• 沒有找到結果。

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7. Conclusion

Previous chapters have substantially proved what are the most important drivers for Chinese investment in the region of CEE. These, however, do vary as different countries within the region are likely to play different roles and hence are preferred in the view of different motivations. These discrepancies are similar to those China makes between the developed and developing countries. Yet at the same time it is important to stress, that the role of CEE lies, due its special nature of being and adjacent area to Western European markets, somewhere in middle of these. A number of theoretical perspectives offer decently developed explanations for this behavior.

Let‟s sum up this paper in a bit more detailed manner.

Since China lumped up 16 different countries together in a rather haphazard manner, it is irrational to suggest that all of the countries assume the same position.

Although all of them were studied as a unitary region and certain coherence is from the Beijing‟s point of view clearly perceivable, there are huge differences within the region itself. Since there are great discrepancies among the level of corresponding proxies, it is clear that different states may serve different purposes. Correspondingly, the Chinese FDI in each of these countries differs in the terms of sectoral distribution.

Although hard to prove, these differences in preferences of each motivation may also explain diverse attitudes of Chinese SOEs – often inking the major deals – from the behavior of SMEs.

While some of the motivations discussed are greatly significant, some are less and some were disproved, as suggested earlier. There is, nevertheless, one core fact that should be carried in mind. Drawing on the results, readers should not understand them as singularities – quite to the contrary, most of them are closely linked with each other. Political proximity and Culture closeness would highly likely correlate with each other regardless of the inward FDI. The mutual relation between Logistics, Export and Openness to FDI is greatly pictured on the case of Hungary. Having a decent infrastructure already, Budapest realized the nature of Chinese aims to connect the Greek ports with Western Europe and hence initiated subsidies into infrastructure projects that soon started to take place. By such behavior it only boosted its abilities to serve as a hub and export center for Chinese companies that opened their distribution centers in Hungary in response. Other cases may be found and discussed in response.

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It has been suggested that as much as 60% of Chinese invested capital is of private origin. Although the actual nature of the capital invested as well as its distance from the Communist Party of China is hard to check, and most of non-state business would arguably follow the logic of the market, the biggest deals concluded often tend to incorporate certain political background. This has two explanations. First, the biggest projects are often carried out by Chinese SOEs and hence naturally receive their governmental backing; and second, these big projects have usually impact of such importance that political discussion is necessary. From this perspective I argue that it is vital to make differences between capital of private and public origin as they may respond to different motivations. Yet at the same time, due to governmental peculiarities on the Chinese side, it is important to stay aware that the former may also be the latter.

Indeed, one of the most controversial question is whether Chinese SOEs follow a political agenda and help promote the goals of China‟s foreign policy. Since political proximity is one of the motivations I proved, regardless of the causality, it seems right. On the other hand many of the investment projects go along well-established value chains and do not deviate from a regular strategy of corporational survival, to which the actual notion of being linked to the Communist government may serve as a hindrance. Jie Yu in this case offers a brilliant explanation:

In the light of their increasing overseas activities, there is no doubt that Chinese firms play a significant role in China’s foreign-economic policy.

On the one hand, most Chinese firms benefit from both monetary and political support from the government. They are encouraged to act aggressively across the world to acquire natural resources and cutting-edge technologies. On the other hand, as firms, their close links with the government have hindered their business plans, as they have made economic and political compromises both at home and abroad in order to fi t with Beijing’s priorities.254

254 Yu, J., “China's geoeconomic strategy: firms with Chinese characteristics: the role of companies in Chinese foreign policy,” in Kitchen, N. (eds), IDEAS reports – special reports, LSE Ideas No. 12, The London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK, 2012, p. 37.

developing countries differs greatly. While developed countries are sources of potential know-how and new technology, developing countries are seen as new big markets for Chinese products or as sources of raw material.255 The sectoral distribution of Chinese FDI in CEE and my motivation analysis prove that this region is somewhere in the middle.256 The comparison of CEE as a whole with other studies shows that from the Chinese point of view of potential FDI targets, CEE does play a role different from other regions. It is thought that this very nature of their “hybrid economies” between emerging markets and developed economies is what China sees as a both promise and challenge. This new dimension of investment opportunities and business ventures is what Beijing sees as most appealing.257 The idea of hybrid economies is indeed a common one and may play an important role. While institutionally and governmentally these countries show promise; they are politically and economically are also considered stable at the same time. Yet their level of irrational to look at the region of CEE without seeing its strategic location right next to the big and wealthy Western European markets. Along with the special nature of CEE‟s economies with all of their potential comparable advantages, its role of a gate into Europe is the one China hopes it will play. Ekholm‟s “export-platform” foreign direct investment theory is hence a great explanation of what China hopes to do.

This is not, however, the only theoretical approach that may help explain what is going on. Interestingly enough, from the theoretical point of view, the whole array

255 Élteto, A., Szunumár, Á., 2016.

256 Ibid.

257 Golonka, M., 2012.

258 Ibid., p. 9.

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of theories, from the most basic concepts of cost of capital in different regions all the way to those tailor-made on the China‟s case seem to have partial explanatory power.

To assess the theoretical perspectives on China‟s FDI in this region and follow the Dunning perspective, we may agree that market-seeking, efficiency seeking as well as strategic-assets seeking behavior are all taking place. The only one that is missing is natural resource seeking motivation. This, however, was not for obvious reason even studied. Dunning‟s basic theory on FDI is a great explanation tool, but other more specific points of views prove to possess similar explanatory power.

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Appendix One: Correlation analysis in graphs

All of the charts in this section represent the graphical outcomes of the correlation analysis as described. The X axis represents the amount of FDI (stock, 2014) received from China and the Y axis represents given proxies.

Chart 4: Correlation coefficient of China‟s OFDI stock with number of Chinese residents

Chart 5: Correlation coefficient of China‟s OFDI stock with absolute net inflows of FDI

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Chart 6: Correlation coefficient of China‟s OFDI stock with nominal amount of high-technology exports

Chart 7: Correlation coefficient of China‟s OFDI stock with absolute amount of mutual trade

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Chart 8: Correlation coefficient of China‟s OFDI stock with country‟s total exports

Chart 8: Correlation coefficient of China‟s OFDI stock with country‟s total exports

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