國 立 交 通 大 學
外國文學與語言學研究所
碩
士
論
文
中文附加副詞與連接詞之研究：
以「也」
、「而且」及「和」為例
Additive Adverbs and Coordinators in Chinese:
A Case Study of Ye ‘also’, Erqie ‘and’ and He ‘and’
研 究 生：蔡慧瑾
指導教授：劉辰生 教授
中文附加副詞與連接詞之研究：以「也」、
「而且」及「和」為例
Additive Adverbs and Coordinators in Chinese:
A Case Study of Ye ‘also’, Erqie ‘and’ and He ‘and’
研 究 生：蔡慧瑾 Student: Hui-Chin Tsai
指導教授：劉辰生 Advisor: Chen-Sheng Liu
國 立 交 通 大 學
外國文學與語言學研究所
碩 士 論 文
A Thesis
Submitted to Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures Graduate Institute of Foreign Literatures and Linguistics
National Chiao Tung University In partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Master
in
Graduate Institute of Foreign Literatures and Linguistics June 2006
Hsinchu, Taiwan, Republic of China
摘要
此篇論文主要探討兩個議題：(ㄧ)中文的附加副詞「也」；(二)中文的兩個連 接詞：「而且」與「和」。本論文首先以三點理由論證「也」在句法上是一個副詞， 第一：中文可藉零連接詞(zero coordinator)來連接兩個子句或片語；第二：「也」 可出現在單一子句中；第三：「也」可與連接詞「並且」或附屬連接詞「因為」 共現。至於「也」的語意分析， 本文以 Rooth (1985, 1992, 1997)的「另類語意學」 (alternative semantics)為基礎，將「也」分析為「附加」副詞，其語意為：預設「另 類集合」(alternative set)中至少有一元素(member)為真。此分析解釋「也」可出 現於以下句型，但是「而且」卻要在特定條件下才可以：「什麼…都」句子之前； 兩個語義相反的謂語；以及「是」字句。 本文以呂叔湘(1980)對「而且」的分析為出發點，提出「而且」的語意分析 與「訊息資訊」(informativity)相關，並且要求其所連接的兩個述語必須屬於同極(same polar)；此分析從以下句型「A 而且 B」的特性得到證明：B 蘊含 A；B 所
承載的訊息量多於 A；以及 B 常常帶有「也」、「還」等副詞。(請參閱 BarHillel
and Carna (1952), Popper (1959))。
接著，由於呂叔相(1980)與朱德熙(1982)觀察「和」除了可連接名詞片語外， 亦可連接動詞及形容詞片語，因此本文認為「和」所連接的是「論元」而非「名
詞性片語」；此「論元」或為ㄧ階述語的論元；或為高階述語的論元。
最後，從中英比較得知以下結論：中文「也」的語意與英文 ‘too’或 ‘also’ 的語意相同；然而，中文「而且」的語意與英文‘and’有很大的不同。
Abstract
This thesis studies two topics: (I) an additive adverb ye ‘also’; (II) two coordinators erqie ‘and’ and he ‘and’, which conjoin different types of conjuncts. We shall first argue that syntactically ye behaves as an adverb in the coordinated construction; semantically ye presupposes that there is at least one contextually salient expression P that is distinct from the sentence with ye is true (cf. Rooth (1985, 1992, 1997), Rullmann (2003), Tsai (2004)).
Second, we shall argue that syntactically erqie can conjoin clauses and phrases (except NPs); semantically erqie presupposes informativeness, and requires its conjuncts to be the same polar (cf. BarHillel and Carna (1952), Popper (1959)).
Third, we suggest that the idea that he conjoins nominal expressions be challenged by linguistic data observed by Lu (1980) and Zhu (1982). Thus, we propose that syntactically he conjoin arguments of either first-order predicate or higher-order predicate.
Crosslinguistically, the English counterpart of ye is too/also, whereas, the properties of erqie are not parallel to those of and.
Acknowledgement
My deepest gratitude goes to my supervisor, Chen-sheng Liu, as well as my committee members, Jo-wang Lin and Wei-tien Tsai. I thank for Chen-sheng Liu to take me under his wing; his clarity of thought has been incredible valuable in helping me untangle the complex and intricate web of conjunctive phenomena, and in helping me sort through many alternative analyses. Jo-wang Lin is extremely helpful in pointing out aspects of the work that are not clear. Wei-tien Tsai penetrates my work and points out deep, unresolved issues with which I have been struggling. Their insightful comments lead to a re-structuring of a critical analysis, and post-defense.
I would like to thank Hui-Chuan Hsu for helpful advice in certain phonological problems in my thesis. I also thank Mei-chun Liu for introducing me the wonderful world of functional syntax; Ho-hsien Pan for the subtleties of phonetics.
I also show my deepest gratitude to the teachers who first taught me elementary linguistics in NCUE: Sou-de Tseng, Hui-i Kung, Shu-ying Yang, and Feng-lan Kuo. Their teaching and training in the foundation enables me to build my linguistic skills step by step.
I couldn’t have gotten through the three years without the support and friendship of my friends: Yi-fen, Yu-hua, Edison Chang, Zhao-ting, Jia-hua, Jia-xuan, Jia-yin, Wen-jie, Yi-xuan, and Yue-shu; thank them for discussions and mutual encouragements. Thank for Tzong-yin, it is him who helps me at every step; consoles me at difficult times. Especially, I am indebt to Barry Yang for his helpful comments on an earlier manuscript, and for his infinite patience to proof-read my whole thesis.
