2. Literature Review
2.2. Theoretical Foundation
2.2.2 Dynamic Dual Pathway Model (DDPM)
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A plethora of research has examined the role of social identity in social movement participation, political protesting, and other forms of collective action (Brown, 2000; Saab et al., 2015; Van Zomeren et al., 2012; Wright et al., 1990). For example, in a critical review of SIT, Brown (2000) noted that one of the theory’s major contributions is how group identification can sometimes better predict collective protest than relative deprivation. In addition, a line of recent work into the field of SIT research has focused on how identifying with a social movement or other politicized identities can connect individuals to the disadvantaged group, thus creating an obligation to act on its behalf (Simon & Klandermans, 2001; Stürmer & Simon, 2004).
These past studies are helpful to this research study as it aids in identifying possible social identities evident in the NAPs and theorizes how they are formed. This study specifically places an emphasis on social identity as a primary factor for those who post image tweets, elements from SIT are heavily relied on such as in-group favoritism and bystanders (Saab et al., 2015). In-group favoritism can be exhibited through the support of one’s in-group which can lead to changes in individual behavior and actions toward the out-group (i.e. minority members in NAPs emphasizing discriminatory differences; Dasgupta, 2004). Additionally, bystanders (those not belonging to the in-group) can support the disadvantaged group as they can identify with social movements instead (i.e. non-minority members kneeling in NAPs; Saab et al., 2015).
2.2.2 Dynamic dual pathway model (DDPM)
The theoretical framework of this study is primarily adapted from Van Zomeran’s et al.’s (2012) DDPM. (see Figure 1). The DDPM is an integrative theory, encompassing elements of collective actions (e.g., group identity, unfairness (grievances), anger, and efficacy) from a wide array of theories, including SIT.
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Although there has been a plethora of research centered on the motivating factors of collective actions, such as the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA; Van Zomeren et al., 2008). However, Van Zomeren et. al (2012) criticized that SIMCA is a descriptive and predictive model derived from a meta-analysis of several studies. They argued that the DDPM is superior model to examine collective actions because it regards collective action as a result of emotion-focused and problem-focused coping approaches from identification to a disadvantaged social group. The former revolves around the experience of group-based anger, while the latter centers on group efficacy.
Figure 1. Van Zomeren et. al (2012) dynamic dual pathway model
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Instead of viewing identity, emotion, and efficacy as competing explanations of collective action, the DDPM considers these three elements separate but complimentary and considers social identity as a “bridge” between the emotional and efficacy (problem-focused) routes of collective action (Van Zomeren et al., 2008). This is because social identity
consolidation both empowers individuals for collective action and magnifies perceptions of unfairness and group-based emotions (illustrated in Figure 1). However, before continuing into either route to collective action, the individual must first go through the three step process laid out by SIT (categorization, identification, and comparison). If they identify to the social group, then they continue onto either pathway to collective action. Though, if the individual assesses that they don’t identify with the social group, then they consider the cost-benefit analysis of engaging in collective action to aid the disadvantaged group.
Additionally, DDPM also theorizes that during and after the development of engaging in collective action (identification to group, assigning external blame for unfairness, and coping – using an emotion focused or instrumental focused approaches), a process of reappraisal occurs. It is this reappraisal of social categorization and identification, collective disadvantages, and the external blames for unfairness (grievances) that fuel the continuance of collective actions throughout social movements and protests (see Figure 1; Van Zomeren et al., 2012).
2.3. Proposed Theoretic framework
As stated previously, this study incorporates social identity from SIT into DDPM, and makes adjustments in the conceptual framework in order to fit the context of twitter analysis of polarized NAPs. The proposed theoretic framework adds both negative and positive emotions for the emotion-focused approach to coping, because collective emotions not only include affective responses harbored toward members of the out-group but also entail on-going feelings about
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group members. Because the aim of this study is also to understand how overlapping social identities in American society impacted the 2017 NAPs, emphasis is placed on examining the complex nature of intergroup bias and ingroup favoritism.
