CHAPTER 3 YAMI VOICE AFFIXES
3.2.1 A CTOR VOICE AFFIXES
3.2.1.6 The affix man-/mang-
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potentive ma- 2 undergoer voice, potentive
resultative ma- 1 undergoer voice, telic
3.2.1.6 The affix man-/mang-
The affix man-/mang- has not been discussed in detail in previous studies on Yami, and its function as an actor voice affix has been overlooked. The clauses with man-/mang- affixed predicates always involve at least two participants—one who carries out the action and the other one who undergoes the influence or effect of the action, as the examples illustrated in (57)-(59).
Note that the affixation of man-/mang- replaces the initial segment of the root/stem that initiates with the obstruent, as illustrated in (57) and (58). This sound change can sometimes cause confusion in distinguishing between the affixes man- and ma-. This might be the reason that the affix man-/mang- has not been identified as one of the actor voice affixes in previous research on Yami. Affixation of other verbal affixes such as ma-, -en, or ni- does not trigger the sound change, as illustrated in (57a’). The initial segment of the root/stem takew ‘steal’ is /t/ and it changes to /n/ after affixation of man-, as shown in (57a).
(57)
a. ya ni-ma-nakew (man-takew) si mapapo so kois
AUX PFV-AV-steal NOM PN OBL pig
‘Mapapo stole pigs.’ (Ho 1990: 103)
a’. ni-takew na ni mapapo o nizpi mo
PFV.PV-steal 3.S.GEN GEN PN NOM money 2.S.GEN
‘Mapapo stole your money.’ (Ho 1990: 103) b. ya ni-ma-nidong (man-sidong) so tao si yama
AUX PFV-AV-help OBL people NOM father
‘Father has helped people.’
c. ko ma-naing (man-raing) so among
1.S.NOM AV-kill OBL fish
‘I am killing fish.’
d. ko ma-nengdeng (man-dengdeng) so wakay
1.S.NOM AV-cook OBL sweet_potato
‘I cook sweet potato.’
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e. ya ma-nba(man-tba) so kayo si yama
AUX AV-chop OBL tree NOM father
‘Father is cutting a tree.’
The affix man-/mang- clauses can sometimes involve more than two participants, as in the examples shown in (58). The action denoted by the man- affixed predicate involves an entity that undergoes a change of possession. It involves a possessor, a receiver, and an entity that undergoes change of possession. In (58a), the possessor Mapapo ‘person’s name’ who cooks soli ‘taro’ for nyaken ‘me’; the possessor/cook—who carries out the action of cooking is nominative case-marked functioning as clause subject, the receiver is genitive case-marked and the entity soli ‘taro’ that is being cooked is oblique case-marked.
(58)
a. ya ma-notong (man-rotong) so soli nyaken si mapapo
AUX AV-cook OBL taro 1.S.GEN NOM PN
‘Mapapo is cooking taroes for me.’ (Ho 1990: 119)
b. ni-ma-narang (man-sarang) jamen so wakay si namet
PFV-AV-buy 1.P.EXCL.LOC OBL sweet_potato NOM PN
‘Namet bought sweet potatoes from us (excl).’ (Ho 1990: 121)
In (58b), the possessor/seller is jamen ‘us’, the receiver/buyer is Namet ‘person’s name’ and the entity that undergoes change of possession is wakay ‘sweet potato’. In this example, the receiver claims the entity from the possessor, and this reflects on the case marking of the involved participants. The nominative case-marked subject is the
receiver/buyer who carries out the action of buying; the entity that undergoes change of possession is oblique case-marked; the possessor/seller is locative case-marked.
The actor is nominative case-marked and the entity that undergoes change of possession is oblique case-marked in both examples. Only the role and case marking of the third participant differ. In (58a), the third participant is the one who benefits from the cooking of the actor and that is genitive case-marked, and in (58b), the original possessor of the entity is locative case-marked. Both examples have the same verbal affixation and all involve three participants, but the case marking of the third participant differs. This might be due to the meaning of the affixed predicate that makes the role of the third participant different. The
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diverse case marking of the third participant in these two examples has further implied that case marking of an involved participant is sensitive to the verbal meaning. The one who has benefitted from the action is genitive case-marked, whereas the one who is the source of the transported theme is locative case-marked.
More man-/mang- clauses are listed in (59). Note that these examples do not involve deletion of the initial segment of the root/stem, but the alveolar nasal /n/ changes to velar nasal /ng/ when the initial segment of the root/stem it attaches to initiates with a vowel, as in (59f-h). Hence, the man- affix could be surfaced as ma-, man-, or mang- depending on the phonetic property of the initial segment of the root/stem it attaches to.
