CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
5.1 Summary of the thesis
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CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
5.1 Summary of the thesis
This thesis analyzed the tone sandhi in two Hakka Dialects, namely Liujia Raoping Hakka and Ningdu Tiantou Hakka. The Optimality Theory is applied to account for the mechanisms of tone sandhi in these two Hakka Dialects. In chapter three, a constraint ranking is proposed to predict the tone sandhi patterns in Liujia Raoping Hakka and the morpheme specific phonology (Pater 2007, 2010) is adopted to explain the historical merged tones, as in (1).
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(1) Constraint ranking for Liujia Raoping Hakka
*Rise
ID-t-L ID-LL ID-T-R
[Agree-t & *LL]ADJ(Yangping) [OCP- & *Fall]ADJ(Yangping) *T
[OCP- & *M]ADJ(Yangping)
[OCP- & *Fall]ADJ [OCP- & *M]ADJ
*M
*Fall *HH
[Agree-t & *LL]ADJ ID-T
Agree-t *LL OCP-
In (1), since the tone sandhi only occurs in the left syllable, ID-T-R is undominated. *Fall and *HH, according to the universal tonal markedness tendency (Yip 2001, 2002), are posited to motivate tone sandhi in Liujia Raoping Hakka. They capture the tone sandhi patterns of Yinshang HM and Yangqu HH2. ID-t-L is posited to retain the left tone melody of the input tone based on the idea of tonal target (Yip 2001). It prevents the input form from mapping to LL [Lr, l]. As for the ru tone sandhi,
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*T is considered to be the trigger.
In terms of the merged tones, Yangping HH1 and Yangqu HH2, the morpheme-specific phonology (Pater 2007, 2010) is applied and therefore [Agree-t &
*LL]ADJ(Yangping) is posited. It has to dominate *Fall to map HH1 to HM when it is followed by the low level tone, LL. Moreover, [OCP-h & *Fall]ADJ(Yangping) is posited and ranked at the same level with [Agree-t & *L]ADJ(Yangping) to change HH1 into HM when it is followed by HM. Finally, [OCP-h & *M]ADJ(Yangping) is posited to predict that HH1 changes to HM when it precedes M. These three indexed constraints target the specific tone category, Yangping. Furthermore, the assimilation and dissimilation in specific contexts are governed by conjunction constraints. The tone sandhi in this language is basically positional. The contextual tone sandhi only occurs when the input is a Yangping tone, HH1.
In chapter four, OT is applied to account for the construction sensitive tone sandhi in Ningdu Tiantou Hakka. Tone sandhi in this language shows different patterns in different constructions. The modifier-head construction and conjunction construction show the same tone sandhi pattern while the verb-object construction shows a different tone sandhi pattern. The indexed approach is employed to capture different tone sandhi patterns of different constructions. The complete constraint ranking for this language is shown in (2).
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(2) Constraint ranking for Ningdu Tiantou Hakka
ID-T-R(Lr) ID-T-R(Hr)
*Concave
ID-T-L(Lr)
ID-T-L(Hr)ru [OCP-Rise & ID-Hr]ADJ
[OCP-Reg & OCP- ]ADJ [OCP- & ID-MH]ADJ
[OCP-ML & *T]ADJ
[*IsRise & *T]ADJ ID-T-R(Hr)ru OCP-Hr
[OCP-Reg & *T]ADJ [OCP-Reg & *Rise]ADJ
*Hr ID-MH
*IsRise [ID-T-L(Hr) & *Fall]SEG *Rise
*Fall ID-t-L
ID-T-L(Hr) OCP- *T *Fall OCP-ML OCP- OCP-Rise OCP-Reg ID-T-R(Hr) ID-Hr
In (2), the verb-object construction is named construction while other two are named construction . In both constructions, low register tones in the right syllable never undergo tone sandhi; therefore, ID-T-R(L) is always undominated. *Concave dominated by ID-T-R(L) dominates ID-T-L(L), which illustrates that the concave tone only occurs in the right syllable. In terms of construction , the motivation for the tone sandhi is similar to the one in Liujia Raoping Hakka, i.e. the universal tonal
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markedness tendency (Yip 2001, 2002). *Concave and *Fall are regarded as the triggers. Moreover, the constraint preserving the left tone melody, ID-t-L, exists in both construction and in Liujia Raoping Hakka. The tone sandhi in this construction is positional. On the other hand, in terms of the tone sandhi in construction , it takes place in both syllables. *Concave is posited to govern the left-syllable tone sandhi while OCP-Hr is posited to govern the second-syllable tone sandhi. Both constraints are the triggers of the both-syllable tone sandhi. Besides, [*IsRise & *T]ADJ is the other trigger for the both-syllable tone sandhi. The constraints posited above can predict the tonal pairs which undergo tone sandhi; nevertheless, they may wrongly rule out tonal pairs which do not undergo tone sandhi. In this case, [OCP-Rise &
ID-Hr]ADJ, [OCP-Reg & OCP- ]ADJ, [OCP- & ID-Rise]ADJ, [OCP-ML & *T]ADJ and [OCP-Reg & *T]ADJ are posited to ensure that the unchanged tonal pairs will not be wrongly ruled out. Last, the preservation of ru tones differs from that of non-ru tones in construction . Hence, ID-T-L(H)ru and ID-T-R(H)ru are posited and ranked higher than the unidexed ID-T-L(H) and ID-T-R(H). The tone sandhi in construction is both positional and contextual.
According to the tone sandhi in these two dialects, the tonal preservation in the tone sandhi process is regarded as typological differences. The preservation is not based on the stress assignment or the length of the syllable. It is believed that the
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syllable in the final position of a phonological phrase is relatively longer (Zhang 2001, 2004, 2007) and easier to bear more complicated tones. According to this idea, the tone in the second syllable should be preserved. However, it displays a different case in construction of Ningdu Tiantou Hakka.
5.2 Further issues
In addition to the disyllabic tone sandhi, the trisyllabic tone sandhi and the tone sandhi in the reduplication are issues which can be further studied. Since the tone sandhi patterns in trisyllabic words are different from the patterns in disyllabic words, it would be interesting to investigate different tone sandhi patterns in longer sequence of these two Hakka dialects.
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