• 沒有找到結果。

First of all, in terms of the experimental method, in our cross-modal lexical

decision task, the ambiguous words (primes) are presented auditorily rather than

visually. Therefore, the word representation model proposed here (see Figure 6.2 in

Chapter 6) only provides the phonological (auditory) route of word processing.

According to Moss and Gaskell (1999), the mapping process from sound to meaning

may differ in important ways from that from text to meaning, especially in terms of its

time-course and the range of competitor words. As a result, further research on this

issue by using visual priming experiments would be needed in order to examine the

orthographic (visual) route of word processing and to give a more general account of

the word representation of ambiguity.

On the other hand, although the present study employs monosyllabic (or single

lexeme) words as ambiguous stimuli, most of the previous research on Mandarin

Chinese used disyllabic compound words (see Table 6.1). As indicated by Huang

(1994), Mandarin has a massive number of homophones and the degree of ambiguity

for monosyllabic words would be much higher than that for compounds. The

context-dependent access of homonymy found in our study but not in previous studies

may be due to the higher degree of ambiguity of monosyllabic words, which may thus

more rely on the contextual cues when being resolved in sentences. Consequently,

148

whether ambiguous words with different morphological or compositional structures

make the results different will be another important issue for further research,

especially the morpheme-based vs. word-based processing issue for compound words

(cf. the word representation for Chinese compounds proposed by Zhou &

Marslen-Wilson, 1995, 2000). In addition, the current research focuses only on

Chinese verbs. The resolution of ambiguous nouns and other syntactic categories

requires further investigation in order to empirically verify the effect of sense

relatedness in a more general way.

Moreover, in order to further investigate the interaction among the effects of

context, frequency and sense relatedness in the issue of lexical ambiguity resolution,

additional experiments by using the sentential contexts biased toward to the secondary

meaning of ambiguity would be needed, so as to see if the results will be the same as

the present study using the primary-meaning-biased contexts. Also, the timing issue

warrants further research to verify the assumption of the two stages of lexical

processing (initial semantic access stage and the post-lexical selection stage) as well

as the the lexical representation model of homonymy and polysemy, by employing a

different timing setting to detect the pre-access stage or the post-access stage of

lexical processing.

Another noteworthy issue is the relationship between personal working memory

capacity and lexical ambiguity resolution. Recent studies examining brain activities

(Mason & Just, 2007; see also Gunter, Wagner, & Friederici, 2003) have shown that

readers with higher working memory spans were more likely to initially maintain both

meanings of ambiguity in sentence comprehension and then to suppress the

contextually inappropriate one, but no such patterns were found for readers with

lower spans. It was more difficult for low spans readers to access and maintain the

multiple meanings. Hence, whether individual differences on working memory

capacity influence the resolution of lexical ambiguity will be also an intriguing

question worthwhile to be settled by further research.

150

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