CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW
2.5 Remarks
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(37) a. 那 一 本 書 很 貴
na (yi) ben shu hen gui
that one CL book very expensive ‘That book is very expensive.’b. 那 厚厚的 *(一) 本 書 很 貴 na houhoude *(yi) ben shu hen gui that thick-DE one CL book very expensive ‘That thick book is very expensive.’
Example (37) shows that within a full NP, if the demonstrative (or a quantifier) is separated from [yi+CL+N] by another modifier, the omission of the numeral becomes illegal. However, if we compare (36a) and (36b), we would find that [yi+CL+N] in both sentences occupy the same syntactic position. The only difference lies in the preceding element [yi+CL+N] attaches to. Therefore, Yang (2002) concludes that classifiers in Mandarin are clitics.
2.5 Remarks
Summarized from the above studies, the proposed issues concerning classifiers in [Num+CL+N] and [CL+N] are 1) whether [CL+N] is the omitted form of [yi+CL+N], and 2) the distribution of [yi+CL+N] and [CL+N]. While most analyses (Lu 1990, Chen 2004) agree that [CL+N] is the phonological reduction of [yi+CL+N], Cheng and Sybesma (1999) hold the opinion that they belong to different structures.
Since Lu (1990) and Chen (2004) provide the contexts that [CL+N] can be interpreted
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both as definite and indefinite, there is no reason to argue that [CL+N] and [yi+CL+N]
belong to different structures. Also, the only value we can get from [CL+N] is one, but not other numbers. If we claim [CL+N] and [yi+CL+N] being different structures, why is it impossible to get other values rather than one from [CL+N]?
As for the second issue, most suggest that the occurrences of [yi+CL+N] and [CL+N] are due to indefiniteness and quantity-denoting expressions (Cheng and Sybesma 1999, Li 1998, Chen 2004, Huang, Li and Li 2009). Cheng and Sybesma (1999) argue that because subject positions and topic positions in Mandarin Chinese are always definite, it is impossible for [CL+N] to occur since [CL+N] can only be understood as indefinite. For those who claim that [CL+N] being the phonological reduction of [yi+CL+N], the prohibition of [CL+N] from topic or subject positions is due to both indefiniteness and quantity-denoting expressions. Those [yi+CL+N]
appearing in topic or subject positions can never be interpreted as indefinite but quantity-denoting expressions. And when [yi+CL+N] is interpreted as numeral expression, it cannot delete yi to become [CL+N].
It seems plausible that the above analyses provide reasonable solutions for the second issue. Two assumptions are made according to the above analyses. First, in positions where they are realized as definite, [CL+N] would never appear. Second, in positions where they are realized as indefinite, [CL+N] should occur.
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Counterexamples have been found and proved that these two assumptions overgenerate the language use in Mandarin Chinese. Thus in the following chapter, I will point out the problems under the above analyses to show that previous studies fail to account for many counterexamples found in Mandarin Chinese. I will argue that neither indefiniteness nor quantity-denoting expression can account for the distribution of the bare classifier phrase [CL+N].
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Chapter 3
Unsolved Problems for [yi+CL+N] and [CL+N] in Mandarin Chinese
3.1 Assumptions from previous studies
In last chapter, studies related to the interpretation, the distribution and the internal structure of [Num+CL+N] and [CL+N] have been reviewed. As mentioned before, two factors that decide the distribution of [yi+CL+N] and [CL+N] are definiteness and quantity-denoting expressions. When [yi+CL+N] is interpreted as indefinite (whether specific or non-specific), it can be reduced to [CL+N]. The exclusion of [CL+N] occurring in subject or topic positions is that [yi+CL+N] is realized as quantity-denoting when it occurs in subject position, and that quantity-denoting [yi+CL+N] can never be reduced to [CL+N]. Two assumptions are made under the above analyses. First, the bare classifier phrase [CL+N], as a suppressed form of indefinite [yi+CL+N], can only occur in indefinite positions.
Second, in a syntactic position which is realized as indefinite, [CL+N] should always be allowed to occur. However, the idiosyncratic examples are found that [CL+N]
appear in positions which are considered definite or quantity-denoting. Besides, some
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indefinite positions do not allow [CL+N] to appear. In this chapter, I am going to list these counterexamples and point out that indefiniteness and quantity-denoting expressions suggested by previous studies can only explain the occurrence of [CL+N]
in some cases but cannot correctly predict the positions for the bare classifier phrase [CL+N] to occur.
3.1.1 [CL+N] only occurs in indefinite positions?