(59)
a. ya ni-man-zakat o kanakan so kois AUX PFV-AV-kill NOM child OBL pig
‘The child has killed a pig/pigs’
(The child has the experience of killing a pig/pigs.) (Ho 1990: 64)
b. ya man-wakwak so manok si Macinanao
AUX AV-kill OBL chicken NOM PN
‘Macinanao is killing a chicken.’
c. ko man-kava so lilisnan 1.S.NOM AV-break OBL chair
‘I break a chair.’
d. ya man-sagit so sakop si Macinanao
AUX AV-hook OBL hat NOM PN
‘Macinanao is hooking a hat.’
e. ya man-pising si Macinanao so vakong
AUX AV-tear NOM PN OBL book
‘Macinanao tears off a book.’
f. ko ni-mang-aloalolog so veysen 1.S.NOM PFV-AV-roll OBL stone
‘I have rolled a stone.’
g. ko ni-mang-akas so asi no kayo
1.S.NOM PFV-AV-drop OBL fruit GEN tree
‘I have made fruit drop.’
h. ya ni-mang-aspi so banay si Macinanao
AUX PFV-AV-break OBL bowl NOM PN
‘Macinanao has broken a bowl.’
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Root/stem, affixed predicate, its meaning, number of participant involved, semantic property of the involved participant, and case marking of the involved participants are summarized in Table 29. In Table 29, the surface form of the affix man-/mang- is ma-, whereas the roots/stems it attaches to initiate with /s, r, t, d/. In other cases, the surface form is either man- or mang-. The affix man- appears with stems/roots that initiate with
consonants, whereas the affix mang- appears with stems/roots that initiate with a vowel. At least two participants are required after affixation of this affix and the role of the clause subject is always the one who carries out the action depicted by the affixed predicate. Hence, semantic property of the clause subject could be considered as a volitional performer or causer; the entity that undergoes the influence of the action is causally affected by the action and sometimes undergoes change of state.
Table 29 Case and semantic property of involved participant(s) of man-/mang- clauses Root/Stem man-/mang- + zakat man-zakat kill 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, causally affected wakwak man-wakwak kill 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, causally affected kava man-kava break 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, causally affected lovot man-lovot gather 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, movement sagit man-sagit hook 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, movement loalolok mang-aloalolok roll 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, movement
akas mang-akas drop 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, movement
aspi mang-aspi break 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, causally affected kteb mang-akteb break 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, causally affected zcik mang-azcik break 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, causally affected pising man-pising tear 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, causally affected vozo man-vozo expel 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, causally affected nanao mang-ananao teach 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, incremental
theme
amazing mang-amizing listen 2 [NOM], [OBL] causer, incremental theme
sidong ma-nidong (man-sidong)
help 2 [NOM], [OBL] volitional performer, causally affected raing ma-naing
(man-raing)
kill fish 2 [NOM], [OBL] volitional performer, undergoer
takew ma-nakew
(man-takew)
steal 2 [NOM], [OBL] volitional performer, causally affected
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The man-/mang- clause subject has exhibited a property of either a performer or a causer, and these are properties towards the actor end of the hierarchy, as shown in Figure 7.
Figure 7 Semantic property of the man-/mang- clause subject Actor: volitional performer man-/mang-
causing an event or change of state man-/mang- sentience
movement A U
stationary
causally affected
Undergoer: undergoing a change in state or being in a state
The same set of roots/stems is observed to affix with either resultative ma- or man-/mang- to depict the same event, but the meaning and the number of involved participant(s) of these two types of clauses differ. When man-/mang- clauses depict the process of the event, the resultative ma- only depicts the resultative state of the entity that is influenced or affected by the action. The man-/mang- clauses always involve two participants, whereas resultative ma- clauses always involve one participant.
Furthermore, the participant of a resultative ma- clause and one of the two
participants in a man-/mang- clause share the same role—the entity undergoes the influence or effect of action depicted by the affixed predicate. The differences between these two types of clauses are the absence of the actor. Actor is not mentioned or included in a resultative ma- clause and the case marking of the influenced or affected entity differs, as illustrated by the pair examples in (60). The resultative ma- clauses in (60a-f) only involve one participant—
the affected entity, and that is nominative case-marked. The man-/mang- clauses in (60a’-f’) involve two participants—the one who carries out the action is nominative case-marked and the other one who undergoes the effect of the action is oblique case-marked.
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‘The child has killed a pig/pigs.’
