Identity in the Multicultural Context
Ⅱ. Regional Identity
Broadly speaking, regional identity is not concerned merely with identity derived strictly from certain locality, but also implicates one‟s cognition and sense of belonging. Therefore, regional identity refers to a process in which individuals or groups interact and are socialized within a region and for which they have certain significant affection; over time, they come to define themselves as members of that region (Chapman 7). Regardless of nationality, most
Zainichi settles in or near Korean communities. Such particular geopolitics leads to their
development of ethnic identities. Furthermore, the evolution of cultures in diverse regions causes individuals‟ regional identities to diverge and exercise an influence on their social
interactions, which are clearly reflected in their social networks.
Moreover, individuals might construct standards of judgment toward other groups. For example, individuals develop preconceived notions and previous experiences when they interact with others (Chapman 7). Unfortunately, individuals with a regional identity which
stresses ethnic characteristics might generate a more distinct boundary between “self” and
“other”. Compared with members of the second and third generation, first generation Zainichi
seem more obviously to hold preconceived notions of distinguishing between “self” and
“other” tied to regional identity, and appear little interested in being permanent residents of
Japan (Chapman 6). In this section, I analyze the limitation of regional identity which implies the ethnic characteristics and Lee‟s view concerning the concept of regional identity in
Pachinko.
An effective strategy writers often adopt to invoke national consciousness is to reframe the collective memories and ethnical experiences derived from adversity, such as colonization or massacres, and the locales referenced sometimes carry metaphorical meaning tied to their motherlands, as in the case of, the Korean ghetto in Osaka, Ikaino. Different generation of
Zainichi living in Ikaino presents two notions of regional identity. First, the individuals adhere
strictly to their Korean ethnicity and appear quite alienated from social life in Osaka,
considering it merely a place for work and temporary residence. For example, while Yesob (Sunja‟s brother-in-law) awaits the arrival of Isak and Sunja at Osaka Station, his mood and
behaviors vividly demonstrate his incompatibility with circumstances. “When Yesob Baek tired
of shifting his weight from one foot to the other, he paced about the Osaka train station like a man in a cell. If he‟d come with a friend, he would‟ve been to keep still just by shooting the
breeze, but he was alone” (97).
Lee points out that while Yesob does stand in the spacious Osaka Station, he is jumpy as if confined to a small cell. His shiftiness as he keeps balance reveals his obvious anxiety. If he were accompanied by close friends or peers, their presence might ease his anxiety.
Unfortunately, he was alone. This passage reveals how little first generation Zainichi interacts with Japanese society; they bear Korean ethnicity strictly and deliberately avoid interacting with any Japanese people they happen to meet. Lee raises the question of whether Yesob‟s discomfort is a result of homeless wandering through two cultures, and whether the strict concept of ethnicity might lead to a permanent psychological sense of homelessness and racial discrimination.
From appearances alone, he could approach any Japanese and receive a polite smile, but he‟d lose the welcome as soon as he said anything. He was a Korean, after all and
no matter how appealing his personality, unfortunately he belonged to a cunning and wily tribe…Korean are natural troublemakers. After living in Japan for over a
decade, Yesob had heard it all. (97)
Even after they have lived in Japan for decades, Japanese society continues to reject Zainichi on every level, and to regard them as strangers. To judge by appearances, Yesob presents as native Japanese; however, once his Korean identity is exposed, the Japanese treat him as a
peculiarity look. Lee here situates the antonyms, “receive” and “lose,” to allude to Yesob‟s contradictions and identity crisis. Even in Japan, Yesob stands abashed at the casual rebuke that
Zainichi are a sly people and known troublemakers.
In this passage, Lee explores the exclusivity of Japanese society. Zainichi communities do
not merely vacillate between Korea and Japan but are stuck in the predicament of being unable to integrate into Japanese culture. As a result of their exclusion, their regional identity is neither Korean nor Japanese, but confused. The people in the Osaka Station also pass critical judgment on Sunja‟s hanbok.18
“Sunja pulled her jacket closer to her body, aware of the passerby staring
at her traditional dress. No one else in the station was wearing a hanbok” (100). Hanbok is a costume signifying her Korean roots, however, in Osaka, Sunja‟s hanbok also marks her out as other. Make aware of the gaze of these strangers, Sunja pulls her coat tight to hide the hanbok, suddenly reminded of her perceived incompatibility with this new land, and simultaneously made to feel a sense of strangeness in this environment.As regional identity confusion poses a dilemma for the first generation of Zainichi and frustrates their adaptation to the new environment, rather than a settlement, the image of Osaka is transformed into an impregnable, monstrous stone construction, “[T]he Western-style
building was like nothing she (Sunja) had ever seen before─a stone and concrete behemoth”
(101). Compared with the bustling streets of Osaka, the Koreans slum, Ikaino, seems very delicate. An extremely backward and dirty inner-city slum, Ikaino remains relatively isolated
18 “Hanbok” is traditional clothing in Korean culture.
from prosperous Osaka.
