As mentioned in the above, the ritual house and men’s house of a chiefly family are an important organizing mechanism. A larger organization, the community, is then built upon the relationships among chiefly families. Besides, ritual houses established or existing for illness-curing purposes are an additional bonding occasion where tribesmen are brought to the same place by a shamanistic diagnosis. Legend has it that the Piniyumayan people are descended from either bamboos or rocks. There is no higher organization above either line of lineage. Even the oral accounts about the place of origin also suggest that the Piniyumayan people share ancestry with other peoples. Does this imply that the incorporated distinction seen in a community is a depiction of inter-ethnic interaction in miniature?
(2) If all the aforementioned communities comprise people of diverse origins, why is
the Puyuma the only one that has developed a dual organization?
Some scholars suggest that a dual organization is not in a static equilibrium, but instead related to the articulations between the natives and the external forces throughout history (Gelles 1995). Such dual organization even ‘serve as channels for the struggle for dominance between contending groups, or the imposition of domination by one group upon another’ or as Claude Lévi-Strauss believed, “dualistic structures, whether social or purely symbolic, must be understood as devices for the imposition of hierarchy” (Turner 1991:217; see also Turner 1984). In this regard, the features of ‘Powerful Raera and Sacred PasarraD’ demonstrate the nature of the Puyuma community’s composition. They also exemplify the complicated process of the natives’ articulation with powerful outsiders. Besides, theories regarding how an external power is incorporated to the internal hierarchical order are embodied by the evolution of the relationships among chiefly families—from distinction between
‘natives’ and ‘newcomers’ to articulation and distinction between ‘the autochthonous’
and ‘the foreign’. Perhaps, more profound analyses will be generated if more ethnographic data—especially on other communities apart from KatipuL and Puyuma—are collected.
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Adopting children and becoming Tahitian?
Tung, Yuan-chao Department of Anthropology
National Taiwan University
[email protected]
Adoption is commonly observed in Oceania. This issue drew the attention of
anthropologists working on Pacific islands in the 1960s and 1970s (Treide 2004). Two edited volumes resulted from this period (Carroll 1970; Brady 1976). Few articles of these two volumes examined adoption practices involving residents of different islands. Lieber (1990) in a later work on cultural identity deals with adoption between Kapinga and Pohnpeians. To what extent can adoption incorporate outsiders and transform them? How different are the outsiders? There is a population of Chinese immigrants and their descendents in French Polynesia. How are they engaged in adoption practices? What do the practices mean to them? How have the practices and their meanings changed? In this paper, I argue that in addition to an emphasis on having sons to continue patrilineal lines, Chinese male household heads are likely to be involved with circulation of children if they are married to Tahitian women.
Tahitian practices of faa’amu(to feed) often take place between grandparents and grandchildren. Tahitian grandparents take in grandchildren including ones by Chinese parents. Since the 1990s, intensifying government regulations concerning parental authority have made faa’amu problematic and largely replaced by legal adoption.