTOR

Besides participant-observation, the role of being the collector is also imperative in this field of research. In order to better grasp CIEE students‟ experience and impression of Taiwan, retrieving texts written by students and analyzing self-written blogs as a CIEE student are helpful in understanding American students‟ point of view in regard to their own awareness. Therefore, as the collector, CIEE study abroad newsletters, reflection journals from language practicum tutoring, acculturation surveys, as well as blogs I written during my study abroad experience as a CIEE student were collected for this research.

Considered documents for this research comprised of written records by students themselves and are collected from three phases during their stay in Taiwan: in the beginning, during and toward the end of the program. Therefore, written articles by the students are essential records because each semester, students were required to write two CIEE study abroad newsletters, one in the beginning of the semester and the other towards the end of the semester. In the first newsletters, students shared activities they were

involved in and perhaps ups and downs during their experience. In the latter newsletter, which was towards the end of the program, students were able to express their opinion and conclude about their overall experience in Taiwan. Moreover, as mentioned before in the earlier chapter, CIEE students were also required to attend to three courses in which one of them was Language Practicum, where students had to complete a total of at least fifteen hours of tutorial with native Taiwanese speakers and type up reflection journals after every tutorial meeting. Those reflection journals articulated students‟ progression in Mandarin learning during class and during their meetings with their language tutor(s). Lastly,

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acculturation surveys were given to students at the end of program in which students were given the opportunity to reflect back on cultural problems or issues they might had

encountered during their stay in Taiwan. Nevertheless, the collected data are valuable documentations that included personal observations as past CIEE student but also from recent CIEE students themselves throughout their study abroad experience in Taiwan.

3.3.2 THE INTERVIEWER

Another important role as an ethnographer is the role of an interviewer. An interview may be strict, formal, and/or causal and relax, essentially it is a conversation between two people where questions were asked by the interviewer and answered by an interviewee.

Thus, as Duranti points out, interviews could be considered as simply “a common form of interaction during fieldwork” since ethnographers are constantly asking all sorts of

questions in the line of research. (1997: 102)

As the interviewer, the type of interview that was conducted is of semi-formal, where questions were answered by students during bi-weekly language practicum meetings and casual chats to gossips were carried out during social gatherings and cultural trips.

Moreover, upon completion of the questionnaire that evaluates problems CIEE students encounter while studying Mandarin in Taiwan, the participants were asked if additional discussion on the topic was possible. Accordingly, a number of participants accepted further semi-constructed interviews concerning their acculturation process in Taiwan and further interviews took place either over online messaging or face-to-face chats in a casual setting.

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3.4 CONCLUSION

In this chapter, theoretical concepts of an ethnographic method research were introduced. I am aware that the approach to data collection is "unstructured in the sense that it does not involve following through a detailed plan set up at the beginning; nor are the categories used for interpreting what people say and do pre-given or fixed.” (Genzuk 1999) However, this does not imply that the research method is unsystematic; instead the data collected for this study were gathered from a range of sources in which the main sources derive from participation- observation and relatively informal conversations.

Nonetheless, to better understand the relation between culture adaption and second language acquisition, the variety of sources retrieved in the study is authentic, up-close first hand and personal. Consequently, to understand how American students adapt to Taiwanese culture, it is crucial that there is personal involvement and personal experience in order to fully comprehend American CIEE students‟ acculturation process while acquiring the Mandarin language.

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“Taipei is a bit of a paradoxical place: full of life, color, and people, yet relaxed, unhurried, and regulated” (Marjorie Rivera, Spring &Fall 2010 CIEE student). How Taiwan is a place of contradiction is truly an interesting subject to ponder upon. It is a place of contradiction because it is a place where one can be surrounded by ancient

temples, traditional festivals and even Taichi practitioners in parks; yet at the same time, it is also easy to be caught up in a modernized city of Taipei with high-end department stores, trendy boutiques and designer products from all over the world. Although Taiwan is a contemporary country, foreigners who arrive to a new environment such as Taiwan may still experience the feeling of culture shock.

To most CIEE American students, traveling to Taiwan was their first time traveling to Asia or even their first time to fly to another country. Consequently, besides being

overwhelmed with people ubiquitously speaking the Mandarin language, there were many culture shocks students had encountered when they first arrived in Taiwan. In section 4.1:

Culture Shocks of Taiwan, initial observation of personal cultural experience when

studying abroad in Taiwan will be portrayed; in addition, reflection journals written by students themselves will illustrate a few Taiwan and American cultural differences, as well as culture shocks that they have personally experienced in three sub-categories of: (1) Taiwan‟s values and beliefs, (2) social roles and “rules” of behavior, and (3) Taiwan‟s climate, attire and food. Section 4.2 will describe the discoveries of students‟ behavior and thoughts to cultural differences in the context of in the classroom and outside of the

classroom. Moreover, section 4.3 will discuss findings obtained from semi-interviews from causal talks to survey follow-up interviews which will include students‟ cultural adaptation in association with language acquisition.