This thesis is dedicated to my parents, who have always supported and encouraged me for my education. With utmost respect, gratitude, and love from the bottom of my heart, this is for you.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chinese Abstract ...i
English Abstract ...ii
Acknowledgement ... iii
Chapter 1 ...1
Introduction...1
Chapter 2 ...6
Literature Review: Syntax and Semantics of Ye and Erqie...6
2.1 Literature Review: Syntax of Ye ...6
2.1.1 Ye as an adverb ...6
2.1.2 Ye as a Coordinator ...7
2.2 Literature Review: the Semantics of Ye ...9
2.3 Literature Review: Syntax and Semantics of Erqie ...15
2.5 Some Problems ...16
Chapter 3 ...18
Syntax and Semantics of Ye...18
3.1 Ye as an Additive Particle ...18
3.2 Proposal...22
3.2.1 Preliminary of Ye: Rooth’s Alternative Semantics ...22
3.2.2 Semantics of Ye ...26
3.3 Ye is Equivalent to Too/Also...35
Chapter 4 ...37
Syntax and Semantics of Erqie...37
4.1 Syntax and Semantics of Erqie...37
4.2 Analysis: Erqie Presupposes Informativeness ...41
4.3 Erqie vs. And ...49
Chapter 5 ...53
What Kind of Conjuncts He ‘and’ Conjoins ...53
5.1 Literature Review ...53 5.2 Proposal...55 5.2.1 Preliminary Analysis...55 5.2.1.1 First-Order Predicate ...55 5.2.1.2 Higher-Order Predicate...55 5.2.2 He Conjoins Arguments ...56
Chapter 6 ...59 Conclusion ...59 Reference...61
Chapter 1
Introduction
This thesis deals with two topics: (I) an adverb ye; (II) two coordinators erqie ‘and’ and he ‘and’.1, 2 We shall first argue that syntactically ye behaves as an adverb in the coordinated construction by the following three reasons: (A) Chinese allows a zero coordinator; (B) ye can occur in a single sentence; and (C) ye can co-occur with a coordinator or a subordinator. Semantically, ye presupposes that there is at least one contextually salient expression P that is distinct from the sentence with ye is true. Assuming this analysis, we are able to represent and define the interpretation of ye formally and to provide well explanations for the following characteristics of ye: (A) when a modal occur in the coordinated structure, it has to occur in both conjuncts as in (1); (B) ye rather than erqie precedes the wh…dou construction as in (2); (C) ye instead of erqie appears in sentences with two contradictory conjuncts as in (3); and (D) ye can occur in shi ‘be’ clauses, but erqie can not unless followed by certain
1
The gloss is as follows: erqie: ‘and’; ye: ‘also’; he : ‘and’; and hai: ‘even’ or ‘still’.
Abbreviations used in this thesis are as follows: ASP: aspect markers; CL: classifiers; DE: verbal suffix or marker for modifying phrases like genitive phrases, relative clauses, and noun complement clauses; BEI: passive marker; BA: the disposal marker, and SFP: sentence-final particles.
2 According to Zhu (1982), Tseng (1977), and Aoun and Li (2003), different categories of conjuncts are conjoined by difference coordinators in Chinese.
adverbs, as shown in (4).3
(1) Dang yisheng de yao xiaoxin, yi-tie yiao neng jiu As doctor DE need careful, one-CL medicine can save ren de ming, ye *(neng) hai ren de ming. people De ming, also can harm people DE life
‘As a doctor, you should be careful, the medicine can save one’s life, and it can also take away one’s life.’
(2) Wo jiao-guo hao xuesheng, ye/*erqie jiao-guo huai I teach-ASP good students also/*and teach-ASP bad xuesheng, shenmeyiang de xuesheng wo dou keyi
students, what kind DE students I all can yingfu.
handle
‘I have taught good students, and also taught bad students, I can handle all kinds of students.’
(3) Zhangsan bu gao ye/*erqie bu ai. Zhangsan not tall also/*and not short ‘Zhangsan is neither tall nor short.’
(4) Zhe shi yizhang chuang ye/*erqie shi yizhang shafa. This is one-CL bed also/*and is one-CL sofa ‘This is a bed, and also a sofa.’
3 Erqie can proceed the wh…dou construction, occur in shi ‘be’ clauses, conjoin two contradictory conjuncts, providing that it is followed by proper adverbs, such as ye ‘also’, hai ‘even’.
Second, we shall argue that the interpretation of ‘furthermore’ denoted by erqie in effect derives from the semantic nature of erqie. Erqie presupposes informativeness verified by the environments where erqie occurs: (A) in p erqie q construction, q entails p, as shown in (5); (B) the propositional strength of the conjunct following erqie must be stronger than the one preceding erqie in (6); and (C) the conjunct following erqie contains adverbs, such as ye ‘also’, hai ‘even’, as shown in (7)-(8).
(5) Muqian feiji yijing bei women kongzhi erqie feixing Right now airplane already BEI us control and flight jihua yijing yiusuo kengdong.
plan already with change
‘Right now the flight is already controlled by us, and the plan of the flight has already changed.’
(6) Baishang you san-shi-ge ren kao-shang guoli-daxue class have thirty-Cl people pass national-university erqie di-er-leizu de bangshou zai wo-men bang.
and second-group DE the first in our class
‘Thirty students in our class can enter the national universities, and furthermore the first of the second group is in our class. ’
(7) Wo jiao-guo hao xuesheng, erqie ye jiao-guo huai I teach-ASP good-students and also teach-ASP bad xuesheng, (shenmeyiang de xuesheng wo dou keyi students (what kind DE students I all can yingfu).