The first assumption made from the previous studies, as mentioned above, is that the bare classifier phrase [CL+N] can only occur in indefinite positions. Supporting evidence from the previous studies is that [CL+N] never occurs in definite positions such as subject or topic positions. Cheng and Sybesma (1999) argue that [CL+N] in Mandarin carries a [-definite] feature that prohibits it from definite positions, while Lu (1990) and Chen (2004), claiming that [CL+N] being the reduced form of indefinite [yi+CL+N], suggest that [CL+N] only appears in indefinite position where indefinite [yi+CL+N] occurs.
However, with a closer examination, I have found that it is not the case. First, in the definite position where D head is occupied by a demonstrative zhe ‘this’ or na
‘that’, [CL+N] is always allowed to appear. (38a), (38b) and (38c) show the three distributions for [Dem+CL+N].
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When [yi+CL+N] follows a demonstrative, it no longer serves as an indefinite expression but a definite expression since the D head is occupied by an element carrying a definite feature. But (38a), (38b) and (38c) clearly show that even quantity-denoting [yi+CL+N] can undergo yi omission. This fact fails out of the prediction under the first assumption.
Another counterexample found in Mandarin is that, contrary to what it is assumed in the first assumption, yi in many quantity-denoting [yi+CL+N] can also be reduced.
(39) 我 買了 (一)磅 蘋果
wo mai-le yi bang pinguo
I buy-ASP one pound apple‘I bought one pound of apples.’
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(40) 三 個 人 各 吃了 (一) 碗 飯
san ge ren ge chi-le yi wan fan
three CL person each eat-ASP one M rice‘For these three people, each of them has a bowl of rice.’
(41) 他 送了 (一) 箱 芒果 給 我們 ，但 顯然 不夠
ta song-le yi xiang mangguo gei women dan xianran bugou
he give-ASP one M mango for we but obviously not-enough
‘He gave one box of mangoes for us, but obviously they are not enough.’
In (39), yi in yi bang can only refer to the number “one” but not an indefinite expression which refers to “any pound of apples.” Similarly, in (40), yi in yi wan denotes the number “one”, meaning these three people each has one bowl of rice instead of any bowl of rice. In (41), yi in yi xiang specifies the number ’one’ rather than the indefinite reading as well. To briefly sum up, all [yi+CL+N] in above examples mark numbers instead of indefiniteness, yet they are all allowed to be reduced to [CL+N], which is not what the first assumption predicts.
Though I present some counterexamples above that some quantity-denoting [yi+CL+N] can be reduced to [CL+N], there are some examples which do not allow yi omission.
(42) 我 買了 *(一)磅 蘋果，不 是 兩 磅
wo mai-le yi bang pinguo bu shi liang bang
I buy-ASP one pound apple not be two pound‘I bought one pound of apples, not two pounds.’
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(43) 三 個 人 各 吃了 *(一) 碗 飯，不 是 兩 碗
san ge ren ge chi-le yi wan fan bu shi liang wan
three CL person each eat-ASP one M rice not be two M‘For these three people, each of them has a bowl of rice.’
(44) 叫 你 帶 *(一) 個 朋友 來， 你 帶了 三 個
jiao ni dai yi ge pongyou lai ni dai-le san ge
call you bring one CL friend come you bring-ASP three CL‘I told you to bring one friend here, but you brought three.’
Actually, (42) and (43) are very similar to (39) and (40), but both (42) and (43) have a second half of the sentence with the other quantity-denoting [Num+CL+N] in it.
Contexts in (42), (43) and (44) are known as contrastive contexts since two [Num+CL+N] are being compared. Again, the question pops out: what might be the reason for similar sentences to be grammatical in (39) and (40) but not in (42) and (43)?
3.1.2 All [CL+N] are allowed in indefinite positions?
The second assumption from previous studies concerns the occurrence of the bare classifier phrase [CL+N]. Cheng and Sybesma (1999) claim that all [CL+N] in Mandarin are interpreted as indefinite and thus occur in indefinite positions. Lu (1990) and Chen (2004), suggesting [CL+N] being the suppressed form of indefinite [yi+CL+N], also claim that [CL+N] occurs in indefinite positions. The implication from both analyses is that wherever a position is indefinite, [CL+N] can occur.
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However, counterexamples are also found that [CL+N] are prohibited in some indefinite positions. The positions prohibiting [CL+N] are listed below.
(45) The second object of the ditransitive construction
a. 我 送了 (一) 個 朋友 *(一) 本 書(46) The possessor of the subject
*(一) 位 老師 的 研究室 起火 了 yi wei laoshi de yianjiushi qihuo le one CL teacher DE lab on fire PAR ‘A teacher’s lab is on fire.’
