Apparent Counter-examples

In chapter 2, it was observed that V-guāng does not allow infix-dé insertion, and that V-wán construction is incompatible with resultative-dào. However, the following expression, which seems to violate this prediction, is perfectly accepted by most native Mandarin speakers.

(54) Zhè-bēi shuǐ Ābǐ hē dào wán zhī yào liǎng fènzhōng this-Cl water Abi drink dào finish only takes two minute

'Concerning the volume of this cup of water, it only takes Abi two minutes to drink it

up.'

Despite the judgment of (54) being clear and solid, it is not taken as a counter-example to the generalization given in chapter 2, but simply as an exception. The reason to reject (54) as a example is mainly because of its uniqueness. To put it clearer, this apparent counter-example must take a topicalized definite NP (i.e., zhè-bēi shuǐ, 'this cup of water') and it can only be accepted to be with -wán but never the other RVPs with potential mode. For example:

(55) a ??? Shuǐ, Ābǐ hē dào wán zhī yào liǎng fènzhōng water, Abi drink dào finish only needs two minute

'As for water, it only takes two minutes for Abi to drink it up.' b. *Ābǐ hē dào zhè-bēi shuǐ wán zhī yào liǎng fènzhōng

c. *Ābǐ hē dào shuǐ wán zhī yào liǎng fèn zhōng

d. *Zhè-tiáo diànlǎn Ābǐ jiǎn dào diào zhī yào liǎng fènzhōng

'It only would take two minutes for Abi to cut off the cable.' (intended reading)

In the sentences given in (55), we can find that when the topicalized NP is not a definite one, the sentence would be extremely odd (i.e., 55a); if it is a definite NP, but it is not topicalized, the sentence would crash (i.e., 55b); if it is a combination of an indefinite NP without topicalization, the sentence crashes (i.e., 55c); if we finally use a definite NP with topicalization, but the RVP is not -wán but another RVP which has potential mode as well,

the sentence still crashes (i.e., 55d). If it really is a counter-example, it is expected that there would be a lot of expressions with the same structure behaving in similar ways. While there is not many expressions with similar structure acting in this way, the counter-example in (54) should be taken as a unique exception only. As a result, since the hypothesis of the semantics of -dé- and -dào- in chapter 4 heavily depends on the reliability of the observation from chapter 2, it will not be affected by sentence (54) either.

Another apparent counter-example comes from a similar construction such as (56):

(56) Zhè-píng píjiǔ yīxiàzǐ jiù bèi hē dào ??(kuàiyào) wán le this-Cl beer in_a_short_time would Psv. drink dào Asp.

'This bottle of beer was almost drunk up in a short time.'

The key for this exception is the modification (i.e., kuàiyào, 'almost') of the RVP. If the modification is removed, then the sentence would be more like a mixture of Taiwanese and Mandarin instead of Mandarin alone. Besides, this is not a common construction among RVPs of ER. If we use another RVP of the same type in the same sentence pattern, then even with a modification, the expression is unacceptable. For example:

(57) *Zhè-tiáo diànlǎn yīxiàzǐ jiù bèi jiǎn dào kuàiyào diào le

this-Cl cable in_a_short_time would Psv. dào almost off Asp.

'This cable was almost cut off in a short time.'(intended reading)

In (57), indicated by underline, we can combine a modification (i.e., kuàiyào, 'almost') with the RVP, diào, in order to create a context like that of (56). As a result, the sentence turns out to be an unacceptable one. Since (56) is a merely one of a kind, it is deemed to be an exception, but not a solid counter-example.

Finally, one last possible counter-example comes from the other sides of the RVPs. Some may claim that (58) is a perfectly acceptable expression to them, while others may have different ideas.

(58) ? Zhè yī-dà-bēi píjiǔ sānliǎngxià jiù bèi Ābǐ hē dé kuàiyào guāng le this one-big-Cl beer easily would Psv. Abi drink dé almost empty Asp.

'This grand glass of beer was almost drunk up by Abi without too much effort.'

Though the expression is accepted by some speakers¹³, it is unlikely that it can be taken as a counter-example. Two reasons are given to support this opinion. First, this is a particular one which is judged as acceptable by a small group of native speakers. Yet, in a comparative test, informants of the same group also agree on the judgment of the sentences listed below:

(59) a. *Zhè-zhāng kǎojuàn yīxiàzǐ jiù bèi Ābǐ xiě dé kuàiyào hǎo le a'. Zhè-zhāng kǎojuàn yīxiàzǐ jiù bèi Ābǐ xiě dào kuàiyào hǎo le

this-Cl test_sheet in_a_short_time would Psv. Abi write dào almost done Asp.

'This test sheet was almost done by Abi in a short time.'

13 There were three Mandarin native speakers who were asked about the sentence claiming this sentence is acceptable. Two of them report that the judgment is clear and sharp.

b. ??? Yínháng-lǐ de qián yīxiàzǐ jiù bèi Ābǐ huā dé jǐhū kōng le

bank-Loc. RC money in_a_short_time would Psv. Abi spend dé nerely empty Asp.

'The money in the bank was nearly spent by Abi in a short time.'(intended reading) b'. Yínháng-lǐ de qián yīxiàzǐ jiù bèi Ābǐ huā dào jǐhū kōng le

bank-Loc. RC money in_a_short_time would Psv. Abi spend dào nerely empty Asp.

'The money in the bank was nearly spent by Abi in a short time.'

Though the sentences above contain a construction similar to that of (58) (i.e., a topicalized definite NP, a degree modifier before the RVP and the use of -dé- ), it is reported that in a comparative test, (59a') and (59b') are more natural utterances than their counterparts in (59a) and (59b). Since the structure of (58) is identical with that of (59a) and (59b), it is suspected that there might be some interference with these native speakers' judgment on (58). After all, they all agree that it is less natural for sentences of this structure with -dé- in comparison with those with -dào-.

Secondly, the accessibility of sentence (58) is also likely to be a result of the bilingual backgrounds of the informants. This will be drawn upon in more detail at the end of the next section.