Chapters 4 and 5 examine two major issues: the asymmetrical dependence of these countries vis-à-vis the PRC –examined in detail in Chapter 2, which analyzes the
1.2.1. General Literature on Sino-Latin American Relations
1.2.1.1. Literature on the Role of Complementarity
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Latin America (Teng 2010139; Hsiang 2009140). The visits that reflect the PRC’s
“Presidential Diplomacy” towards Brazil and Argentina will be examined in detail in Chapters 3, 4 and 5 of this study. However, and just to point out the importance they have for Sino-Brazilian and Sino-Argentine relations, it should be emphasized that in the observed period (2000-2010), several visits by presidents of these countries were paid:
regarding Sino-Brazilian relations, there have been six visits (three on each side, as detailed below), and five in Sino-Argentine relations (two State visits by Chinese presidents and three by their Argentine counterparts).
Visits by Chinese presidents to both countries include the State Visits by President Jiang in April 2001 (he had already visited them in November 1993) and President Hu in November 2004 (after his first visit a decade before, in 1994) and in April 2010 (this visit only included Brazil, just like the schedule followed by then-Vice President Xi’s visit in February 2009, with Argentina being omitted in both cases). The three presidential visits were reciprocated by an equal number of visits paid by Brazilian President Lula (State visits in May 2004 and May 2009, plus another visit in August 2008 for the Beijing Olympic Games)141 and three State visits made by Argentine Presidents de la Rúa in September 2000, Kirchner in June 2004 and –after postponing it in January 2010– by Fernández de Kirchner in July that year. These visits constitute a clear indicator of, on the one hand, the broad and inclusive policy of the Chinese government to secure access to energy supply sources in the region, and numerous visits by Chinese and Latin American officials underscore the fact that Sino-Brazilian and Sino-Argentine relations are being arranged at the highest diplomatic levels of these countries.
1.2.1.1. Literature on the Role of Complementarity
The advantages and opportunities that China offers Latin American countries (mutually beneficial trade exchanges based on economic complementarity, rather than traditional politico-military ties) are considered to clearly outweigh the challenges that the PRC also represents for the region, which has grown significantly in recent years to a very significant extent fuelled by Chinese demand. (Teng 2007142; Hsiang 2009; Sun
139 Teng,“Democracy, “Development and China Acquisition of Oil in the Third World,” 105-124.
140 Antonio C. Hsiang, “China rising in Latin America: more opportunities than challenges”, in Journal of Emerging Knowledge on Emerging Markets 1, No. 1 (November 2009): 33-47.
See also Antonio C. Hsiang, “Bush's Policy toward Latin America,” in Orbis 47, No. 1 (Winter 2003): 59–
72.
141 Having been elected president in October 2010 and sworn-in on January 1, 2011, Dilma Rousseff (羅塞 夫) paid her first State visit to the PRC on April 2011, only a few months after having taken office.
See: “Visita da Presidenta Dilma Rousseff à China - Pequim, 11 a 13 de abril de 2011” – Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil – April 11, 2011.
http://www.itamaraty.gov.br/sala-de-imprensa/notas-a-imprensa/visita-da-presidenta-dilma-rousseff-a-china-pequim-11-a-13-de-abril-de-2011-programa-de-imprensa
142 Chung-chian Teng, “Hegemony or Partnership: China’s Strategy and Diplomacy toward Latin America,” in China and the Developing World: Beijing’s Strategy for the Twenty-First Century, ed. J.
Eisenman, E. Heginbotham and D. Mitchell (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2007): 84-112.