Ikaino was a misbegotten village of sorts, comprised of mismatched, shabby houses…Matted newspapers and tar paper covered the windows from inside, and
wooden shims were used to seal up the cracks. The metal used on the roof was often rusted through…[c]hildren, half-dressed in rags, played tags, ignoring the drunken man asleep in the alley…Pig squeals came from the house next door with the tar-
papered windows. (102-103)
Lee describes Ikaino with cool and dark tones, and such terms as “matted, tar, metal, rusted, and rags,” to vividly juxtapose the harsh, grey murky environment of the slum with the wide streets and bright shops of the city, Osaka.
To Japanese eyes, Ikaino is a warren of illegal buildings, a den of bandits and thieves, and a barnyard in which people live with poultry. Taken together, it presents an image of Koreans
as a low creature, nearly animal themselves. Yesob even remarks bitterly, “[T]his place is fit for only pig and Koreans, Yesob said, laughing. It‟s not quite like home, is it?” (102). The
environment might be linked to the slander, “Korean are natural troublemakers,” (97) as the Japanese associate Koreans with animals lacking the ability to perceive proper human language and a propensity to cause tension and conflicts. Unfortunately, such racial discrimination prevents Zainichi communities from upholding their basic dignity. After she experiences the harsh environment of Ikaino, Sunja‟s culture shockis all the more obvious.
In this harsh environment, thieves are rampant and neighbors highly suspicious of each
other. Thus, Yesob warns Isak and Sunja with a cautious and serious tone,
There were many different kinds of Koreans lived in Ikaino, and they had learned to be wary of the deceitfulness and criminality among them… You don‟t understand what it‟s like here…Try to avoid talking to the neighbors, and never ever let anyone in the house…You have to be careful. Just because they‟re Korean doesn‟t mean they‟re our friends. (104-105)
This passage singles out the reality that life is more dangerous and full of suffering than Sunja has imaged, and due to the ignorance of the Osaka police, crimes are free to act. On the first night in Osaka, Sunja hears a group of drunken Korean men outside the house singing the traditional Korean folksong, “Arirang, arirang, arariyo─,” (113) and is struck by a strong
feeling of nostalgia. Paradoxically, her Hanbok, the Korean food Kyunghee cooks in the small kitchen, and a group of drunks singing a Korean folksong outside, the memories about her hometown seem to be even more incompatible then.
Under the influence of colonization, a large number of people migrate or are exiled from countries to countries since the 19th century. Whether it is exile or immigration, this kind of diaspora has attracted writers‟ attention in the 20th century. Due to the diasporic experiences, those immigrants establish diverse perspective on culture identity. “Diaspora” originally refers to Jews who are exiled from homelands, but now it generally indicates to people who
immigrate or expatriate to other countries (Bhat 6). Diaspora has gradually become an important perspective of cultural criticism and post-colonial studies in recent decades.
Rajagopalan Radhakrishnan states that diaspora is a site between “the place of origin” and “the present home.” Accordingly, diaspora is an in-between space in which individuals seek to reconcile the motherland and the present home (765). Taking the concept of “in-between space”
to analyze Ikaino, we observe that even Yesob and Kyunghee “live in such impoverished quarters” (102) that they cannot be properly called “home,” however, compared with other houses in Ikaino, their impoverished quarters excite warmth in Isak and Sunja who are new to Japan. Here, Lee describes the house in warm tones and with strong emotions, whether they are
received with great distinction by Kyunghee, or the precious rice cooked for them in the small kitchen, which all affirms that Lee expands the connotation of “home” to represent the regional
identity they bear in common.
Second, while Yesob‟s identity is confused within two cultures he straddles, the second generation of Zainichi assimilates more deeply into Japanese cultural. From the perspective of regional distribution, Ikaino is a special locale for Zainichi communities in and around Osaka where acculturation occurs. Therefore, most of the second generation of Zainichi identify themselves as Koreans with Japanese nationality. Even though regional inequalities exist in every respect, the Zainichi deliberately avoid mentioning the past and collective memories related to Korea. Judging from the second generation‟s regional identity transformation, while more accepting of Japanese culture, they have also formed a significant regional culture with its own characteristics.
In summary, as the demographics of the Zainichi change across generations, concepts of
regional identity changes significantly. With the pachinko industry flourishing, the second and third generations of Zainichi move among cities, simultaneously creating new diaspora
communities in multiple locations. Compared with first generation Zainichi living in single Korean community, the regional identity of second and third generation Zainichi gradually transform to a “cross-regional identity,” which I will analyze further in Chapter Three.