2.2 Facebook and political activities
2.2.2 Facebook use for political expression
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2.2.2 Facebook use for political expression
Recent studies distinguish between informational and expressive blog use (Gil de Zúñiga, 2009; Gil de Zúñiga, Bachmann, Hsu & Brundidge, 2013). They found that consumptive use involves the relatively passive experience of reading blogs, which, although an important part of the process, may not be enough to stimulate political participation. However, expressive use is more active and interactive, which can engage people in a more complex reasoning processes, and then spur citizens’
political involvement (Eveland, 2004; Jung, Kim, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2011). Compared to the information consumption of media, expression is more active and interactive, which can engage users in more complex reasoning processes (Eveland, 2004).
Exercising one’s political voice involves more information processing and the depth of reason, which have been found to be conducive to political engagement (Cho et al., 2009). Therefore, political expression may work to transform netizens from mere observers to participants, leading to political action.
In regard to expressing political views in offline settings publicly, one form of public political expression refers to individuals using bumper stickers for showing their faithfulness to and support for an organization, spreading the message of an interest group, and displaying candidate preferences in a campaign (Endersby &
Towle, 1996). Stanyer (2005) broadened the notion of political expression to the extent and said that it is no longer confined to certain events such as elections nor does it necessarily require the co-presence of others. The public can express its views on political matters via media outlets and new technologies.
In addition to offline political expression among the public, the Internet has facilitated information exchange between users in expressing public opinions (Gil de Zúñiga &Valenzuela, 2011). As interactive features of the Internet were substantiated and expanded by the development of Web 2.0 technology, new online methods of
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opinion sharing have emerged in addition to well-established online interactive methods such as e-mail, instant messaging, electronic bulletin boards, and online chats (Jung et al., 2011). Shah, Cho, Eveland, & Kwak (2005) contended that the Internet has in fact transformed the “expressive potential of the average citizens”
(p. 536) by providing individuals with low-cost opportunities for broad, public expression. Without temporal or geographical limitations, the Internet can dramatically reduce the costs of maintaining a larger social network (Gil de Zúñiga
&Valenzuela, 2011). Gil de Zúñiga,Veenstra, Vraga, & Shah (2010) supported that the Internet may also bring elites and the public closer together, making it easier to express views to elected officials and established journalists. Thus, the ease of communication on the Internet has especially lowered the cost of online political expression.
Gil de Zúñiga et al. (2013) agreed that online expressive behaviors through SNS allowed for the sharing of, and commenting on, ideas, which is comparable to the real-time nature of offline interpersonal political talks. Besides traditional forms of online political communication like chatting online, SNS provides more dynamic political expression (Yamamoto et al. , 2013). Moving beyond a traditional form of offline political discussion and online political chat, SNS offer users opportunities to express political ideas through different forms of context such as text, graphics, and videos. Also, the expressive potential of the average netizens has been transformed, with interactive features of news feeds on SNS as Facebook which allows one’s political expression to be shared with a networked audience simultaneously (Gil de Zúñiga, Molyneux, & Zheng, 2014). SNS enables users to “post, at minimal cost, messages and images that can be viewed instantly by global audiences” (Lupia & Sin, 2003, p.316). With its networked audience, SNS allows users to interweave the private world of family, friends, and personal life with the public sphere of politics
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when making public their personal political expression on these sites (Papacharissi, 2009; Valenzuela, 2013). As Bimber et al. (2005) said, it’s “a set of communication processes involving the crossing of boundaries between private and public life”
(p. 367).
Research about online political expression via SNS for promoting political behaviors has grown significantly in recent years. On the expression of political opinions on blogs, Jung et al. (2011) showed that online political expression such as posting blog posts and comments about current issues and public affair is positively correlated to offline political participation. Valenzuela (2013) also examined the variables of using social media for political expression, including expressing an opinion on political issues and/or public affairs in Chile. The result showed that the use of political expression can lead to participatory behaviors. Gil de Zúñiga et al.
(2014) also supported that political expression via SNS is the strongest predictor for offline political participation compared to SNS use for news and social interactions.
Building on prior studies, we operationalize “Facebook political expression”
as an individual expressing an opinion on political issues or public affairs via Facebook, when the content relates to their political views, interests or participation.