‘I have taught good students, and also taught bad students; (I can handle all kinds of students).’
(8) Wo ren-shi zhe-san-ge jiaoshou, erqie qizhong you liang-ge I know this-three-CL professors and among with two-CL *(hai) shi wo-de zhidaolaoshi, (wo gen tamen zai shou even is my adviser (I with them again familiar bu-guo).
not-over
not-enough familiar SFP
‘I know these three professors, and two of them are even my advisers. I can not be more familiar with them.’
Significantly important here is that erqie requires its conjuncts to be the same polar as shown by the contrast between (9)-(10).
(9) Zhe-ke pingguo hen dai erqie hen tian. This-CL apple very big and very sweet ‘This apple is very big and very sweet.’
(10) *Zhangsan bu gao erqie bu ai. Zhangsan not tall and not short ‘Zhangsan is neither tall nor short.’
Having looked at the characteristics of ye and erqie, we shall suggest that crosslinguistically, the English counterpart of ye is too/also, yet the characteristics of erqie do not match those of and.
Finally, we propose that he ‘and’ conjoin arguments of either first-order predicate or higher order predicate, instead of conjoining nominal expressions, as shown in (11)-(12), respectively.
(11) Zhe-zhi gou he na-zhi mao dou hen keai. This-CL dog and that-CL cat both very cute ‘This dog and that cat are both very cute.’
(12) Taishan de jingse *(shifen) zhuangli he xiongwei. Taishan DE scenery very grandeur and majestic ‘The scenery of Taishan is very grandeur and majestic.’
This thesis proceeds as follows: previous studies of characteristics of ye and erqie will be reviewed in Chapter Two, and then the proposal of the syntax and semantics of ye and erqie will be suggested in Chapter Three and Four, respectively. In Chapter Five, the properties of the conjuncts conjoined by he will be reexamined, and finally the conclusion will be reached in Chapter Six.
Chapter 2
Literature Review: Syntax and Semantics of Ye and Erqie
In this Chapter, the syntax and semantics of erqie and ye are reviewed in Section 2.1 to 2.4 (cf. Zhu (1982), Ma (1982), Shen (1983)), and then some problems that can not be solved by previous studies are brought out in Section 2.5.
2.1 Literature Review: Syntax of Ye 2.1.1 Ye as an adverb
According to Chao (1968), Zhu (1982), Li and Thompson (1981), ye is an adverb of scope that refers to the scope of the expressions before ye, as shown in (13). That is to say, in (13) ye is used to exclusively quantify over the subject Zhangsan. However, Paris (1979) notices that ye can have its scope either to the right or to the left as illustrated by the ambiguous interpretations of (13).
(13) Zhangsan ye chi-le mian. Zhangsan also eat-ASP noodles
‘Someone ate noodles, and Zhangsan also ate noodles.’ ‘Zhangsan ate something, and he also ate noodles.’
2.1.2 Ye as a Coordinator
Li (1947), Tseng (1977) point out that ye is a coordinator conjoining non-nominal expressions, as shown in (14)-(20).
VP
(14) Zhangsan [VP qu-guo Meiguo], ye [VP qu-guo yingguo]. Zhangsan go-ASP America also go-ASP England ‘Zhangsan has been to America, and has also been to England.’
ModP
(15) Zhe-ci shi ni bu dui, ni [ModP ying gai chengren cuowu] This-time is you not right you should confess mistakes ye [ModP yinggai] daoqian.
also should apologize
‘This time is your fault; you should admit that and also apologize.’
AdjP
(16) a. ?Biao mian[AdjP rouruan] ye [AdjP guanghua].4
b. Biao mian [AdjP hen rouruan] ye [AdjP hen guanghua]. Surface area very soft also very glory smooth ‘The surface is very soft and also very smooth.’
(17) Ta [AdjP hen congming] ye [AdjP hen piaoliang].
4 A difference in degree of grammaticality between (16a) and (16b) can be explained by Liu’s (2004) proposal: the insertion of a degree modifier like hen ‘very’ is a plausible strategy for Chinese, a language without grammatical tense, to provide the relative standard of comparison for gradable adjectives.
She very smart also very beautiful ‘She is very smart and also very beautiful.’
AdvP
(18) Ta jihua-de [AdvP hen zhouxiang] ye [AdvP hen yianmi]. He plan DE very comprehensively also very strictly ‘He plans very comprehensively and strictly.’
CP
(19) [CP Zhangsan qu-guo Meiguo], [CP Lisi ye qu-guo Meiguo]. Zhangsan go-ASP America Lisi also go-ASP America ‘Zhangsan has been to America, and Lisi has also been to.’
(20) Ta pao-de [CP hen renzhen] ye [CP hen xiangshou]. He run DE very earnest also very enjoyable ‘He runs with earnest and also with enjoyment.’
From the above sentences, one may regard ye as an adverbial conjunction that functions to conjoin and to modify phrases or clauses.5 Yet, this will lead to an expansion of the lexicon. Ye will have two syntactic categories: on the one hand, it will be classified as an adverb when it appears in a single sentence, like (13); on the other hand, it will be an adverbial conjunction when it conjoins phrases or clauses, like (14)-(20). In the following, we shall therefore suggest that a uniform analysis for the status of ye be preferred in Chapter Three.
5 Chao (1968) claims that except for a few prepositional conjunctions, most conjunctions are adverbial conjunctions that serve both to join and to modify words, phrases or clauses.