(47) The NP following DE
a. 我 買了 小小的 *(一) 朵 花
‘I bought one of the books he wrote.’
(48) The object following a disyllabic verb
a. 我 買了 (一) 張 票wo mai-le yi zhang piao I buy ASP one CL ticket ‘I bought a ticket.’
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b. 我 購買了 *(一) 張 票
wo goumai-le yi zhang piao
I buy ASP one CL ticket ‘I bought a ticket.’In (45a), while [yi+CL+N] in an indirect object position of a ditransitive structure can always be reduced to [CL+N], [yi+CL+N] in a direct object position cannot; yet when the indirect object is led by gei ‘to’, the sentence sounds better. Since both objects are considered indefinite, according to the previous account, there is no reason why [yi+CL+N] in the indirect object position can be reduced to [CL+N] but one in direct object cannot.
(46) is the second counterexample I have found which previous analyses cannot account for. When [yi+CL+N] serves as a possessor of the subject, not the “real subject”, yi cannot be reduced. The previous account suggests that [CL+N] cannot appear in subject or topic position because this position is definite. But in (46), the definiteness of the subject is defined by the whole NP yi wei laoshi de yianjiushi ‘a teacher’s lab’, not the possessor yi wei laoshi ‘a teacher.’ The assumption given in the previous analysis predicts that [CL+N] can occur here since this position yi wei laoshi
‘a teacher.’is indefinite; but example (46) tells us that the prediction is incorrect.
The third counterexample comes to the NP following de. When de of a relative clause or of a pre-classifier modifier phrase intervenes between yi and the classifier, yi omission is blocked. But again the previous analysis fails to cover the prohibited
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[CL+N] here. The modifier phrase or the relative de does not specify the indefiniteness of the whole NP. Besides, if we slightly change the order of the modifier phrase and the relative clause, as shown in (49b), the sentence is grammatical with [CL+N] occurring.
(49) a. 我 買了 小小的 *(一) 朵 花
When the modifier phrase xiaoxiaode ‘small’ and the relative clause ta xie de ‘he writes’ move to the front, both sentences are grammatical with the occurrence of [CL+N]. This again shows that indefiniteness is not the only factor that affects the reduction of yi in [yi+CL+N].
The fourth counterexample concerns to the syllable of the verb preceding [yi+CL+N]. I have found that the indefinite [yi+CL+N] is allowed to be reduced to
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[CL+N] if the preceding verb is monosyllabic, while it usually cannot be reduced to [CL+N] if the preceding verb is disyllabic. In example (48), mai and goumai are synonyms denoting the action of “purchase”. But [CL+N] only appears after the monosyllabic verb mai instead of goumai. The previous analysis which assumes all indefinite [yi+CL+N] can be reduced to [CL+N] fails to predict the ungrammaticality of (48b).
3.1.3 Other special contexts which block the occurrence of [CL+N]
Huang, Li &Li (2009) discuss some contexts which have indefinite [yi+CL+N]
occurring in subject or topic position.
(51) 你 看，一 隻 青蛙 跳 了
‘A person came/ is reading.’
(53) 一 個 高手 下錯 棋 很 不 可能
yi ge gaoshou xiacuo qi hen bu keneng
one CL high-hand play-wrong chess very not possible ‘It is unlikely for an expert to play chess wrong.’Huang, Li and Li (2009) argue that although [yi+CL+N] in these sentences look like indefinite expressions, they function more like generic expressions or definite expressions. Huang, Li and Li (2009) argue that example (51) and (52) describe the
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scenes both the speaker and the hearer perceive. Therefore, the referents must be definite for both the speaker and the hearer. In example (53), though the form of yi ge
gaoshou ‘an expert’ is indefinite, [yi+CL+N] in fact is realized as generic, denoting
“all experts”. Therefore, Huang, Li and Li (2009) conclude that indefinite [Num+CL+N] never occurs in subject positions. Those occur in subject or topic positions must be interpreted as generic, quantity-denoting or definite. However, as noted earlier, [CL+N] might have the chance to occur in quantity-denoting positions.
Claiming (51) and (52) being quantity-denoting simply does not exclude [CL+N] to occur here.
Another counterexample related to the occurrence of [CL+N] is the pre-classifier/ measure word adjective. A special construction has been discussed where classifiers/ measure words are modified by an adjective, as shown in (54) below, where numerals and classifiers/ measure words are separated by an adjective.