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4.1 CULTURE SHOCKS OF TAIWAN

4.1.1 PERSONAL EXPERIENCE

Before jumping in to discuss the culture shocks of the 2010 and Spring 2011 CIEE students, it is necessary to recount the time when I was a CIEE student in 2007 Taiwan and the effects of culture shocks I had experienced. Having been raised in an Asian family as well as growing up in an American society, I was exposed to multiculturalism at an early age. Therefore, a few Taiwanese customs seemed familiar and not peculiar until I studied abroad in Taiwan and experienced unexpected encounterance as well as cultural

misunderstandings. Having immigrated to the States at the early age of seven, I had long forgotten what it felt like residing in my place of birth. My return to Taiwan and the thought of living there for a longer period of time created a sense of nostalgic sentiment that surfaced along with enthusiasm. Previous glimpse of blissful memories from

childhood unquestionably made me felt as if I was returning to a place I really belonged to.

I was convinced that it would be of no difficulty to integrate into the Taiwanese social groups and finally converse with the younger generation about recent Taiwanese dramas, singers and general topics. All the same, I was eager to settle into the city I used to live in for seven years.

This excitement was then encountered with surprises as I entered the life of a university student in Taiwan. The narrow hallway, public showering stalls and restrooms occupied with a majority of squatting toilets seemed somewhat peculiar and uncomfortable.

Even so, I entered my dormitory with better expectation. Disappointingly, the room not only felt confining, but the metal beds and unsupplied mattress seemed as if I was living in a downgraded motel. The tight, confined area barely allowed any walking space and the closed out dark room certainly created an aura of gloomy ambiance. As a result, my first impression of Taiwan university life was one that was depressing, obsolete and most of all,

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it was different. Furthermore, it was noticeable that Taiwanese college boys and girls seemed much too concern about their attire when attending lectures and going to school.

The greater part of the college students in Taiwan embellish themselves as if they were going on a date or preparing for a party. It was quite apparent that most Taiwanese students doll up when attending school; in contrast, Americans students typically wear casual apparels, even pajamas to class. In other words, students in the United States care less about their outfits when attending classes in a university, while students in Taiwan express the importance of clothing as an act of respect to professors and to each other.

Coming upon various cultural American and Taiwanese differences as well as surprises that I never had thought I would experience, I eventually became hesitant about being able to become accustomed to the means of Taiwanese lifestyle. These anxieties involved confusion on carrying out the appropriate manners in a given situation, dubiousness of my own ability to blend in with the social norm and incapability of

effectively performing habitual routines. I became self-conscious on the form of clothing I was supposed to put on in given circumstances and pondered endlessly on the idea of

“acceptable clothing” for going to class and such. Likewise, I eventually realized that the younger generation of the Taiwanese was heavily influenced by the Japanese culture and fashion, hence, our mutual subject for conversation detoured. Therefore, it was not only difficulty to find interesting topics we all shared; it was also sometimes awkward when we encountered different senses of humor.

Unexpectedly, I was truly not accustomed to taking out the trash every once in awhile when the music of “Fur Elise” was played. Taking out the trash to a large garbage container whenever I had the time felt more convenient than to have to wait for the garbage truck to arrive on certain times. I recognized that Taiwanese people are friendly and

welcoming, but I still felt as if I was detached from the world I once thought I was familiar with. Although the distress I experienced did not intensely disturb my attempt to assimilate

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with the Taiwanese, I have had stumbled upon similar troubles as American students who had no Chinese background whatsoever. This produced a sensation of not really knowing what to do in this different environment and being puzzled on the uncertainty of what is appropriate or inappropriate.

Fortunately, time changed everything; the longer I stayed in the country the more I accepted the differences in practice, and at the same time learned to live with it on my own terms. After living a few weeks in the dorms, I quickly got familiarized with the squatting toilets and actually found it more convenient to use them compared to the sitting toilet.

Strangely, I didn‟t find the restroom to be fetid-smelling anymore and the regular showering in the small stalls with tarnished doors was no longer a problem for me.