2.2 Literature Review: the Semantics of Ye
As for the interpretation of ye, Lu (1980) among many researchers classifies ye into four types: (I) ye signifies the existence of two things that are equivalent; (II) ye represents the situation that the outcome is consistent no matter the assumption is realized or not; (III) ye with the meaning of ‘even’ preceded by an overt lian ‘even’ often occurs in negative sentences; and (IV) ye marks the emphatic use that characterizes the tone of voice called roundabout, tactful. These four types of uses are further characterized into subtypes, respectively, illustrated as follows.
I. ye signifies the existence of two things that are equivalent
A. juxtaposition of subject6
(21) a. Ni qu Beijing canguan-fangwen, wo ye qu Beijing You go Beijing visit I also go Beijing canquan-fangwen.
6 Ma (1982) argues that ye underscores the similarity between two expressions (i.e., NPs, VPs, CPs, etc.) not the relations of juxtaposition or coordination of them. That is to say, the function of ye is to emphasize that the second clause is similar to the first. Still, ye should be deleted, if two expressions have no likeness or though with similarities but no requirement for emphasis. These facts are shown by (i)-(iii).
(i) Ta chi-le yi-ke pingguo, wo ye chi-le yi-ke pingguo. He eat-ASP one-CL apple I also eat-ASP one-CL apple ‘He ate an apple, and I also ate an apple.’
(ii) Ta shi laoshi, wo shi xuesheng. He is teacher I am student ‘He is a teacher, while I am a student.’ (iii)A: Nimen liang qu na-li?
You two go where ‘Where did you two go?’
B: Ta qu Meiguo; wo qu Yingguo. He go America I go England ‘He went to America, while I went to England.’
Simply put, sentence (i) shows the fact that the verb phrase of the second clause is similar to that of the first clause. In (ii), there is no similar element between two clauses, so ye is deleted. Likewise, ye is deleted in (iiiB), when the answering sentence is just a statement rather than an emphasis.
visit
‘You go visiting Beijing, and I also go visiting Beijing.’ b. Lai ye keyi, bu lai ye keyi.7
Come also all right not come also all right ‘You can either come or not come.’
B. juxtaposition of predicate8
(22) Zhangsan da bangqiu, ye ti zuqiu. Zhangsan hit baseball also kick soccer ‘Zhangsan plays baseball, and also plays soccer.’ C. juxtaposition of adjunct
(23) Zhe-ge ren zuotian lai-le, jintian ye lai-le. This-CL person yesterday come-ASP today also come-ASP ‘This person came yesterday, and also came today.’
II. ye represents the situation that the outcome is consistent no matter the assumption
is realized or not
A. suiran ‘although’ (jishi ‘even if’, ningke ‘rather’)… ye ‘also’…
(24) Suiran yijing xia-yu-le, zuqiusai ye yao anshi
Although already fall-rain-ASP soccor-game also must on-time juxing.
7 Lu (1980) points out that ye can occur in both clauses, or just in the latter clause. Besides, Biq (1989) also argues that this point discriminates Chinese ye from English also. For ease of exposition, we only focus on sentences with ye in the second clause.
8 Lu (1980) observes that granted the identical subjects and verbs of two clauses, their objects can be preposed to the initial position, respectively, as shown by (i).
(i) Mantou wo chi, mifan wo ye chi. Steamed bun I eat rice I also eat ‘I eat steamed buns, and I also eat rice.’
hold
‘Although it rains a lot, the soccer game still has to be held on time.’ (25) Jishi ni bu suo, wo ye hui zhidao.9
Even-if you not say I also will know ‘Even if you don’t tell me, I will still know that.’
(26) Wo ningke chidao, ye bu yao kai kuaiche. I rather late also not want drive fast car ‘I would rather be late to driving fast.’
B. the element preceding ye is nominal, with the interpretation of ‘no matter …’10 (27) Shei ye bu shuohua, yanjing dou ding-zhe heiban.
Who also not say eyes all fix-ASP blackboard ‘Everyone says nothing, and they all fix their eyes on the blackboard.’
C. repetition of verbs preceding and following ye with the meaning of ‘no matter how…’ or ‘even if’
(28) Pao ye pao bu dong. Run also run not move
‘(No matter how hard you try to run), you cannot even move one step.’ (29) Ting ye mei ting jinqu ji-ju.
Listen also not listen inside some-CL
9 In suiran ‘although’ (jishi ‘even if’, ningke ‘rather’)… ye ‘also’ construction, the deletion of the coordinator, such as suiran ‘although’ (jishi ‘even if’, ningke ‘rather’) will not alter the interpretation of the sentence, as shown by (i) (cf. Lu (1980)).
(i) (Jishi) ni bu suo, wo ye hui zhidao. (Even-if) you not say I also will know ‘(Even if) you do not tell me, I would still know that.’
10 Lu (1980) proposes that the meaning of ‘no matter how…’ can be expressed by certain adverb, such as yongyuan ‘never’ in (i).
(i) Ta yongyuan ye bu zhidao shenme shi lei. He never also not know what is tiredness ‘(No matter how long he has worked), he would never feel tired.’
‘(Even if) you listened, you did not realize what was said.’
D. zai ‘again’ (zui ‘most’, ding ‘at most’) …ye ‘also’
(30) Yi-ge ren zai congming ye shi you xian. One-Cl person more smart also is has limit ‘Even if one is extremely smart, there are still some limitations.’ (31) Zuiyuan ye jiu shier-mi zuoyou.
Most-far also then twelve-meter about ‘The farest is only about twenty meters.’
(32) Dingduo ye buguo shi gongli. Top-most also only ten kilometer ‘At most it is only ten kilometers.’
