Kabaliwa

Kabaliwa is the one of the most ancestrally important places in the Taromak’s landscape. It is a gradually sloped hillside with several flat areas and steep cliffs near the

riverbanks. This terrain made a suitable place for constructing a village because of its topographical protection and safety from enemy invasion, landslides and flooding.

Originally all the clans lived together in the Kabaliwa area in separate groups of houses.

The population of Kabaliwa was rather small, until many Western Rukai immigrated, along with Paiwan people. Eventually Kabaliwa had approximately 200 households and was a powerful village in the region that maintained a large traditional territory in comparison to their population size.

In Xie’s thesis he estimates the total number of households in Kabaliwa to be around 157, which he separates into eight distinct areas. Table 2.3.2, is based on his research conducted in the mid 1960’s.

Area Name Noble

Sub-Noble

Commoner Han Chinese

Total

Paliu (Balius) 36 6 32 0 74

Tatasi 0 1 4 0 5 Taipulen

(Taibelreng)

4 0 0 0 4

Lulon 2 0 7 0 9 Kabaliwa

Likilikiia 0 0 3 1 4 Onasi

(‘Angasa)

0 0 24 0 31

Ataiin (‘Adayn)

7 0 24 0 31

Tatelaa 1 0 5 0 6

Total 50 7 99 1 157

Table 1

Kabaliwa areas and class households (Source: Xie 1965:55)

During my research, the settlement of Kabaliwa was described slightly

differently then Xie’s account⁷⁰. The center of Kabaliwa, called Kacekelra or Kacekelre (meaning the true village), was the residential area of all the original Taromak people who migrated from Mount KinDoor. The center of Kacekelra is called Balius, which as described by Xie (1965) is the location of the Chief’s original house. Balius means to stack or pile up and one story among many of how this area came to be called Balius is that when the Taromak encountered the Dutch at ‘Inaranaka, they brought the Dutch heads back to the Chief’s house and piled them up there. To the north up the hill from Kacekelra is Taibelreng, which sits above the main village and may be a pre-Kabaliwa era settlement site, as described in Chapter Two, section I, topic 2. Taibelreng (Belreng meaning above) was a cultivation area, but as the village spread, many people converted their Dawana (working hut) to houses and the area gradually became a settlement. Down the hill to the south of Kacekelra near the river is an area called Katuka, which was originally an agricultural area and not settled. To the east of Kacekelra was ‘Adayn

70According to Xie (1965:55-57), Kabaliwa, Onasi, Adai’an and Tatelaa were all separate settlements.

Onasi was situated to the south of Kabaliwa and was made up of mainly Western Rukai commoners and nobles. Because this group was made up of outsiders, the noble families were considered commoners.

Adai’an consisted of 31 households of Paiwan tribe immigrants mainly from Kali village’s Lavanavana noble clan. Tatelaa, located to the West of Adai’an was a settlement of commoners. Kabaliwa can be separated into five areas, which include Likilikiia, Lulon, Tatasi, Balius, and Taibelreng. Balius was the social and geographical center of the settlements with most of the population, all six chief family households, and the two men’s houses. Xie also describes the meaning of some of these place names within the Kabaliwa region, listed in appendix 2.

Figure 9 Colonial era Kabaliwa (Source of copy unknown by informant).

(discussed in Chapter Two, section II, topic 2), a settlement of Paiwan tribesman, and is now a betel nut plantation. Originally, to enter Kacekelra by road, one had to first pass

‘Adayn, which had a guard post. This settlement, as well as ‘Angasa to the west, protected central Kabaliwa from enemy attack. Above ‘Adayn and to the east of Taibelreng lies ‘Adangasa and Gonggong, both of which are taboo places where it was taboo to cut the forest for cultivation⁷¹. To the west of Kacekelra is the immigrant western Rukai settlement, ‘Angasa, which is currently the boundary between the

Taromak’s reservation land and forestry bureau land. Stone structures can still be found here (figure 10), as well as fruit and betel nut trees in this area, which were planted by the ancestors of the Taromak.