Facebook users could express themselves politically in various forms such as posting personal experiences or thoughts related to politics or campaigns, posting or sharing photos or videos about politics, forwarding someone else’s political commentary to other people, and discussing politics with others. For instance, if users attempt to express their support for gay marriage, they can post updated statuses about their views, share articles that support their views, or changing profile pictures with the symbol of gay marriage. Given the networked nature of SNSs, online political expression might also spark political participation with less politically engaged peers.
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Based on previous literature, this study proposes that
H1: Political expression on Facebook is positively correlated to political participation.
2.2.3 Connection with political actors on Facebook
Facebook offers a platform that allows for constant interactions on an individual’s profile page. In other words, anyone who is “friending” other individuals may see his or her profile, post messages on the profile wall, and even comment on his or her pictures and videos. Although Facebook often serves as a venue for interpersonal communication, it is also popular for forging connections with political figures, some of such accounts still possess millions of followers (Stever & Lawson, 2013). Celebrities create a profile on Facebook and exchange messages with their followers and they may present themselves as an approachable, down-to-earth person (Lee & Jang, 2011). The news feed of Facebook enables political figures to broadcast political content to networked audiences online through which they can reduce psychological distance and establish personal rapport with voters (Utz, 2009).
Facebook appears to be a forum that allows for the possibility that fans might better know the celebrities whom they follow.
According to PEW (2014), the major reason why users follow political figures on SNS is to find out about political news before other people do (41 %), which is followed by other reasons like feeling more personally connected with political candidates or groups (35%), and getting more reliable information than what is available from traditional news organizations (26%). Another research conducted by Pew Research Center survey during the lead-up to the 2014 midterm election showed that 16% of registered voters follow candidates for office, political parties, or elected officials on a social networking site.
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In Taiwan’s 2012 presidential election, the changing way Taiwanese connect with politicians on Facebook pages is especially notable. Both the incumbent president Ma Ying-jeou and challenger Tsai Ing-wen set up Facebook pages and employed them as an election campaigning tool to access the potential voters. The number incumbent president Ma Ying-jeou reached was 1,324,876, while the challenger Tsai Ing-wen was 621,562 (Hill, 2012). Compared to the population of Taiwan at about 23 million, these two figures demonstrate that Facebook played a significant role for political figures in Taiwan. Y.-J. Chen (2013) conducted a study on Taiwanese legislators’ communication strategies to reach their potential voters during the 2011 election periods and the 2012 regular legislative sessions. He found that no matter it’s during election time or legislators’ terms of office, these candidates posted political information and shared their daily life. Chen suggested that although the strategy of using Facebook seems to be more effective than traditional media, legislators should improve the two-way communication with potential voters rather than just making up candidate images and distributing information.
Taken together, these political figures’ profile or fan pages, which provides an opportunity for interaction with political figures, appears to encourage an increased sense of intimacy with the political actors. Moreover, the survey on Hong Kong university students found that the connection with public political actors on Facebook could enhance their political participation (Tang & Lee, 2013). Tang & Lee (2013) contended that building connections with political figures on Facebook can engage people in political participation. Such activity raises theoretical questions that how the interaction between the public figures and their followers on Facebook affects individuals’ political and civic behaviors. In Taiwan, Wang (2013) also found that those who are befriending candidates through adding them as Facebook friends, following them, or joining their fan pages are more likely to vote during the 2012
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presidential election.
Vitak et al. (2011) suggested that future research should also investigate whether individuals who are exposed to more politically active network members develop or explore civic skills and cognitive engagement with political processes, as well as whether certain members of users’ Friend network (i.e., Katz and Lazarsfeld’s
‘‘opinion leaders’’) have a greater impact on political participation. Opinion leaders were defined as the individuals who were likely to influence others’ opinions, attitudes, beliefs, motivations, and behaviors of others through their representative opinions (Katz & Lazarsfeld, 1955). Park (2013) investigated the role of opinion leadership on Twitter for political engagement, he found that opinion leaders on Facebook are expected to motivate Facebook users to get them involved in political activities. Compare to traditional opinion leadership of “two-step flow” process introduced by Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955), he proposed that Twitter opinion leaders engage in a multi-step process, because messages on Twitter tend to be disseminated through numerous intermediary channels. Facebook is also a fruitful soil for opinion leadership formation. It provides an easy communication tool that enables any individual user to share information about their activities, opinions, and status. Those who are highly-connected on Facebook would play a more potential role in creating and distributing information through a multi-step flow.