III. ye with the meaning of ‘even’ preceded by an overt lian ‘even’ often occurs in negative sentences11
A. the element preceding ye is a noun
(33) Ta tou ye bu tai, zhuanxin xuexi. He head even not lift pay attention learning
‘He did not lift his head at all, and paid all his attention to learning.’ B. the element in front of ye is the construction of ‘yi ‘one’+ noun’ (34) Yi-zhang zhi ye mei diu.
One-CL paper even not throw ‘Even one piece of paper is not thrown away.’
C. the element preceding ye is a verbal noun, and the numeral is limited to yi ‘one’
11 The question concerning why ye occurs more often in negative sentences will not be discussed in this thesis (cf. Biq (1989)).
(35) Yi-ci ye mei qu. One-CL even not go ‘Do not go even once.’
(36) Shuzhi yi dong ye bu dong.12 Branch one move even not move ‘The branches do not move even a little.’
IV. the emphatic use that characterizes the tone of voice called roundabout, tactful (37) Ni ye bu shi wairen, wo dou gaosu ni ba.
You also not is stranger I all tell you particle ‘You are not stranger, and I shall tell you everything.’
(38) Ni ye tai bu keqi le. You also too not polite le ‘You are also very impolite.’
Besides, Ma (1982) modifies Lu’s (1980) idea, proposes that ye signify the similarity between two expressions not mark the existence of two things, which are equivalent, as shown in (39). In (39), there is no identical element between two conjuncts. Instead, we can draw certain similarity between them: the intensity of ‘the wind’ and ‘the rain’ are both reduced.
(39) Feng ting-le, yu ye xiao-le.
12 Lu (1980) observes that when a verbal noun is the same as a verb, the numeral yi ‘one’ can be omitted, as represented by (i).
(i) Shuzhi (yi) dong ye bu dong. Branches (once) move also not move ‘The branches don’t move even a little.’
Wind stop-SPF rain also little-SPF ‘The wind stops, and the rain becomes lighter.’
Shen (1983) further pinpoints out that the similarity between two expressions will not be of importance unless certain existence of difference between them, as shown by (40)-(42).
(40) Zhangsan shi Meiguoren, Lisi ye shi Meiguoren. Zhangsan is American Lisi also is American ‘Zhangsan is an American, and Lisi is also an American.’ (41) *Lisi shi Meiguoren, Lisi ye shi Meiguoren.
Lisi is American Lisi also is American ‘Lisi is an American, and Lisi is also an American.’
(42) *Zhangsan shi Meiguoren, Lisi ye shi Yingguoren. Zhangsan is American Lisi also is English ‘Zhangsan is an American, and Lisi is also an Englsih.’
Furthermore, Zhu (1982) proposes that ye denote the interpretations of ‘listing.’ For example, the ‘listing’ reading in (40) is to state that the following two persons are Americans: Zhangsan and Lisi.
Another important point is that, according to Lu (1980) and Ma (1982), these four uses of ye can be generalized as the first use, namely, there is only one ye that functions to emphasize the likeness between two expressions.
In sum, ye functions to underscore the similarity between two expressions; the similarity will not be imperative unless there is certain difference between two
expressions (cf. Lu (1980), Ma (1982), Shen (1983), Zhu (1968)).
2.3 Literature Review: Syntax and Semantics of Erqie
According to Zhu (1968), Lu (1980), Ma (1982), Aoun and Li (2003), erqie is a coordinator connecting two non-nominal categories: verb phrases, adjective phrases, and clauses.13 Interestingly, when erqie conjoins clauses, the clause following it usually carries some adverbs, such as hai ‘even’, geng ‘more’, and you ‘again’ as illustrated by (43)-(45). So, Lu (1980) argues that the semantics of erqie is dijin ‘furthermore’.
(43) Zhe-li bu shao ren shi wo de lao tongxue, erqie you This-place not few people is my DE old classmates and have de *(hai) shi hao pengyou.
DE even is good friends
‘Many people here are my old classmates, and some are even my good friends.’ (44) Cong lulu keyi qu, cong shuilu ye keyi qu, erqie
From land-rout can go from waterway also can go and *(geng) jin yixie.
more near some
‘You can either go by land rout or by waterway, and the distance is much shorter by waterway. ’
(45) Jingyan shi baogui de erqie jingyan de huode
13 According to Aoun and Li (2003), presuming that erqie connects two verb phrases, these verb phrases can not express dual properties or activities of one individual, as shown in (i).
(i) Zhangsan nianshu *erqie/jian gongzuo, hen mang. Zhangsan study and/and work very busy ‘Zhangsan studies and works; (he is) very busy.’
Experience is treasure De and experience de acquisition *(you) wangwang shi xuyao fuchu daijia de.
again always is need pay price De
‘Experience is valuable, and the acquisition of that always requires efforts.’
2.5 Some Problems
There is no denying that Zhu (1968), Lu (1980), Ma (1982), and Shen (1983) give a precise description for the syntax and semantics of ye, but they simply give us a description instead of an analysis with explanatory adequacy for the semantic nature of ye. Lu (1980) either touches the question of why there are usually adverbs following erqie.
Besides, we shall point out that previous analysis of ye and erqie is challenged by the following questions: First, why ye rather than erqie is used in the following sentence patterns: (A) preceding the wh…dou construction in (46); (B) two conjuncts with the contradictory interpretations in (47); and (C) two shi ‘is’ clauses in (48). Second, why erqie is optional, while ye is obligatory in …(erqie)…ye…construction, as shown in the contrast between (49) and (50). Third, when a modal occurs in the coordinated structure, it has to occur in both conjuncts, as exhibited in (51).