After the Japanese removed the Taromak from Kabaliwa in the mid 1920’s, the area was abandoned and the settlement area eventually became agricultural land. From then on the original stone slate houses were destroyed by both local Taromak as well as Han Chinese developers (Tseng 1991:4). Nama B remembers his father’s house located

71Naina A told a story of how at the taboo place, Ad’Angasa a Airang tried to use a backhoe to develop the land for cultivation, but as soon as the backhoe scoop hit the ground it broke. After fixing the backhoe they tried again repeatedly and even brought in Taoist priests to remove any evil spirits, but still the backhoe could not break the ground.

Figure 10 Stone Wall at ‘Angasa (Photo: Caleb Portnoy)

in ‘Angasa, and how it was destroyed by a backhoe, driven by a local for cultivation and goat raising in the 1980’s.

“Someone was digging with a backhoe there, ‘Why are you digging it up?’ ‘I bought this land.’…There used to be tens of houses there, but now you can’t see them. I can’t even find my father’s house! It’s really too bad! At that time no one was asking about our mother language, about our traditional territory, that had not started yet.”

The destruction of traditional houses in Kabaliwa is often discussed in light of the abandonment of the village, the privatization of land, the development of market-based agriculture, and the use of tools such as the backhoe or excavator. Colonial implemented institutions, and contemporary tools, have actively made their mark on the physical state of the landscape, and have influenced the cultural development of the Taromak.

Although most of these ancestral houses, which traditionally were of great importance to the Rukai (See Cheng 2000) have been lost, since the mid 1990’s reconstruction has taken place, and the active power of Kabaliwa to shape the Taromak collective is being strengthened⁷².

Kabaliwa is an extremely important place in Taromak because it has the ability to connect the Taromak with their ancestors, and explain the current state of their society.

The transition from life in Kabaliwa to life at the base of their mountains is viewed as a pivotal period in the development of the community. The loss of their traditions

encapsulated in place at Kabaliwa is stirred in some by the toppled stone slate buildings that lie on the ground crushed by backhoes. This loss is not felt by all the Taromak, but enough have been inspired by their ancestral connection to Kabaliwa to base a big part of their cultural revival near the central site of the Chief’s old house. Thus, Kabaliwa as a place has the power to re-inspire locally specific relations with the landscape, as well as stimulate conflict with human and non-human entities that block connections with the ancestral past.

IV. SPIRITUAL LANDSCAPE

Spirituality has played an important role in the relations between the Taromak and their landscape. The spirit world, which thrived beyond the safe confines of the village was a place where rules had to be obeyed, and particular elements of the forests had to be

72Discussed in Chapter IV, section 1, topic 3.

respected in order to ensure ones individual survival, and the success of the community.

Spiritual places within the landscape will be discussed in more detail here, along with particularly important spiritual structures, and the key totem animal, the Hundred Pace Snake. These spiritual elements of the environment will help reveal how the Taromak viewed their place in the world, and what role the landscape played in determining the Taromak’s socio-cultural complex.

The Rukai traditionally believed that all things had spirits (Aidrilringa), and these spirits governed the success and failures of humans (omas). Chiao (2001:24-25)

separates the traditional Rukai spirit world into 5 types⁷³ several of which are directly related to realms of the landscape that influence and are influenced by humans and their actions.

The Taromak’s spiritual world is not necessarily something that can be separated into neat analytical units, but their traditional cosmological view can be briefly touched on here. The highest level of the spiritual world is called Yabelreng (belreng meaning up, or above), which they currently equate with the idea of a Heaven. The creator of

mankind is known as Toa’omas (omas meaning human, Toa meaning to create or foster).

Following these are a variety of Aidrilringa, which include ancestral spirits as well as bad ghosts known as Babala. The Earth is known as Kiaza’obo ki subeleBelreng, meaning the place covered by the very high⁷⁴. Below the earth there also exists an underworld inhabited by the Suadryadring, spiritual beings that according to legends, long ago provided the Taromak with millet.

73Chiao’s (2001:24-25) categorization of the Rukai spirit world:

1. The first is related to hunting, this spiritual category governed the success of the hunt.

2. The second is related to mental and physical well being, therefore if one got sick, it was to this spiritual world that reconciliation must be obtained.