Based on previous literature, this study proposes that
H 2: Connection with public political actors is positively correlated to political participation.
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2.3 Psychological and behavioral antecedents of political participation
In this thesis, a series of psychological and behavior antecedents of political participation are used as control variables in the analysis. Specifically, the researcher employed political efficacy, partisanship, news media use (newspaper and TV), and political discussion. The first important psychological political factor is political efficacy. Political efficacy was originally taken as a unidimensional concept, which refers to the belief that an individual’s political action does or can make an impact on political matters (Campbell, et al., 1960). The concept of political efficacy has been differentiated into two-dimensional concepts including internal efficacy and external efficacy (Campbell et al.1954; Lane, 1959). Internal efficacy refers to whether one beliefs in one's own ability to understand and participate in politics; while external efficacy refers to whether one sees the political system (government officials and institutions) as responsive to public demands. Past studies have demonstrated the positive impact of internal and external efficacy on political participation (i.e.
Cambell, Converse, Miller, Stokes, 1960; Verba & Nie,1974). However, some activists achieved political changes through coordination with others and advocacy groups at a broader level than the individual. Lee (2006) argued that individual citizens hold different opinions regarding the capabilities of the group as a collective actor. Further refinements were suggested adding another dimension: collective efficacy, “a citizens’ belief in the capabilities of the public as a collective actor to achieve social and political outcomes” (Lee, 2006, p.299). Studies found that the collective culture would play an important role in collective societies similar to internal efficacy in individual societies (Lam et al., 2002; Lee, 2006). For instance, in Lee’s study on Hong Kong society, he found that citizens have a high level of collective efficacy. Also, there were consistent and significant relationships between collective efficacy and participating in rallies and voting in elections. Taiwan, one of
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Chinese societies, was seen as a collectivist culture. Therefore, the study attempts to differentiate political efficacy into three concepts to examine their relationship with political participation. In this thesis, the researcher differentiates political efficacy into three dimensions to examine their separate impact on offline political participation.
The next political variable which the researcher considers is partisanship, the definition of partisanship refers to long-term psychological attachment with a given party, in the form of shared attitudes and beliefs (Campbell et al., 1960). The strength of one’s party identification was proven to promote voting and other political participation (Verbal et al., 1995; Hsiao, 2009). Based on the data from Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (Teds) during 2002 to 2004, Hsiao (2009) found that those who have a higher level of partisanship, they are more likely to be involved with political activities, political efficacy, and voting to those candidates who belonged to their identified parties. To measure the concept of partisanship, it arrays the attachment towards a party in a two-party system5 on a one-dimensional scale, which the middle point is the independent voter (Tsai & Chao, 2008). Those who consider themselves as independent voters indicate that they had a predisposition not to identify with or be bound to a political party (Miller, A. H., & Wattenberg, 1983).
In addition to political psychological antecedents, media exposure is expected to shape offline political participation. Many studies examined the relationship between media use and offline political participation. However, various kinds of media have a differing effect on offline political participation. Newspaper is particularly a strong predictor or traditional participation. Past research has demonstrated a positive relationship between newspaper reading and political participation (Scheufele, & Moy, 1999; Norris, 1996; Shah et al., 2001). Furthermore,
5 In Taiwan’s political system, The Pan-Green alliance and Pan-Blue alliance are two major political alliances in Taiwan. Pan-Blue alliance includes KMT, People’s First Party ,and New Party, .etc.
Pan-Green alliance includes DPP, Taiwan Solidarity Union .etc.
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Shah et al. (2001) found this positive relationship to hold across all generations, including young people who are much less likely to read newspapers. Eveland &
Scheufele (2000) argued that exposure to certain types of media, particularly newspapers, encourages people to reason with issues or about the role of government, this can increase the level of citizens’ political knowledge and efficacy, and then indirectly heighten political participation.
However, Putnam (1995) proposed that media, particularly television, actually deprived people of time spending engaging in political or civic activities. Television viewing have been accused of being the culprits for civic disengagement, whereas newspaper reading has been consistently found to increase civic and political participation. In short, past research illustrates that media consumption does not necessarily impede individuals’ civic and political activities.