(46) Wo jiao-guo hao xuesheng, ye/*erqie jiao-guo huai I teach-ASP good-students also/*and teach-ASP bad xuesheng, shenmeyiang de xuesheng wo dou keyi
students what kind DE students I all can yingfu.
‘I have taught good students, and also taught bad students; I can handle all kinds of students.’
(47) Zhangsan bu gao ye/*erqie bu ai. Zhangsan not tall also/*and not short ‘Zhangsan is neither tall nor short.’
(48) Zhangsan shi Mali xinzhong de hao baba, ye/*erqie shi Zhangsan is Mary at heart De nice father also/*and is linju xinzhong de haohaoxiansheng.
neighbor at heart DE nice sir
‘Zhangsan is a good father at Mary’s heart, and also a nice person at neighbors’ heart.’
(49) Zhangsan qu-guo Meiguo, (erqie) Lisi ye qu-guo Meiguo. Zhangsan go-ASP America and Lisi also go-ASP America ‘Zhangsan has been to America, and Lisi also has been to.’
(50) *Zhangsan qu-guo Meiguo, erqie Lisi qu-guo Meiguo. Zhangsan go-ASP America and Lisi go-ASP America. ‘Zhangsan has been to America, and Lisi also has been to.’
(51) Ni keyi shui chuang, ye *(keyi) shui shafa. You can sleep bed also can sleep sofa ‘You can either sleep on the bed, or sleep on the sofa.’
The above linguistic data leads us to the basic question that what the syntactic and semantic characteristics of ye and erqie are. In the following, we shall first discuss the properties of ye in Chapter Two, and then that of erqie in Chapter Three.
Chapter 3
Syntax and Semantics of Ye
In Section 3.1, we shall first propose a uniform analysis for ye that is treated as an additive particle, and then briefly introduce Rooth’s (1985, 1992, 1997) alternative semantics to facilitate further discussion. The semantics of ye will be spelled out in Section 3.2..14 In Section 3.3 we shall argue that the English counterpart of ye is too/also.
3.1 Ye as an Additive Particle
In this section, we shall argue that ye is an adverb instead of an adverbial conjunction by the following evidence (cf. Lu (1968), Liu (2001), Hole (2004)). First, Chinese coordinated structure can be expressed by a coordinator, such as bingqie ‘and’ in (52),
er ‘and’ in (53) or a zero coordinator in (54)-(57).15 According to Chao (1968), the
14 Since ye plays a crucial role with respect to the pitch accent of the sentence, we shall suggest that ye be a focusing adverb in the following section (cf. Konig (1991)). Besides, the meaning of ‘additive’ in ‘additive particle’ actually derives from the presupposition of ye: asides from the sentence with ye is true, there is at least one additional expression P will be true (cf. Krifka (1999)).
15 According to Chao (1968), in addition to an overt coordinator or a zero coordinator, there are four extra markers of coordination: (i) pause; (ii) particle; (iii) falling ending; and (iv) correlative marker or repeated marker, as shown by examples in (i)-(iv), respectively.
(i) Zhangsan chi yi-wan fan, Lisi chi liang-wan mian. Zhangsan eat one-CL rice Lisi eat two-CL noodles ‘Zhangsan ate one bowl of rice, and Lisi ate two bowls of noodles.’
(ii) Tamen tiantian daqiu lei, fushuei lei, tiaowu lei. They everyday play ball Particle surf particle dance Particle
zero morpheme is the most frequent marker of coordinated structures.16 That is to say, coordinated expressions can occur in succession without conjunctions; sometimes even without pause, as shown by (54)-(57).17
(52) Dushuhui yiding yiao zhuzhi qi-lai bingqie zhichi Study group must want organize arise-come and insist xiaqu.
down-come
‘The study group must be organized and kept going on.’
(53) Bali shi Faguo de shoudu, er Luoma shi Yidali de shoudu. Paris is France DE capital and Rome is Italy De capital ‘Paris is the capital of France, and Rome is the capital of Italy.’
(54) Zhangsan chi-le liang-wan fan, Lisi chi-le wu-wan mian. Zhangsan eat-ASP two-CL rice Lisi eat-ASP five-CL noodles ‘Zhangsan ate two bowls of rice, and Lisi ate five bowls of noodles.’
‘They play ball, surf and dance everyday’
(iii)Tai hui hua niao、 hua、 shu、fangshi, jiushi bu hui hua He can draw birds flowers trees house yet not can draw ren.
people
‘He can draw birds, flowers, trees, houses, but not people.’ (iv)a. Zhangsan budan hui yingwen ye hui fawen.
Zhangsan not only know English also know French ‘Zhangsan can not only speak English but also French.’ b. Zhangsan you change you tiaowu.
Zhangsan also sing also dance ‘Zhangsan is singing and dancing.’
16 This does not entail that each coordinator can be substituted by a zero morpheme. For example, some sentences will alter their meanings, supposing that the original coordinator is deleted, as shown by the contrast between (i) and (ii).
(i) Ni yiao ziji qu huo gen bieren qu? You want self go or with other people go ‘Do you want to go by yourself or with others?’
(ii) *Ni yiao ziji qu gen bie ren qu?
17 The conjuncts are prone to occur in succession without pause, when their conjuncts are short (cf. Chao (1968)).
(55) Ni bu lai, wo bu qu.18 You not come I not go ‘Neither do you come, nor do I go.’
(56) Ta youshihou ku, youshihhou xiao. He sometimes cry sometimes laugh ‘He sometimes cries and sometimes laughs.’ (57) Tamen mai zhuozi yizi.