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2009143; Devlin, Estevadeordal, and Rodríguez-Clare 2006144; Lederman, Olarreaga and Perry 2009145)
However, some of the implications of the aforementioned complementarity do not seem to fully correspond with the South-South cooperation framework that the PRC proposes Sino-Latin American relations should be considered in. China’s insistence in often identifying itself as a Third World nation who has suffered colonial rule and intervention (Teng 2007) seems to downplay its present economic leverage and the asymmetry it implies for its relations with Latin America, thus provoking heated debate:
on the one hand, most Chinese scholars put forward the argument that China’s projected image of a “good neighbour” and “responsible rising power” concerned by common, peaceful and mutually beneficial development whose terms of trade “are completely distinct from colonial antecedents” (Jiang 2011146) and accurately reflects Beijing’s South-South agenda for the region (Jiang 2008147; Yan and Sun, 2010148). A minority of Latin American scholars seem to agree with this view, although with slight variations – such as the concept of a “selective and hierarchical South-South cooperation” based on the greater economic or political leverage (“expressão”) that certain actors –which are
“emerging powers and/or regional powers”– have vis-à-vis others (de Oliveira 2012149).
On the other hand, a significant number of scholars –mostly Latin American, but also Chinese presenting an “alternative” view150– have hold a different view, claiming that the asymmetry between these countries (Domínguez 2006151) and trade patterns among them would show that, as a matter of fact, relations resemble more of
143 Sun Hongbo, “Oil and Gas Cooperation between China and Latin America: opportunities, obstacles and countermeasures [Zhongguo yu Lamei Youqi de Jiyu, Zhangai he Duice]” in International Petroleum Economics (Guoji Shiyou Jingji) (March 2009): 18-26; “Zhongguo yu Lamei youqi hezuo: zhanlue rongru yu yewu chengzhang”, in International Petroleum Economics (Guoji Shiyou Jingji) (January-February 2011): 72-77, 83.
144 Robert Devlin, Antoni Estevadeordal, and Andrés Rodríguez-Clare, The Emergence of China:
opportunities and challenges for Latin America and the Caribbean (Washington, D.C.: Inter-American Development Bank, 2006); Devlin et al., “What Does China Mean for Latin America?”, in Enter the Dragon?: China's Presence in Latin America, ed. C. Arnson et al. (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2007): 3-8.
145 Daniel Lederman, Marcelo Olarreaga and Guillermo E. Perry, China’s and India’s Challenge to Latin America: Opportunity or Threat? (Washington, DC: The World Bank, 2009).
146 Shixue Jiang, “Ten Key Questions”, in China Engages Latin America: Tracing the Trajectory, ed.
Adrian H. Hearn and José Luis León-Manríquez (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2011): 51-66.
147Shixue Jiang, “The Chinese Foreign Policy Perspective”, in China’s Expansion into the Western Hemisphere: implications for Latin America and the United States, ed. Riordan Roett and Paz, Guadalupe (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008): 27-43.
148 Yan Jin and Hongbo Sun, “Sino-Latin American Cooperation: Opportunities vs. Obstacles (Zhong-La Hezuo: Jiyu vs. Zhang Ai)”, in China Petrochem (Zhongguo Shiyou Shihua) 2 (January 2010): 42-43.
149 Henrique Altemani de Oliveira, Brasil e China: Cooperação Sul-Sul e parceria estratégica (Belo Horizonte: Fino Traço Editora, 2012)
150 Lanxin Xiang, “An alternative Chinese View”, in China’s Expansion into the Western Hemisphere:
implications for Latin America and the United States, ed. Riordan Roett and Guadalupe Paz (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008): 54, 44-58.
151 Jorge Domínguez, China’s Relations with Latin America: Shared Gains, Asymmetric Hopes (Boston:
Inter-American Dialogue Working Paper, 2006)
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South” exchanges in which one party imports mainly –if not exclusively– raw materials and commodities from the other, while exports manufactured and industrial products to it (González 2008152; Ricupero 2009153; Oviedo 2010154; Dessell Peters 2011155; Dussel Peters, Jenkins and Mesquita Moreira 2008156; Gallagher and Porzencanski 2010157; Malena 2011158; Arnson and Davidow, 2007159 and 2011160; Hirst 2008161) with authors pointing out that these patterns apply even to countries with which the PRC has established “strategic partnerships” –like Brazil (Tavares Maciel and Kedal 2011162) and Argentina (Oviedo 2010)– and emphasizing that China has good reasons not to consider a
“partner” as an “equal in strategic power and economic strength” (Ricupero 2009)– and warning that precautions must be taken in order to endure that “China’s win-win arrangements don’t just mean that China wins twice” (Myers 2011163).
