• 沒有找到結果。

Chapter 5 Discussion

5.4 Concluding remarks

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process (Z=1.71, P<.05*). One possible explanation for the preference of substitution

process used by both groups of children when producing the labiopalatal [ɥ] is that

the [ɥ] sound is a marked sound which was acquired relatively late. Therefore, by the

time the labiopalatal [ɥ] emerged, the palatal [j] and [w] had already reached a certain

level of stability. Moreover, the substitution process was found to be used by older

children (Zhu, 2002). As a result, when children were about to produce the

labiopalatal [ɥ], they normally had the two abilities in hand, to produce unmarked

glides [j, w] and to use substitution process.

One of the children in the phonologically-disordered group namely LL used

more substitution in the labiovelar [w], which differs from the normally-developing

group of children. This finding is attributed to the odd patterns detected in his

production since he constantly replaced the earlier acquired labiovelar [w] with the

later acquired labiopalatal [ɥ]. Therefore, the number of substitution is higher than in

the labiovelar [w].

5.4 Concluding remarks

The purpose of the present study is to report the developmental order of three

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Mandarin glides [w, j, ɥ] in terms of three word positions, word-initially,

word-medially, and word-finally, and further compare the normative data with

phonological disorder data in order to explore the possible different processes

between the two groups of children. A longitudinal study was carried out for the

investigation of two normally-developing children, aged between 0;9-2;4 and

0;10-2;4, and two phonologically-disordered children, one of whom is between 4;3

and 4;9, and the other between 3;10 and 4;3.

In response to the first research question, the order and the emergence order of

each glides in relation to positions are as follows:

(c) Post [j] >>> I [w] >>> I [j]/ Pre [j]/ Post [w] >>> Pre [w] >>> Pre [ɥ] >>> I [ɥ]

(WW)

(d) I [j]/ Pre [j]/ Post [j]/ I [w]/ Post [w] >>> Pre [w] >>> I [ɥ] >>> Pre [ɥ] (NN)

The emergence order of the three glides presented in (c) and (d) suggests that it is not

directly influenced by the positional factor. Rather, it is more related to the level of

markedness of the sounds itself. The [j] and [w] in three positions emerged at similar

period while the [ɥ] sounds in two positions appear relatively late.

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The second research question is concerned with the order of stabilization of the

three glides in relation to three positions. The results of the order are presented below:

(3e) I [w] >> I [j] >> Pre [j]/ Post [w] >> Post [j] >> I [ɥ] >> Pre [w] >> Pre [ɥ]

(3f) I [j] >> I [w] / Pre [j] >> I [ɥ] / Pre [w] >> Post [w] >> Pre [ɥ] >> Post [j]

We found that the glides in initial positions were the first to stabilize in the children’s

system and were produced with fewer errors; furthermore, the order of development

of the three glides without considering the position factors is accordance with the

vowel developmental order found in previous studies. The results showed that the

markedness constraint predominates the glide development and the positional

prominence hierarchy regulates under it (Jakobson, 1914/1968; Greenberg, 1966;

Jiménez & Lloret, 2013). The interactions between the markedness constraint and

positional prominence hierarchy are reflected in children’s developmental order of

glides.

The third research question is concerned with the glide performance in the two

groups and the phonological processes used by the phonologically-disordered child.

The findings indicated that the glides in the syllable initial position are more resistant

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to errors, similar to the results found in the normative data. The three phonological

processes found in both of the groups are deletion, substitution, and metathesis, in

which the deletion process is most commonly seen in children’s data; however, the

most commonly seen process for labiopalatal [ɥ] is substitution. Moreover, we also

found that the phonologically-disordered group of children consistently replaced the

presumably later-developing [ɥ] with the presumably earlier-developing [w].

Concerning the phonotactic constraints in Taiwan Mandarin, the child from the

phonologically-disordered group produced sound sequence like *kʰɥ that violate the

phonotactic constraints of Taiwan Mandarin, whereas the child from the

normally-developing group tends to follow the Taiwan Mandarin’s phonotactic

constraints.

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