They sold tables chairs ‘They sold tables and chairs.’
Given this, sentences with ye can be conjoined by a zero coordinator, and ye does not have to serve as a coordinator.
Second, ye, unlike a coordinator bingqie ‘and’, can occur in a single sentence, as illustrated by (58)-(61). Thus, ye can not be treated as a coordinator, since it has nothing to conjoin.19
(58) Lisi ye qu-guo Meiguo. Lisi also go-ASP America ‘Lisi has also been to America.’
(59) *Bingqie Lisi qu-guo Meiguo.20, 21
18 Example (55) is structurally ambiguous. It can be analyzed as a coordinated structure or a conditional sentence. Since the conditional structure is beyond the scope of the thesis, we shall only focus on the first interpretation.
19 One may argue that when ye occurs in a single sentence, it is a macrosyntactic use of a conjunction, depending on something outside the sentence in which it occurs. This usage of ye is beyond the scope of this thesis, and we shall not discuss it in the remaining thesis.
And Lisi go-ASP America ‘And Lisi has also been to America.’
(60) Zhe ye jiu shi laoshi chang shuo de: you zhi zhe shi This also then is teacher often say DE: you will person thing jing cheng.
eventually success
‘This is what the teacher said: where there is a will there is a way.’ (61) * Bingqie zhe jiu shi laoshi chang shuo de: you zhi
And this then is teacher often say DE: you will zhe shi jing cheng.
person thing eventually success
‘And this is what the teacher said: where there is a will there is a way.’
Third, a coordinator generally cannot co-occur with another coordinator or subordinator. This substantiates that ye, which can follow a coordinator qie ‘and’ or a subordinator yinwei ‘since’, is not a coordinator, as shown by (62)-(64).22
(62) Ta changchang bu tinghua, bingqie youshi ye hui He usually not obedient and sometimes also will shua-piqi.
lose temper
‘He is not usually obedient, and sometimes he also loses his temper.’ (63) *Ta changchang bu tinghua, qie bingqie youshi hui
21 In case that more information is provided in the discourse, this sentence can be grammatical in the conversation.
He usually not obedient and and sometimes will shua-piqi.
lose temper
‘He is not usually obedient, and sometimes he also loses his temper.’
(64) (Yinwei) ta you yi-shuang da yianjing, suoyi ye/* bingqie Since she has one-CL big eyes so also/*and
geng xiyin ren.
more charming people
‘Since she has big eyes, she is more charming.’
Thus far, it is plausible for us to rule out the possibility that ye functions as a conjunction, or as an adverbial conjunction.
In sum, we have pointed out that ye should be an adverb by the following reasons: (A) Chinese allows a zero coordinator, and thus ye does not need to function as an adverbial conjunction; (B) ye can occur in a single sentence; and (C) ye can co-occur with a coordinator or a subordinator. In the following, we shall first briefly introduce Rooth’s (1985, 1992, 1997) alternative semantics as a preliminary, and then the proposal that ye presupposes an alternative set will be suggested.
3.2 Proposal
3.2.1 Preliminary of Ye: Rooth’s Alternative Semantics
The idea of Rooth’s (1985, 1992, 1997) alternative semantics is to account for the interpretation of focus by first proposing the idea that in addition to the ordinary semantic value of an expression α, written [[α]]o, each expression has a focus semantic value [[α]]f that is in contrast to the ordinary semantic value [[α]]o. The
focus semantic value for a phrase α, represented as [[α]]f, is a set of propositions that derives from the ordinary semantic value. Seen in this way, the focus semantic value of [[α]]f results from substitution in the position corresponding to the focus phrase α of the ordinary semantic value. For example, the focus semantic value of (65) is the set of propositions of the form ‘x likes Sue’, as shown by (66b).
(65) [Mary]F likes Sue.
(66) a. [[ [Mary]F likes Sue ]]o = Mary likes Sue23
b. [[ [Mary]F likes Sue ]]f = x likes Sue, where x is in contrast to ‘Mary’
Simply put, the focus semantic value of (65b) is the set of propositions contrary to the ordinary semantic value. So, the denotation of the variable x introducing by focus is a set of alternatives of ‘Mary’.
Second, in addition to the intonational reflex of focus, Rooth (1985, 1992, 1997) pinpoints out that certain lexical or specific constructions also have focus-related effect that introduces variable.24 For example, only in auxiliary position is assigned a lexical semantic value quantifying properties (cf. Rooth (1985, 1992, 1997)). The semantic nature of only in (68a) is the quantification in (68b) representing that if P is a property in a certain set of properties C, and Mary has that property, and then P is identical to the property expressed by VP.
Besides, in virtue of variations derived from certain pragmatic factors, Rooth (1985, 1992, 1997) claims that the function of the focus semantic value is to constrain
23 The ordinary semantic value is equivalent to the original sentence.
24
One of the specific constructions pertinent to association-with-focus effect is a cleft sentence (cf. Rooth (1992)). This is beyond the scope of the thesis; we shall not discuss it in the remainder of this thesis.
rather than to fix C illustrated by the focus-determined constraint in (68c).25 Give this, the focus semantic value for (68) is the proper superset of [[VP]]f including propositions based on choices of x that are not people.
(67) Mary only introduces [Bill]F to Sue. (68) a. Mary only VP
b. ∀P [P∈C∧P(m)→P=VP’]
c. Focus-determined constraint: C∈[[VP]]f, where C serves as a domain of quantification
(69) [[VP ]]f = introducing x to Sue
Third, Rooth (1985, 1992, 1997) further argues that the constraints introduced by focus interpretation can be regarded as presupposition. For instance, the focus-determined constraint in (68c) shows the presupposition that if Mary has a property of the form ‘introducing x to Sue’, then it must be the property of ‘introducing Bill to Sue’. So, it excludes other possibilities.