3. The third category was the ghosts of people who died unexpectedly outside of the settlement and continue to haunt the surrounding forests. In order to appease these ghosts, before one eats, they must drop a portion of food or drink to share.

4. The fourth category includes the ancestral spirits who died natural deaths.

5. The fifth category is a spiritual entity called Taididingana (Chiao calls these places Aililinane, but according to my informants the name for these places sounds more like Taididingana) which exist in particular places outside of the settlement and have their own characters and powers. When one enters a Taididingana place, they must obey certain taboos such as talking too loud, wearing certain clothes, etc. The result of not adhering to these taboos was often sickness.

74Kiaza’obo meaning ‘covered’, and subeleBelreng meaning ‘the very high’.

The well being of a person’s spirit (abak), as well as the well being of the family and tribe were largely dependent on the ceremonial activities of individuals and the community. Everything from praying before consuming goods, to praying before leaving a place and then upon arrival, to larger ceremonial prayer such as during the millet

harvest festival, were all ways of protecting the individual or community from calamity, and ensuring good fortune, which was governed by the array of aidrilringa (spirits) that inhabited places in the landscape. Momo A describes what is to be said when one arrives at a destination point in the landscape, such as a hunting territory,

“We say, Gusagai’yaBelreng kakuranakwa (Heaven take pity on me), I’ve arrived at this place. I come from the generations of old, from my grandparents.

I have come to this place not to injure you, I have brought gifts for you.

Whenever I come I will definitely bring gifts for you. Do not injure me. The plants and things you have but don’t need, give to me. Take pity on me.’ Then we give some betel nut, cigarettes, food, or what ever you have. Then we say ‘I have given you these things, do not harm me. My grandparents are from here, agana sunakua (I am your grandchild), I have brought you things, I am not just anyone, I am your lalaka (child). Take care of me, do not harm me. When I come back here I will definitely share what I have with you, please give me whatever you do not need.’ But you shouldn’t say give me your best stuff!”.

Prayers such as these are common and even children (although they may use a Christian style prayer) continue to pray before entering a stream to play in the water. This prayer is not only a symbolic act of protection from harm. It orients the individual to the

landscape as a family relative and reestablishes a reciprocal relationship of exchange between the individual and the spirits of the landscape that govern its contents. This ceremonial act also reduces unchecked predatory behaviors that could harm either the individual or the landscape. This relationship is based on the fact that the individual’s ancestors are not only from that place, but also continue to be active parts of the landscape. Thus, the landscape is an embodiment of the ancestors with which the Taromak continue their relationship by enacting ceremonial exchanges on hunting trips or while visiting places outside the village.

According to the Taromak’s traditional beliefs, the body and mind of a person were very susceptible to spiritual powers that inhabit their landscape and could harm them if appropriate behaviors are not adhered to. When one got sick, and everyday folk remedies could not cure a patient, it was the responsibility of the female shamans, Siya’elreng, to communicate with the spirit world for a diagnosis and treatment plan. If

someone died in the village, an appropriate funeral ceremony will begin, which prohibits family members of the deceased from leaving the settlement to work in the mountains.

Once the spirit is gone from the body, and the funeral ceremony is underway, the body would be buried in the ground under the family’s house to keep his abak from roaming away from his home. Traditionally the bodies of the Taromak would face east towards the rising sun, Talawa (meaning place of the rising sun), with their heads pointing west.

Besides the consistent positioning of the bodies pointing west, facing east, all houses in Kabaliwa face with their front doors east. A precise explanation of this traditional

direction system was not acquired during this study, but could provide interesting clues to the traditional Taromak orientation system⁷⁵.

1. Taididingana

As discussed above, the Taromak’s landscape is covered in place names that describe different aspects, and contain valuable information. Many of these places are known as Taididingana, which can be translated to ‘spirit place’ or a taboo place. These are places where the spirits roam and can easily inflict harm on a person if certain taboos are not adhered to.