(54) a. 一 大 顆 蘋果
yi da ke pingguo
one big CL apple ‘1 big apple’b. 一 整 箱 蘋果 yi zheng xiang
pingguo
one whole M apple ‘1 whole box of apples’
Simpson (2005) refers to this constriction in his study and concedes that only a
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very limited range of adjectives can be used. Liu (2010), Zhang (2011), and Her and Hsieh (2010: 6, fn. 8) also note that those adjectives are usually the ones denoting size, for example, da ‘big’ and xiao ‘small’, and wholeness such as zheng ‘whole’; those referring to weight and color are disallowed.
(55) a. *一 重 顆 蘋果
In addition, any kind of extension, for instance, degree modification, is likewise disallowed, as shown in (56).
(56) a.*一 很 大 顆 蘋果
What I have found is that under the construction [yi+A+C/M+N], yi cannot be deleted and becomes [A+C/M+N]. Example (57) shows the contrast.
(57) a. 我 買了 一 大 顆 蘋果 wo mai-le yi da ke pingguo
I buy-ASP one big CL apple ‘I bought a big apple.’
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b. ?我 買了 大 顆 蘋果 wo maile da
ke pingguo
I buy-ASP big CL apple‘I bought big apples.’
Actually (57b) is grammatical. In this sentence, we cannot get the meaning of “an apple” but simply ”apples which are big”. In other words, the omission of yi here does not preserve the value 1. Thus, [A+C/M+N] is a totally different structure from [yi+A+C/M+N].
What we are curious here is why pre-classifier adjectives block yi omission in [yi+A+C/M+N] and why we can’t get the default value ‘one’ under this construction.
Since the inserting of an adjective does not change the indefiniteness of object, according to the previous analysis, [yi+A+C/M+N] can be reduced to [A+C/M+N].
However, the linguistic evidence shows just the opposite.
The above counterexamples I illustrate all fall out the predictions among the previous analyses. Those counterexamples show that the assumptions made by previous analyses are insufficient to explain the interactions between [yi+CL+N] and [CL+N]. In above counterexamples, all [yi+CL+N] stay in indefinite positions, yet yi omission is still blocked. This leads us to think about other possibilities which might block the occurrence of [CL+N].
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3.2 Distributions of [CL+N]: an overview
The presented counterexamples indicate that previous studies do not thoroughly investigate all the occurrences of [CL+N], and thus leave plenty of idiosyncrasies unsolved. After a closer examination on the language use in Mandarin, I summarize the distributions which allow the occurrence of [CL+N], and together with distributions which do not allow the occurrence of [CL+N], trying to generalize some rules among these distributions.
3.2.1 Positions allowing the occurrence of [CL+N]
Most studies agree that [CL+N] occurs in indefinite positions, but as what I have observed above, those studies simply discuss few contexts. Thus, I use the database to search all the possibilities in our authentic language use. Those contexts are summarized in following examples.
(58) Indefinite positions
a. 他 買了 (一)顆 蘋果 (postverbal)
ta mai-le yi ke pingguo
he buy ASP one CL apple ‘He bought an apple.’
b. 他 連 (一) 個 便當 都 吃不起 (post-prepositional)
ta lian yi ge baindang dou chi-bu-qi
he LIAN one CL mealbox DOU eat-not-QI ‘He can’t even afford a mealbox.’
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he LIAN one a little money alos not willing payback ‘He doesn’t even want to pay back a little money.’
c. 他 把 (一) 塊 錢 弄丟 了 (objects of BA construction)
ta ba yi kuai xian nong-diu le
he BA one M money do-lose PAR ‘I lost one dollar.’
The post-verbal position, as in (58a), (59c) and (60a), is the most common context
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for [CL+N] to occur. This position can be either quantity-denoting or indefinite, depending on the contexts. [yi+CL+N] and [CL+N] can also be preceded by determiners zhe (this) and na (that). Positions such as Topic positions and Subject positions are definite by default (Cheng and Sybesma 1999, Chen 2004, Li 1996, Huang, Li and Li 2009), yet postverbal positions are not. Postverbal positions are indefinite by nature, but once they are preceded by determiniers, the positions are forced to be definite,
The contexts in which [yi+CL+N] and [CL+N] appear after prepositions have never been discussed before in previous studies, but they are easily found in commercial slogans or daily conversations. A note of caution is that the prepositions occurring before [CL+N] are very limited. For example, no [CL+N] is found after the preposition guanyu ‘about.’ BA constructions like example (58c) and (60c) are really controversial. Cheng and Sybesma (1999) disagree with any [CL+N] occurs after BA construction because they claim that this position is definite. Lu (1990), on the other hand, thinks this sentence is grammatical because this position can be interpreted as indefinite. I agree with Lu’s (1990) account because the object appearing after ba, as shown in (58c) and (60c), does serve as an indefinite object. The referent is definitely known to the speaker yet unknown to the hearer. The following example shows the most common answer when the hearer hears (58c).