Figure 2 shows this study’s proposed theoretic framework which incorporates key
concepts from the SIT and the DDPM. The key components of the theoretical framework include social identity, grievances, efficacy, and approaches to coping (emotional route: affective
responses; instrumental route: efficacy). Some key changes include removing the illustration of the reappraisal process, changing “social categorization” to “social identity,” relabeling “external blame for unfairness” to “grievances,” and expanding affective emotions. Firstly, although integral to the DDPM, the reappraisal process is not included in the proposed theoretic framework because this study does not focus on the process in which individuals choose to engage in collective action. The researcher agrees with the DDPM and understands that a reappraisal process occurs and is a driving factor for collective action tendencies, however the sole focus of this specific study is not to predict collective action in the future but to comprehend the communication patterns of those who have already engaged in collective action online. Also, using visual tweet analysis can hardly be used to comprehend the insights of the users’
reappraisal process. Therefore, the reappraisal process of the DDPM is not included in the proposed theoretical framework.
Secondly, the proposed theoretic framework changes “social comparison” to “social identity.” This is because the formation of social identity is a three-step process (social categorization, social identification, and social comparison) and be relabeling “social
comparison” to “social identity” this study can avoid the confusion that these two concepts are separate.
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Thirdly, this study chooses to use “grievances” instead of “external blame for
unfairness.” The DDPM proposes that first there is a context of collective disadvantage and then individuals categorize themselves into whether or not they belong to the group that is
experiencing this disadvantage. Then the group places the blame on an external agent who they perceive as responsible for their disadvantage. However, as this study revolves around the NAPs, the definition of grievances is a better fit as the term encompasses feelings of unfairness about the way authority members treat a social or political problem. This is because the NAPs started to highlight police brutality within the United States and authority members such as political figures and leaders in the NFL organization have been blamed for negative and unfair portrayal of those protesting.
Lastly, for the emotion-focused route to coping, which is one major aspect from the DDPM, is expanded to include other affective responses aside from anger. This is because although research into anger as a motivating factor for collective action is extensive, research has found that group members additionally feel less agitated emotions when they are unable to find an external blame for their grievances (Walker & Smith, 2002). Moreover, research on solidarity based collective action by members of the advantaged group –those who are not minority, but support with the causes for minority members and engage in collective actions to make changes (i.e. “passionate bystanders:” Saab et al., 2015) has placed more focus onto emotional factors outside of anger (i.e. sympathy and admiration: Iyer & Ryan, 2009; Wright, 2009).
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Figure 2. Proposed theoretic framework in this study
In above theoretic framework, social identity includes three concepts for analysis
(constructive patriotism, minority allegiance and NFL fandoms). To be noted, minority member support encompasses those that identify themselves as a racial minority and bystanders who are supportive of minority rights. Potential grievances stem from institutional racism and
disagreement with anti-protest mobilizers. Anti-protest mobilizers include political figures (i.e.
Donald Trump and Mike Pence) and those affiliated with the NFL as an organization (NFL Commissioner, team owners, coaches). Efficacy includes group size and protest activities.
Finally, affective responses include not only negative responses such as anger and sarcasm, but also includes positive emotions specifically, admiration, and sympathy.
Social Identity
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This research seeks to understand the how the protest landscape changed over time regarding social identity, grievances, and approaches to coping (emotional route: affective responses; instrumental route: efficacy). The following sections of the literature review will discuss how these elements are identified as key factors shaping collective action of the 2017 NFL NAPs.
2.3.1 Social identity
Social identity is defined as individuals’ self-categorization in terms of the social groups they belong to (Chan, 2017). The DDPM proposes that group identity, as one possible
explanation to collective action, is theoretically distinct from other explanations, such as perceived grievances, group based emotions, and group efficacy beliefs (Van Zomeren et al., 2012). SIT further posits that people will identify with a low status group to mobilize for
collective action in order to achieve social change when instability and illegitimacy suggests that these goals are achievable (Van Zomeren et al., 2004; Van Zomeren et al., 2009; Van Zomeren et al., 2012).