Becoming familiarized with the living style and environment of the university dorms allowed me to realize that the living situation is, in reality, not at all terrible. I came to appreciate my living conditions in Taiwan and understood that there are worse situations than the ones I was in. I also began to see things on a wider prospect as well as

acknowledge that it is only because of the cultural distinctions that caused my

misapprehension. I no longer worried about the appropriate attire for clothing and simply dressed as how I felt was appropriate. With time, blending into the social model of

Taiwanese/Japanese fashion was of no problem. Likewise, finding similar issues to discuss with the Taiwanese was also no longer an issue as I made a breakthrough by placing myself inside Taiwanese peoples‟ shoes and empathizing with their different ways of thinking. As a result, I found that it was much easier to intermingle with the community as long as we shared similar knowledge and understanding. Although at times, the American side of me emerges, I see it as a way of expressing my individuality and uniqueness, not a way of separating myself as an outsider.

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In order to talk about Taiwanese values and beliefs, it is imperative to first bring up the most influential religion in Taiwan. Although Taiwan respects other faiths and has a variety of religions including Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Mormonism, and etc, the practices of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism are the most prevalent. For that reason, values and ethics of the people of Taiwan are based on the teachings of a Chinese moral and social philosopher: Confucius. Therefore, it is easy to see the values and ethics of the people of Taiwan by just observing the everyday life of peoples‟ daily routines.

Many CIEE students noticed the values and ethics of Confucian ideals when they utilize public transportation, such as the public buses and Taipei‟s Metropolitan Rapid Transit. They were aware that yielding seats to elders is common and ordinary, which demonstrates the instilled Confucian values of respecting the elders as part of the very foundation of being a “gentlemen.” Moreover, it is also apparent that Taiwan is surrounded by small to large religious Buddhist, Taoism and even Confucian shrines and temples. One Spring 2010 student stated, “Almost everywhere we go, we either see a shrine or a temple, they are everywhere!” Students‟ acknowledgment of numerous temples and shrines in Taiwan does not necessary convey their shock toward another culture; instead it demonstrates their awareness of the cultural differences.

Some students also found it fascinating to see the practice of praying with incense sticks, as well as witnessing people burning a special form of paper money burnt as an after-life ancestral offering. Besides finding temples interesting, religious beliefs, or sometimes defined as “superstitions” that followed by religious rituals, were also

something that the CIEE students were aware of. Another female CIEE student described,

“I think for the living to send dead ancestor money in the afterworld is interesting. It explains how superstitious Taiwanese are about life after death, but I think it also shows how much the living still respects the dead.” Although hell notes may appear as

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superstitious items to other people, to the Taiwanese, these notes are very significant since hell notes are only given to the dead and the notes symbolize an offering to the death.

Besides traditions and rituals, Taiwan also uses a different system for numbering the years. Taiwan started counting from year zero when it was founded in 1911, and as a result, the year 2011 in the Western calendar is the year 100 in Taiwan. Many, if not all, CIEE students often get confused when telling Taiwanese the year they were born. They often either not know or will forget they had to subtract 1911 from the Western year and ended up puzzling the Taiwanese for a few seconds. Likewise, several public holidays in Taiwan are calculated according to the lunar calendar.

According to the Chinese, Chinese Lunar New Year is the most important holiday along with the Mid-Autumn Festival, Dragon Boat Festival, Winter solstice and Tomb Sweeping day. Due to special holiday events that were carried out in the university, CIEE students were able to experience the festive ambiance of the traditional holidays in Taiwan.

In particular, during the week of the Mid-Autumn Festival, NCCU‟s girls dormitory was giving out free moon cakes for students living in the dorms. One female CIEE student excitedly said, “I didn‟t know what a moon cake was until I heard about this event, I really liked how they (dormitory staffs) gave out free moon cakes to students and described a bit of the significance of this festival which allowed foreigners like us to experience what Mid-autumn festival is all about.” In any case, values and beliefs of Taiwan are only some cultural distinction that are visible in everyday life of Taiwanese‟s daily routines and American students usually come into contact with them and become aware of them as they partake in the Taiwanese way of living.

4.1.3 SOCIAL ROLES AND “RULES” OF BEHAVIOR

In every society, every person has a social role. In order to be part of the member of a

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social group every person engages oneself in a social part, thus with each role they adopt, they change their behavior to fit the social expectation. However, it is first crucial to understand the rules of behavior and the expectation each society puts upon to behave accordingly in certain social situations and take on different roles. In the case of Taiwan,

social group every person engages oneself in a social part, thus with each role they adopt, they change their behavior to fit the social expectation. However, it is first crucial to understand the rules of behavior and the expectation each society puts upon to behave accordingly in certain social situations and take on different roles. In the case of Taiwan,