Chapter 3 The Economic Predicaments of Marriage Migrants in
3.1 Status Quo of Marriage Migrants
3.1.3 Treatment and Attitude toward Marriage Migrants
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spouses from their county of origin. This sets back integration by a generation.
It is now essential that immigration policy should discourage international arranged marriage which has become a means of immigration. The present regulations should be tightened and a “family connection test” should be introduced, similar to that in force in Denmark. Where a UK resident wishes to marry a spouse from the country in which he or she (or either parent) was born, entry clearance to Britain should not be granted until both parties have reached the age of 24.
Thus, USA, UK and Japan have specific and unique patterns and sources of marriage migrants respectively. Generally speaking, marriage migration is a common trend in the global migration.
3.1.3 Treatment and Attitude toward Marriage Migrants
Existing studies on the experiences of foreign brides entering North America have highlighted their vulnerability to spousal maltreatment, including unique forms of immigration abuse (e.g., threats of deportation). Their vulnerability to maltreatment has been attributed to the gender-insensitive nature of family immigration policies, the women’s lack of awareness of their rights and immigration status, and their husbands’
cultural beliefs about women’s roles (Merali, 2008).
The maltreatment of marriage migrants received from their international marriage from their natal family and husband’s family has started early from at the beginning of the process of matching making. They are regarded as a mixed figure combined with intruder, affordable housemaid and commodity by their husband’s family; conversely, seen as sacrifice, hopeful rescuer and trade commodity by their natal family. Besides, the discriminative attitude of locals in destination countries toward marriage migrants still persist and no one knows when to eliminate. This
phenomenon seems to be universal. It can be proved in the following paragraph.
LeeAn (2007) ever noted that the marriage migrants face and experience diverse
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unfair and unreasonable treatment prior and post their transnational marriages either in their host or destination countries. For instance, in the process of marriage arrangement, in particular, many of the women are exposed to inhumane commercialized marriages which include human right violations and human-trafficking factors such as receiving false information regarding their future spouses, and/or illegal physical abuses such as confinement, and un-payable debt, etc.
In addition, the women are also scored by their race, appearance and age by marriage brokers and male customers.
In addition, after marriage, they may face all the familiar problems – domestic violence, racial discrimination, language barriers, and failure to communicate, leading to serious family disputes as well as social discrimination. Gendered immigration laws also make them vulnerable. In most countries, marriage migrant women have to keep their marriage for a certain number of years until they gain full residential rights.
During that period, many women are exposed to all kinds of violence and discrimination; most of them keep silent for fear of deportation. Also, the complicated conditions for naturalization put women in an insecure situation because they can only achieve their civil right as wives of men.
Furthermore, marriage-migrant women also face diverse social discrimination and violence on the basis of gender, race and class both before and after marriage in receiving countries. Contrary to their expectations, their social economic status in receiving countries does not improve in most cases. The mainstreaming approaches to these problems so far have been mainly treating them as passive victims and beneficiaries of social welfare.
Marriage migrants often experience patriarchal discrimination, shared by their societies of origin and of destination, on top of cultural conflicts they are exposed to in their new homes. Çelikaksoy (2006) portrayed that in most countries Non-Western
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immigrants have lower employment and wage rates than the natives and their economic assimilation is a crucial issue.
The prevailing interpretations tend to see the women either as victims sacrificing themselves for the sake of their families or as laborers “disguised” as brides. In such a paradigm, various support programs for migrant women offered by NGOs and local government bodies tend to be valued without reference to the users’ accounts. A transnational woman may not be able to control other social actors, but her personal resources, including her knowledge and capability , may be effectively used in her pursuit of marriage and migration to maximize her life chance (Nakamatsu, 2005).
After reviewing some of the evidence of employment patterns of Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi women in the UK and then relate this to the specific question of how marriage to a spouse from overseas affects women’s employment patterns. It is well established that Pakistani and Bangladeshi women in the UK have very low rates of economic activity —– much lower than Indian women (Dale and Ahmed, 2008).
On the supply side, Dale and Ahmed (2008) have shown that both qualifications and lifestage (partnership and children) have a very big influence on levels of economic activity for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women —– and larger than for other ethnic groups. Whilst levels of economic activity of Pakistani and Bangladeshi women are generally lower at most stages of the life-stage than for other ethnic groups, single highly-qualified young Pakistani and Bangladeshi women in the UK are as likely to be economically active as their counterparts in other ethnic groups.
However, Pakistani and Bangladeshi women in the UK have lower levels of educational qualifications than other ethnic groups, with a sharp distinction between those who are UK-born and those born overseas. Amongst women born overseas, fluency in English also tends to be low. In addition, the gender-based division of
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child-care is much more apparent for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women than for either Indian or white women.
Remittance of female migrants helped many of their families to come out of poverty. Studies found that more than half of female remittances were used for daily consumption, health care and children education. According to some studies shows that remittance have the following functions, such as lower school drop out ratio, more investment on private tuition of their children and increase the birth weight of the infants reflecting remittance affording household better healthcare.