(The child has the experience of killing a pig/pigs.) (Ho 1990: 64)
‘Macinanao has broken a bowl.’
c. ya ma-pising o vakong ko
AUX RES-tear NOM book 1.S.GEN
‘My book is torn.’
c’. ya man-pising si Macinanao so vakong
AUX AV-tear NOM PN OBL book
‘Macinanao tears off a book.’
d. ya ni-ma-loalolog o veysen AUX PFV-RES-roll NOM stone
‘The stone has rolled downhill.’
d’. ko ni-mang-aloalolog so veysen
1.S.NOM PFV-AV-roll OBL stone
‘I have rolled down a stone.’
e. ya ni-ma-kas o nizpi ko
AUX PFV-RES-drop NOM money 1.S.GEN
‘My money has been dropped.’
e’. ko ni-mang-akas so asi no kayo
1.S.NOM PFV-AV-drop OBL fruit GEN tree
‘I have made fruit dropped.’
f. ya ni-ma-sagit o talili AUX PFV-RES-hook NOM clothing
‘The clothing was hooked.’
f’. ya man-sagit so sakop si Macinanao
AUX AV-hook OBL hat NOM PN
‘Macinanao is hooking a hat.’
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When the man-/mang- affixed predicate depicts the process of an event and the reultative ma- affixed predicate depicts the result or the end point of an event, it is found that the structures of these two types of clauses correspond to the English causative-inchoative clauses in (61).
(61)
a. John broke a/the window.
b. The window broke.
The English causative and inchoative clauses share the same predicate when (61a) involves two participants describing the process of a breaking event and (61b) involves only one participant whose end or resultant state of a breaking event is being depicted. The coding of the only participant in English inchoative is the same as Yami resultative ma- clause—
both serve as the subject of the clause. Similarly, the coding for an English causative clause is almost the same as the Yami man-/mang- clause. The actor in both English causative clause and Yami man-/mang- clause realizes as the clause subject, whereas the affected entity serves the object function in English and is oblique case-marked in Yami. The oblique case-marked affected entity in Yami is indefinite, whereas the affected entity in English could either be interpreted as definite or indefinite. Note that the oblique case-marked NP in Yami is always indefinite, and that is a language-specific property.
In this section, the man-/mang- clauses are discussed and compared with resultative ma- clauses. The affix man-/mang- and resultative ma- are observed to attach to the same set of roots/stems and form two different types of clauses—one-participant and two-participant clauses. The structure and meaning of these two types of clauses appear to resemble English causative and inchoative clauses. This correspondence could imply that Yami also exhibits causative-inchoative alternation via resultative ma- and man-/mang- affixation.
3.2.1.7 Section summary
The semantic property of subject of Ø, m-, mi-, <om>/om-, ma-, and man-/mang- clauses examined via the modified version of the revised macro-role hierarchy is summarized in Figure 8. These affixes share a common property of having the segment /m/ and are
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considered as actor voice affixes in the previous literature. However, it is inadequate to group these affixes together because their clause subject exhibits different semantic properties as Figure 8 shows.
Figure 8 Semantic property of Ø, m-, mi-, <om>/om-, ma-, man-/mang- clause subject Actor: volitional performer m-, mi-, <om>,
activity ma-, man- causing an event or change of state activity ma-, man- sentience
movement m- A U
stationary m-
causally affected
Undergoer: undergoing a change in state Ø, <om>, or being in a state stative ma-
resultative ma- potentive ma-
The clauses that these so-called actor voice affixes participate in do not all have actor or actor-like subjects. Only m-, mi-, activity ma-, man-/mang- and a sub-type of <om>
clauses can be claimed to be actor voice clauses as their subjects exhibit the properties—
volitional performer, causer, sentience, and movement, etc.—towards the actor end of the modified version of Foley’s revised macro-role hierarchy. Other affixes, such as Ø, stative ma-, resultative ma-, potentive ma-, and the sub-type of <om>/om- should not be treated as actor voice affixes. The subject role of clauses containing these affixes exhibits properties towards the undergoer end of the modified version of the revised macro-role hierarchy.
Furthermore, the potentive ma- clause not only has an undergoer-like subject, it also expresses modality—potentiality or ability. Resultative ma- expresses the result/end of an event—telicity, and the affixation of <om>/om- is frequently observed in interrogative construction and dependent clauses—mood. Hence, the classification of Yami verbal affixes should also take their other functions into consideration. Functions of these affixes are summarized in Table 30, and it has clearly shown that the affixes <om>/om-, potentive ma-, and resultative ma- serve other functions besides signaling the thematic role of a clause subject.
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Table 30 Functions of the affixes Ø, m-, mi-, <om>/om-, ma-, and man-/mang-
Voice Mood Aspect
Actor Undergoer Potentive Interrogative Dependent Telic Atelic
Ø ∨
m- ∨
mi ∨
<om>/om- ∨ ∨ ∨ ∨
stative ma- ∨ ∨
activity ma- ∨
potentive ma- ∨ ∨
resultative ma- ∨ ∨
man-/mang- ∨ ∨
3.2.2 Non-actor voice affixes