In this regard, it has been pointed out that the increasingly important role that China will have for Latin America –a region where the PRC “is on the rise, but has not yet risen” (Teng 2007)– will further deepen its conception of Latin American countries as a source of supplies (petroleum, foodstuff, minerals and other raw materials) that allows China to minimize disruption risks by diversifying its providers (Teng 2007; Altemani de
152 Francisco González, “Latin America in the Economic Equation–Winners and Losers: What can Losers Do?”, in China’s Expansion into the Western Hemisphere: implications for Latin America and the United States, ed. R. Roett and G. Paz (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008): 148-169.
153 R. Ricupero, “China-Brasil, relação assimétrica”, Folha de São Paulo, May 24, 2009.
http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/dinheiro/fi2405200903.htm (accessed May 3, 2009).
154 Eduardo D. Oviedo, Historia de las Relaciones Internacionales entre Argentina y China 1945-2010 (Buenos Aires: Dunken, 2010)
See also Eduardo D. Oviedo, “Argentina Facing China: Modernization, Interests and Economic Relations Model” in East Asia 30, No. 1 (March 2013): 7-34
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12140-012-9184-1/fulltext.html
155 Enrique Dussel Peters, “China’s Challenge to Latin American Development”, in China Engages Latin America: Tracing the Trajectory, ed. Adrian H. Hearn and José Luis León-Manríquez (Boulder, CO:
Lynne Rienner, 2011): 91-102.
156 Enrique Dussel Peters, Rhys Jenkins and Mauricio Mesquita Moreira, “The Impact of China on Latin America and the Caribbean”, in World Development 36, No. 2 (2008): 235-253.
157 Kevin Gallagher and Roberto Porzecanski, “China and the Future of Latin American Economic Development,” in The Oxford Handbook of Latin American Economics, ed. Ocampo, José Antonio, and Ros, Jaime (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2011)
158 Jorge E. Malena, “China and Argentina: Beyond the Quest for Natural Resources”, in China Engages Latin America: Tracing the Trajectory, ed. Adrian H. Hearn and José Luis León-Manríquez (Boulder, CO:
Lynne Rienner, 2011): 257-280.
159 Cynthia J. Arnson and Jeffrey Davidow, Enter the Dragon?: China's Presence in Latin America (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2007).
160 Ibid.
161 Monica Hirst, “A South-South Perspective”, in China’s Expansion into the Western Hemisphere:
implications for Latin America and the United States, ed. Riordan Roett and Paz, Guadalupe (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008): 90-110.
162 Rodrigo Tavarez Maciel and Dani K. Nedal, “China and Brazil: Two Trajectories of a Strategic Partnership”, in China Engages Latin America: Tracing the Trajectory, ed. Adrian H. Hearn and José Luis León-Manríquez (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2011): 235-256.
163 Margaret Myers, Kirk Sherr and Roger Tissot, “How Is China Changing Latin America's Energy Sector?”, Inter-American Dialogue, July 22, 2011.
http://www.thedialogue.org/page.cfm?pageID=32&pubID=2710 (accessed July 23, 2011).
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Oliveira 2012, Ellis 2009164). It has also been highlighted that, when attempts to add value to their products are made by Latin American countries, tensions with the PRC might be created unless special attention is paid to policy coordination processes (Oviedo 2010). The “over-exaggeration” of economic optimism and political pessimism about the implications of Chinese involvement in the region has been pointed out by Jenkins (Jenkins 2010165).
1.2.1.2. Literature on China’s Model of Economic Development as an Alternative