The Taidrengelr area discussed in Chapter Two, section III, topic 1 is a good example of Taididingana in that it is a place with many spirits and taboos. Some of the taboos of Taidrengelr include: not disturbing the water, covering children in a shroud, and not speaking loudly. If these taboos are broken the skies will immediately cover in clouds, and a heavy rain will fall. Another example is Viriviri, discussed above in section II, topic 3, where women must hide their face as they pass. If they show their face to the spirit at Viriviri, or especially if they pee in that place, they will become pregnant (maboy), and die during the pregnancy. This has happened during some of the elder’s lifetimes. Across from Viriviri in a flat area at the bank of the river is another

Taididingana called Kakalinginga. This place was originally part of the Taromak’s territory until the Forestry Bureau took it, then sold it to a villager from the Da-Nan

75 Nama I pointed out, “People must face the light of the rising sun (Talawa), you can’t turn you back to the light!”. Another explanation for the positioning of front doors in Kabaliwa on the east or southeast side of houses is that the mountain slope faces that direction and was a more reasonable than facing the hill behind houses.

bridge⁷⁶. After many attempts to develop the land there for agriculture, and build a house, the new land owner’s projects failed, and their brother’s died. Soon the mother simply left the land abandoned. According to Momo A, this was a popular exercising area for spirits, which prohibited people from developing the land there. Near to the northeast of Kabaliwa lies another Taididingana called ‘Adangasa⁷⁷, and the nearby Gonggong. The water used in Kabaliwa originally flowed through these places, and the collection of wood and other materials from this area, as well as speaking loudly, was prohibited.

These spirit areas are said to be inhabited mainly by smaller evil spirits called Babala, while other places hold larger more powerful spirits.

Before the Japanese and KMT governments exploited the rich timber resources in the Taromak’s landscape, there were many enormous cypress and other types of trees.

These trees are called Dalrla’a and are homes and places for mountain gods and ancestral spirits to rest during the day. Besides being extremely difficult to fell, these trees were traditionally not to be cut because of their value as a home for the spirits, and those that disturbed them would become sick and die.

The most powerful spirits that inhabit the landscape could be found at Talrolroda ki adadinga, meaning the places where the spirits walk. Talrolroda ki adadinga are located mainly along mountain ridges and especially where two ridges meet. For

example Taidrengelr, the land above Sasuaya, and the ridges near Hong-Ye are known as these places. Between the months of April and May an enormous and very dangerous type of spirit called a Mulukulukuda roam the area and must be avoided or else one will begin to cough up blood and quickly die. To avoid being harmed by a Mulukulukuda the Taromak would not pass mountain ridges at night, and if they had to they would bring a torch. They would absolutely not sleep there or try to build anything there, and when they passed they would first forcefully breathe out (like a small cough) three times, than cross the ridge.

76By pointing out that someone is from the Da-Nan bridge, it often signifies that they are not part of the original village and are from another village, or are Han Chinese.

77Ad’Angasa is the site of the entrance cave to the underworld where the Taromak obtained millet from the Suadiading spirits. Once, a pregnant woman carrying a child on her back stopped to rest while exiting the cave and was turned to stone by the Suadiading, thus blocking the entrance to the underworld.

The talrolroda ki adadinga were dangerous places⁷⁸ that needed to be traversed with caution, and respected for the powerful spirits that inhabited them. These places in the landscape are points where the reciprocal relations (See Descola 1996:82-102) between the Taromak and the spirits of their surrounding landscape were maintained.

But they were also points where at times the predatory nature of evil spirits could take advantage of unfortunate individuals by eating them alive.

Taididingana, the spirit places, are important parts of the Taromak’s traditional territory in that they are active sites for the Taromak to relate with a variety of spiritual elements of their landscape. By respecting and taking steps to avoid the dangerous and predatory spirits that surrounded their village, the Taromak prevented calamity. By maintaining reciprocal relations with ancestral and other spirits located in the forests, the extraction of goods necessary for the sustenance of the community could be guaranteed.

Successful relations with the landscape ensured the prosperity of the nature-culture collective, and as Momo A pointed out this relationship was based on the Taromak’s place as a familial member of their territory. In the traditional belief system of the

Successful relations with the landscape ensured the prosperity of the nature-culture collective, and as Momo A pointed out this relationship was based on the Taromak’s place as a familial member of their territory. In the traditional belief system of the