Siddiqui (2008) stated that remittance also provided decent livelihood to other members of their families. Along with strong obligation towards own and extended family some of them are conscious about their future and save a portion of the remittance by keeping them in bank or purchasing insurance and investment bonds.
All of these have a high social and economic return. Since women migrants are absent, remittances are usually utilized by the family. Due to lack of opportunities as well as lack information on available avenue for investment women migrants can hardly keep control over their remittances. However, women developed their own mechanism of saving for future during subsequent migration.
3.2 Cause and Effect from Marriage Migrants
Accordingly, the relative balance of power between the sexes is determined by dynamic interactions of dyadic and structural power. Dyadic power accrues to whichever sex is relatively rare owing to the larger proportion of potential relationships available to it, the demographic dimensions of which are commonly known as a marriage squeeze. Structural power refers to control over economic, political, or legal resources: men or women (Goodkind, 1997).
Kinhide (2007) deliberated that there is an urgent need to attend to the multiple
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structural factors that produce migrate on through marriage. The general trend of women’s impoverishment in recent decades has been a great concern, especially for those addressing global migration. But when we consider women’s increasing poverty in the context of neoliberal globalization, we should not only think of it as an economic but also as a cultural impoverishment. When the cultural dimension is included, our understanding of marriage migration can be extended to the women’s desire to find a new life. But often, their desire cannot be met, because they can only migrate to another society in which the only available jobs or roles are often contrary to their deepest wishes.
Many marriage migrant women decide to get married, not only for economic reasons, but also for the desire to have new equal relationship in the family. Many of them have a strong desire to make a change and improve their status in society.
However, in reality, many of them are forced to take traditional women’s role and are exposed to many kinds of discrimination based on gender and race (LeeAn, 2007).
The various aspects that affect women’s decision to find their spouse in another country have been examined as follows, such as economic and geographic hypergamy —– to find a husband who can support her and her family back home —–
and a desire to realize marital subjectivities; moreover women’s experiences in their new family, community and country has attracted researchers attention as well.
Nakamatsu (2005) noted that even though international marriage migrants are primarily expected to provide reproductive labor, they often engage themselves in productive paid work for a number of reasons and with varying levels of satisfaction both in urban and rural areas they settle in.
3.3 Strategies and Policies for Marriage Migrants Employment Undeniably, migrants still contribute to the host country in several ways; thus the
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positive effects brought about by marriage migrants will be discussed such as their commitment to family, society and nation. In addition, marriage immigrants’ endeavor to household affairs and productivities to labor market are essential for stabilizing their family and the society. From the data of the previous research, new immigrants’
contributions are in several aspects such as family, culture and economy, etc.
Çelikaksoy (2006) declared that in most countries, non-Western immigrants have lower employment and wage rates than the natives and their economic assimilation is a crucial issue. Immigrants and natives may have different preferences for home work, market work and leisure which in turn determine their gains from each type of work.
Unemployment has a proven negative impact on self-esteem and often negatively impacts family and social relationships. If Migrant being employed may assist them integrate in to the host society and benefit their family finance. To some extent, the integration into society may be not only a question of culture but also of work, especially, this is frequently observed in the first generation of migrants. The immigrant is essentially in search of opportunity and social mobility his own society does not provide.
As LeeAn (2007) elaborated the marriage migrants, through social networks, can become involved in economic sector. According to a survey by the Korean health minister, 60% of marriage migrant women are working in economic sectors and 93%
of unemployed marriage migrant women want to work. Moreover, marriage migration from the southeast Asia to more economically developed nations such as Korea, Japan and Taiwan, marriage migrant women also have the potential to participate in economic activities between two or more communities of receiving and sending countries. For example, women migrants may sell their traditional food to immigrant workers or make a small business to import and sell some goods from their origin countries.
The above mentioned economic activities operated by marriage migrants are so
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commonly seen on Taiwan’s streets, no matter in the rural countryside or in the cosmopolitan area. The business using transnational networks as a form of social resources, which the immigrants can have, is economically transnational from the bottom (grass roots); it gives an alternative way of escaping from a low-wage and long-term labour for some immigrants, so as marriage migrants in Taiwan.
3.4 Summary
While discussing various kinds of treatment and attitude marriage migrants have experienced since arriving in the destination countries, consequently, the marriage migrants themselves perhaps are too busy facing their specific problems and are unconscious of the various obstacles (legal, economic, political, and cultural) which are at the root of the international migration system and its local sub-systems.
Therefore, if the family members, the relatives and neighbors, society and government can offer a helping hand to the marriage migrants, the predicament they are confronting may be downgrade and decrease and even eliminate.
Moreover, if the channels to social networks for marriage migrants are to be accessible, reachable, practical, profitable and eternal, then the economical predicaments of marriage migrants are removable and resolvable.