As the NAPs provide a channel for participants to voice their concerns regarding social injustice, it is reasonable that the social identities surrounding the protests have become more salient as the protests continue. Additionally, Stürmer and Simon (2004) suggested in their model of collective action, that politicized group identity is expected to “push” individuals to engage in collective action regardless of how cost-benefit calculations might “pull” them toward collective action. Thus, it is crucial to understand which social identities are most prominent within the NAPs. Due to the nature of the protests – initially centered on racial injustice and continuing to include issues surrounding the First Amendment, all while involving beloved athletes – three dominant social identities surrounding the protest have been identified:
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identification to and allegiance with minority group members, constructive patriotism, and fandoms and affiliation to the NFL organization, teams, and players.
2.3.1.1 Minority group member support
Race is without a doubt one of the more basic social identities as it is based on ascribed traits (Jasper, 1998) Recent research has revealed race as a prominent influencer for collective action tendencies (Cowart et al., 2016; LeFebvre & Armstrong, 2016). In fact, in their study, LeFebvre and Armstrong (2016) found that a large majority of tweets created during the
Ferguson protests were in relation to race. This is most likely because structural discrimination, such as race, are important contextual demands with which people cope (Van Zomeren et al., 2012). Therefore, one explanation for images tweeted in response to the NAPs could be attributed to support of and/or identification to minority groups.
The NAPs, as stated previously, began when Colin Kaepernick sat during the anthem to bring to light unjust behaviors policemen engaged in against minority group members,
specifically in regards to the African American population. This is important to note because according to Simon and Klandermans (2001), the collective identity of groups become
politicized when people become involved in a political protest on behalf of their group members.
Thus a politicized collective identity occurs when the social landscape is cognitively restructured into a categorization of opponents and possible allies; additionally, in order to attract and appeal to potential allies, a strategic restructuring of the conflict issue is prepared. Thus, dual identities can be formed, which is a simultaneous identification with an in-group and out-group
(Klandermans, 2014).
Although the NAPs are not the first case in which the African American identity became politicized, such was the case of the Black Lives Matter movement in 2016, the NAPs became
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another avenue in which politicized collective identities emerged. One, is that of those who identify with and or are supporters of minority members (i.e. dual identities). Those that possess these dual identities may also be considered passionate bystanders. They are those people who not only understand the injustices felt by minority group members, but they may also engage in collective action along with minority group members to redress those grievances (Saab et al., 2015). In addition, recent research posits that possessing a dual identity may direct people to engage in moderate action (Simon, 2011) which can include taking political action on behalf of disadvantaged groups (Montada & Schneider, 1989) such as posting to social media sites in solidarity. Therefore, support of and/or identification with minority groups is considered one social identity of NAP advocates (i.e. image tweet creators).
2.3.1.2 Constructive patriotism
Negative perceptions of Colin Kaepernick’s protest against the national anthem are largely connected to American iconography and U.S symbolic patriotism. Allegiance to the flag and to the national anthem are ingrained in the American public at a young age, continuing into adulthood (Abril, 2012). For example, in some states there are laws that require the presence of the U.S flag in every classroom and in addition, many schools expect children to show reverence for the flag by reciting the “Pledge of Allegiance” and/or by singing the national anthem before classes begin. Those that refuse are often considered by some to be un-American, un-patriotic, or communists (Abril, 2012). From the news reports, protests that are in direct opposition of the flag and national anthem are harshly criticized by those who are symbolically patriotic. In fact, SIT posits that national symbols can make collective identities more salient (Kharroub & Bas, 2015; Tajfel & Turner; 1979), which can make criticisms against the flag and anthem seem like criticisms against group identities that heavily rely on iconography.
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However, those who can openly oppose injustice, whether it be government policies or heinous acts committed by authority members in the name of positive social change are considered to be constructly patriotic. This constructive patriotism refers to “an attachment to country characterized by critical loyalty” and “questioning and criticism” driven by “a desire for positive change,” (Schatz et al., 1999, p. 153) and is largely a trait belonging to liberal party members. In fact, the symbolic patriotism scale created by American National Election Studies (ANES) considers ideological bias as an important factor in the scale because liberals tend to express reserve about national symbols as a lasting consequence of those who were opposed to the Vietnam War, showing this liberal antiwar sentiment through flag burning. Therefore, conservatives tend to have a higher support for symbolic patriotism than liberals (Conover &
Feldman, 1987; Hurwitz & Peffley; 1999, Huddy & Khatib, 2007).