Also, scholars suggested that it is not time spent with media that matters but the specific types of media content that influence citizens’ civic and political participation (i.e. Valenzuela et al., 2009). Shah et al. (2001) added that the varied functions served by media and multiple motives of media users should be considered in exerting influence on civic and political participation. For instance, although viewing TV programs, such as science fictions and reality shows, has been found to be negatively related to political participation, long hours of exposure and attention to public affairs programs on television have actually been found to enhance political participation (McLeod et al., 1999; Norris, 1996). Frequency of usage may not enhance political participation. However, it is usage that specifically related politics or public affairs is more likely to promote political participation. Therefore, the researcher measured the concept of media use specifically on political news use. In general, television shares a less consistent relationship with offline political participation compared to newspaper. In addition to news media use, discussing
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politics face to face with family or friends is considered an important factor promoting offline political participation. Various studies have linked offline political discussion with participatory behavior (i.e. McLeod et al., 1999).
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Chapter 3 Methodology
The purpose of this thesis was to examine three forms of political activities on Facebook, namely, Facebook use for political information, Facebook use for political expression, and connection with public political actors on Facebook in relation to offline political participation among the youth of 18 to 35 years of age (As Figure 3.1).
Figure 3.1 Research Model
3.1 Sampling and Data Collection
The empirical study was based on an online questionnaire distributed among the youth of 18 to 35 years old in Taiwan. The age of sampling was chosen because the 2012 white paper of Youth Development Administration (YDA) defined the youth as the individuals at the age range of 15 to 35. Also, their target audience of the programs of public participation is the youth aged 18 to 35. The online questionnaire
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survey was chosen as the research method for this study. The survey on TWNIC (2012) identified Internet users’ different usage patterns based on demographic backgrounds. They found that the proportion of Taiwanese who used the Internet was much higher among young generations (99.72% among those aged 20 to 24). Besides, the thesis aimed to examine young adults’ Facebook use and offline political participation. Dillman (2000) pointed that if the theme of the survey is related to Internet use, an online questionnaire survey is an alternative choice to traditional random sampling. Also, considering that the survey’s target sample is Taiwanese youth aged 18 to 35, an online survey is more likely to access these young adults.
By distributing the questionnaire online, the researcher hoped to find out how Facebook’s political activities influence political participation among these young adults. The data collection was conducted via Survey Monkey. The researcher created the questionnaire and shared the web link (URL) to get responses from target respondents. The online survey was distributed via multiple platforms such as Bulletin Board System (BBS) and the Facebook fan pages or clubs of universities considering that almost every college has their platform for information exchange on BBS and Facebook. However, one main issue needing attention is the low response rate of participants due to lack of incentives. To overcome the problem of incentivizing respondents, the respondents were incentivized to join the random lucky draws and fifteen of them could be awarded the prizes of NT$100 7-11 gift certificate that researcher would provide.
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3.2 Measurement
All measurement of variables are discussed as followed:
Offline political participation was measured by six items adapted from Andolina, Keeter, Zukin, & Jenkins (2003) and Willnat & Aw (2014). Respondents were asked whether during the past 12 months they (1) attended a public hearing or policy seminar; (2) contacted official or political actors via telephone or e-mail; (3) signed a hard copy petition on politics or public affairs; (4) attended a public rally or electoral campaign; (5) participated in any demonstrations, protests, or marches; (6) been involved in public interest groups, political action groups, and party committees.
Voting was not included though, since some of the respondents had not reached the voting age. Answers were recorded as 1 = never, 2= seldom, 3=sometimes, 4=often, and 5 = always so that the higher the number, the more citizens participated in politics.
Responses to each statement were added into a single index (Cronbachα=.859;
M=9.04; SD=3.87；range = 6 to 30).
Facebook use for political information was measured by two items, which were adapted from Gil de Zúñiga, Jung & Valenzuela (2012) and Wu (2013). The scale was the average of respondents' estimation, registered by a 5-point scale, with 1=never, 5=always: (1) I get informed about political issues and current events from
Facebook use for political information was measured by two items, which were adapted from Gil de Zúñiga, Jung & Valenzuela (2012) and Wu (2013). The scale was the average of respondents' estimation, registered by a 5-point scale, with 1=never, 5=always: (1) I get informed about political issues and current events from