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(61) Speaker:我 把 (一) 本 書 弄丟 了 wo ba yi ben shu nong-diu le I BA one CL book do-lose PAR ‘I lost a book.’
Hearer: 哪 本 書 ? nei ben shu which CL book ‘Which book?’
For the speaker, nei ben shu ‘which book’ is not specified; the speaker must know the referent he refers to, but the information he intends to provide is simply “a book of mine.” However, for the hearer, the referent is a brand new information which is not mentioned before. In context like example (61), ba object is definitely indefinite; the referent known to the speaker yet unknown to the hearer is referred to as an indefinite and non-specific referent.
Basically, bare classifier phrases [CL+N] have similar distributions in indefinite and in quantity-denoting positions that they occur postverbally, post-prepositioally, and serve as objects in BA constructions. Also, none of them appear in subject or topic positions. As for definite positions, wherever there is a determiner occupying the D head, [CL+N] is allowed to occur.
3.2.2 Positions disallowing the occurrence of [CL+N]
Since I have almost listed all the examples which [CL+N] is not allowed, here I
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will simply give a brief summary below.
(62) Distributions disallowing [CL+N]:
a. Postverbal quantity-denoting positions in contrastive contexts (see 42 to 44) b. The second object of the ditransitive construction (see 45) c. The possessor of the subject (see 46) d. The NP after DE/DE modifier (see 47) e. The object following a disyllabic verb/preposition (see 48) f. When [CL+N] has a pre-C/M modifier adjective (see 57)
Compared with positions allowing [CL+N], most positions disallowing [CL+N] are not postverbal nor post-prepositional positions. The only two postverbal and post-prepositional positions disallowing [CL+N] are those with disyllabic Vs and Ps.
This suggests that [CL+N] might have certain selection restrictions on the preceding elements. However, the prohibition of [CL+N] from postverbal positions in contrastive contexts still remains a mystery.
3.3
Problems for adopting previous accounts3.3.1 Properties that deny previous accounts
The major challenge for previous analyses proposed is its failure to thoroughly predict the occurrence of the bare classifier phrase [CL+N]. Previous accounts do explain why [CL+N] occurs in certain positions instead of others, yet they do not correctly predict the occurrences of [CL+N]. That is to say, [CL+N] do appear in
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some indefinite positions, but the prohibition from certain indefinite positions cannot be explained by those accounts. In last section, I list the contexts which block the occurrence of [CL+N]. Some properties related to those contexts are discussed in more detail below.
3.3.2 The selections on the phrase preceding [CL+N]
With a closer examination on the contexts allowing [CL+N] and disallowing [CL+N], I have found that there is a tendency for phrases of certain syntactic categories to precede [CL+N]. The three syntactic categories are verbs, prepositions and demonstratives. Indefinite [yi+CL+N] in postverbal positions, being specific or nonspecific, are usually allowed to have the reduced form [CL+N]. Also, examples above show that within the two sentences denoting the same meaning, yi in [yi+CL+N]
is allowed to be omitted when [yi+CL+N] follows the verb instead of other syntactic categories. In addition to verbs, I have also found indefinite bare classifier phrase [CL+N] appearing after prepositions. Although very limited, prepositions such as
dang, lian, and cong are found after [CL+N]. Examples are shown in below.
(63) a. 他 連 (一)小碗 麵 也 吃不完 ta lian yi xiao-wan mien ye chi-bu-wan he LIAN one small-M noodle also eat-not-finish ‘He cannot even finish a small bowl of noodles.’
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b. 張三 從 (一)個 不知名的 小鎮 來 的
Zhangsan zong yi ge buzhiming de xiaocheng lai de
Zhangsan from one C unknown DE small town come DE ‘Zhangsan came from an unknown small town.’As for definite positions, whenever the D head is occupied by a determiner, [CL+N] is allowed to appear. The tendency of [CL+N] following the phrase of certain categories shows that there must be a selectional restriction relationship between the classifiers in [CL+N] and the preceding phrases.
3.3.3 Classifiers cannot be too far away from the preceding verb
Another situation that indefiniteness cannot explain is that the classifiers in [CL+N] cannot be too far away from the verb in double object constructions. I have
Another situation that indefiniteness cannot explain is that the classifiers in [CL+N] cannot be too far away from the verb in double object constructions. I have