Therefore, it is essential to note that the ideological bias is an important indicator of support for the NAPs. As of the 2016 presidential election, the majority party holder in the United States is the Republican party which tends to uphold conservative values. It explains why President Trump was adamantly opposed to the NAPs and then-President Obama, a member of the Democratic party, was in support.
Additionally, because the freedom of speech, and by association, the freedom to peacefully protest is guaranteed under the United States’ First Amendment, those that are
constructively patriotic are more likely to advocate for the NAPs as they are a way for citizens to openly voice their grievances (Huddy & Khatib, 2007). Past studies found that social media plays a positive role in democratic engagement and participation in protest movements (Chen et al., 2016; Lee et al., 2017., Tufekci, 2017; Zhu et al., 2017). It is essential to examine how
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constructive patriotism factors into the social identities of those who tweeted with image content during the NAPs.
2.3.1.3 Sport Fandoms
Previous research has acknowledged sports as an avenue for individuals to identify with other members of a community (Anderson & Stone, 1981). For example, sports teams,
specifically in the U.S use city and state names such as Cincinnati Bengals and the New York Giants to identify with their respected communities. Hunt et al. (1999) defined fans as an enthusiastic devotee of a specific ‘sports consumptive object’ and are therefore can be considered consumers of organized sports. The sports consumptive object can be “sports in general, a specific league, a team, or an object that can refer to a personality such as player, coach/manager, broadcast announcer, or other individual who has a strong association with a team or sport (Hunt et al.,1999, p. 440).
Additionally, fan’s identification with sports and specific players can lead to fan’s identification with the team, ultimately leading to actions such as game attendance, game
behavior, and the purchasing of licensed team products (i.e., jerseys, footballs, t-shirts, hats, etc.) (Fisher & Wakefield, 1998). Take the first national anthem protester, Colin Kaepernick, for example. In September 2016, Forbes reported that Kaepernick, despite being a second string quarterback for the San Francisco 49ers, had the top jersey sales in the NFL (Heitner, 2016).
High identification with the team player and his stance toward the U.S flag and national anthem is a possible explanation of the rise in jersey sales. The jersey with Kaepernick’s name and number was not just associated with his football statistical record or affiliation with the San Francisco 49ers, but it also represented being a part of the growing social movement that Kaepernick initiated (Heitner, 2016).
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The NAPs provides an interesting scope on collective identity because the nature of the protest itself takes place directly before the sporting event and has appeared not only in the NFL but in collegiate games and broadly on social media (Belson, 2017). Therefore, football fans are faced with the social identity dilemma of who and what to support based on their identification with their sport consumptive object and their own identification with symbolic representations of U.S patriotism.
Heere and James (2007) argued that sports teams not only provide a valuable source for group identity, but also a symbolic representation of social and community life. This is because sports teams not only represent the owners, coaches, and players, but also the city or state in which they are located, the university in which they are affiliated, and other groups, such as those belonging to: demographic categories (geographic, race, gender, social class) and
membership organizations (university, corporate, religious, political) (Deaux et. al, 1995; Heere
& James, 2007). Therefore, a strong affiliation with the participating players and teams, as well as the NFL as an organization, could potentially lead to support for the NAPs and other protests within the context of sport.
It is important to note that online media was found to have the greatest effect on the association between fan identification and collective self- esteem (Phua, 2010), are venues in which fans selectively self-present (Walther, 1996), and provide sports fans with a way to collectively manage their social identity crises (Sanderson, 2013). For example, Sanderson (2013) found that when the head coach for the University of Cincinnati’s football team left to coach at a rival university, social media enabled fans to send messages which elevated group distinctiveness, minimized in-group issues, and devalued out group members.
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Social media acts a tool in which not only members of sports fandoms, but also supporters of minority members and constructive patriots can come together to have a
conversation about the NAPs in the digital realm. Understanding the role social media plays is important because it is then when one can successfully analyze the narrative created online,
conversation about the NAPs in the digital realm. Understanding the role social media plays is important because it is then when one can successfully analyze the narrative created online,