In conclusion, marriage migration pattern appeared more frequently in the globe are describe as the following items: women-centered, socioeconomic-upwards, benefit-dominated, source-diversified, and globally-increasing. It is common that migrants no matter from what channels are looking forward the better future life and search for opportunities in other nations. Therefore, getting a job is the simple way for them to fulfill their tiny dream. Therefore, the government of the destination countries should take it into concern and provide job offers for not only their natives but also the migrants, otherwise the unstable families will lead to social insecurity and turn toe
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national burden.
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Chapter
4
The Economic Predicaments of Marriage Migrants in TaiwanIn Taiwan, due to the past two decade of increasing marriage migrant inflows, the number of marriage migrants amounts over 420 thousand according to the statistic data released by Department of Household Registration Affairs of Ministry of the Interior in 2009. Proportionally speaking, the majority of the marriage migrants are women via Southeast Asia and Mainland China.
Since stepping on the territory of the host country, marriage migrants need to adapt anything which they are unfamiliar with and may immediately confront diverse challenges in domestic domain plus social, cultural and additional aspects. Especially, most of marriage migrants are generally from the poorer and less-developed sourcing countries and finally enter the comparatively economically-insufficient and socially-disadvantaged families in the receiving countries. Either their husbands or marital families are both seen as the less-advantaged and unaffordable in either economic and social or educational and cultural respects.
4.1 Status Quo of Marriage Migrants
According to the statistic data of MOI on April 2007, from January of 1987 to the end of August of 2007, the foreign spouses (male and female) population is 35,363 people. This number didn’t include the spouses from mainland China. Of all the spouses, there are 76,780 people come from Vietnam and almost one hundred percent of them are female. Respectively listed at the second and third places, spouses from Indonesia are over 26 thousand and those from Philippines are more than six thousand.
According to the statistic data of MOI in the year 2003, the education level of
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foreign spouses are as follows: graduated under junior school are 40.71%, graduated from high school are 39.54%. The age of foreign spouses below 24 is 44.6%, between 25 and 34 is 40.7%, and between 35 and 44 is 10.8%. Based on the quarterly statistics released in the summer of 2007, the number of the elementary and junior high school students whose mothers come from Southeast Asia and Mainland China reaches almost 52 thousand, wherein the mothers of Vietnamese and Indonesian nationalities occupy the most proportions.
The predicaments and needs of foreign spouses in Taiwan are categorized as the following items:
1. Language barriers and mandarin learning needs: This is the most common and fundamental problems. Foreign spouses may probably study Chinese for a short time in their home country. Since they were chosen as wives by Taiwanese men, they are incapable of communicating with others very well. Such a situation on different occasions leads to communication barriers, misunderstandings and disputes.
2. The expectations gap: Foreign brides may have good impression of Taiwan from various channels such as TV, marriage agencies and etc. But in real life, many young wives may feel frustrated and disappointed. Foreign wives frequently expressed they want to escape from the economic hardship so they migrate to Taiwan via transnational marriage, but actuality they jump into a complicated and disputed family.
3. The economic improvement pressures from their original family: Foreign spouses married to Taiwan, most of them want to improve their domestic finance of their original family. This often results in the argument of the couple frequently.
4. Loneliness and isolation in Taiwan: Since marriage migrants are those foreign brides from alien countries with totally different language and culture from those of Taiwan, therefore the gap of language and culture is tentative to become the
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communication barrier between marriage migrants and their and in-laws, even the natives. Hence, the loneliness and isolation in the inner side of marriage migrants no doubt gradually grow and accumulate.
5. Parenting pressure. To some extent, marriage migrants in Taiwan have the responsibility of breeding, therefore they also bear the major responsibility of caring and educating their children. However, due to present education system in Taiwan, the post-school tutoring is indispensable. The scarce resources and limited language ability what marriage migrants have prevent them from providing enough guidance for their children’s behavior and learning. Language barrier leads to communication barrier. Moreover, communication barrier leads to misunderstanding among family members. All the limitations resulting from incompetent language ability arouse marriage migrants’ parenting pressure.
6. Cultural conflicts: Marriage migrants almost have completely different background from their husbands in many domains. The environment in destination countries are quite diverse from that of original countries, so it takes much time and effort for marriage migrants to adapt the situation they face in receiving countries.
Even the culture conflicts seemingly occur in family, community, and society because of language and culture differences.
7. Weak and insufficient support system: Marriage migrants who used to be called foreign brides before were ever regarded as minor group in Taiwan.
Consequently, they receive rare social services offered from government and society and obtain limited access to resources provided in receiving country. Therefore, marriage migrants need more support from receiving countries.
8. Residential problem and needs: While foreign spouses apply for the nationality of Taiwan, they must give the Financial Proof such as salary receipt, money saved in bank accounts, real estate, or other property they have. The total
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amount of yearly salary must be more than US$12,300, if taking real estate as the financial proof, the value of the real estate must be more than US$153,850. Most of them and their family do not have so much property to meet the requirement. Recently, more and more marriage migrants stand out to fight for their rights via plea for government amending the present rules.
9. The rules constraint : the women who come from mainland China they can not
9. The rules constraint : the women who come from mainland China they can not