Finally, Rooth (1985, 1992, 1997) proposes that focus semantic values be interpreted by the operator ~, which annotates the level at which focus is interpreted and also introduces the focus constraint, as illustrated by (71), the configuration of (67), repeated as (70).
25
According to Rooth (1985, 1992, 1997), the focus semantic value is to constrain C rather than to fix it. This proposal yields the right explanation of (i).
(i) John only eatf beef noodles.
Focus-determined constraint: C∈[[sell beef noodles, buy beef noodles, cook beef noodles ]]
Simply put, sentence (i) means that if John has property of the form ‘P beef noodles’, and then it is the property of ‘eating beef noodles’, rather than ‘selling beef noodles’, ‘buying beef noodles’ or ‘cooking beef noodles’.
(70) Mary only introduces [Bill]F to Sue.
(71)
In short, the focus in (71) is interpreted at the level of VP, while only(C) is an overt representation of the domain of quantification. Since C is a variable, its value is either one member of a set of propositions of the form ‘introducing x to Sue’ or is fixed by pragmatics. Given this, Rooth (1985, 1992, 1997) stipulates the LF representation of (72) to make association of focus with focusing adverbs, only, obligatory.
In a nutshell, the idea of alternative semantics is to account for the effect of focus by an additional focus semantic value. Rooth (1985, 1992, 1997) argues for a uniform analysis of focus by the operator ~, which annotates the level at which focus is interpreted and also introduces the focus-determined constraint. The function of the focus-determined constraint is to restrict the elements of the antecedent for the variable introduced by focus interpretation, and its status is identified as presupposition. Having as a preliminary the introduction of alternative semantics, we shall propose an analysis for the semantics of ye in the subsequent section.
3.2.2 Semantics of Ye
Along the line of Rooth’s (1985, 1992, 1997) alternative semantics, we shall suggest that semantically an additive particle ye presupposes that there is at least one contextually salient proposition P that is distinct from the sentence with ye is true (cf. Rullmann (2003), Tsai (2004)). This proposal can explain the following questions: (A) how to represent the ambiguous interpretations of a single clause with ye, such as (74); (B) how to define previous descriptions of ye formally: (i) ye means ‘listing’ (cf. Zhu (1982)), (ii) ye signifies the similarity between the two expressions (cf. Lu (1980), Ma (1982)), and (iii) the similarity will not be significant unless there is certain difference between two expressions (cf. Shen (1983)); and (C) why ye rather than erqie occurs in certain sentence patterns.
Assuming Rooth’s (1985, 1992, 1997) alternative semantics, we first assign ye a lexical semantic value with quantificational force. The focus semantic value is derived from making a substitution in the position corresponding to the focus semantic value of the ordinary semantic value. In other words, the focus semantic value and the ordinary semantic value are equivalent except for the substitution part,
turning out to be a variable introduced by the focus, and thus the semantics of ye is spelled out as (73).
(73) [[ye]]= a set of expressions P∈{[[α]]f－[[α]]o }
Simply put, the semantics of ye denotes a set of expressions P belonging to a set of expressions of the focus semantic value other than the ordinary semantic value. Namely, ye presupposes that there is at least one contextually salient expression P that is distinct from the sentence with ye is true.
Assuming this way of analysis, we would be able to represent the ambiguous interpretations of (74) in a formal way. On condition that the focus is on VP, ye presupposes an alternative set of ‘Lisi qu-guo Meiguo’, as shown by ‘Lisi P’, and at least one member from that set is true, as shown in (76a). Namely, P can be Lisi qu-guo Yingguo ‘Lisi has been to England’, Lisi qu-guo Riben ‘Lisi has been to Japanese’, Lisi qu-guo Deguo ‘Lisi has been to German’, and etc, illustrated by (77).
(74) Lisi ye qu-guo Meiguo. (75) Lisi ye [VP qu-guo Meiguo]f.
Lisi also go-ASP America
‘Lisi has been to someplace (≠America)), and Lisi has also been to America.’
(76) a. [[ye]]= a set of propositions of P∈{[[qu-guo Meiguo]]f－[[qu-guo Meiguo]]o} b. Focus-determined constraint: C∈[[qu-guo Meiguo]]f, where C serves as a
(77)
On condition that the focus is on subject NP, the semantic nature of ye in (79) is to presuppose that there is at least one proposition with the form ‘P qu-guo Meiguo’, where P is not ‘Lisi’ is true, as represented by (80). By analogy with (75), P can be Zhangsan ‘Zhangsan’, Wangwu ‘Wangwu’, Zhaoliu ‘Zhaoliu’. What is imperative is that the level at which the operator ~ interprets focus disposes two different interpretations, as exemplified by configurations (77) and (80).
(78) Lisif ye qu-guo Meiguo. Lisi ye qu-guo Meiguo
‘Someone (≠Lisi) has been to America, and Lisi has also been to.’
(79) a. [[ye]]= a set of propositions of P∈{ [[Lisi]]f qu-guo Meiguo－[[Lisi]]o qu-guo Meiguo }
b. Focus-determined constraint: C∈[[Lisi]]f, where C serves as a domain of quantification
(80)
Second, the proposal also helps us to account for the characteristics of ye reviewed in Chapter Two: ye signifies the similarity between two expressions; the similarity will not be significant unless there is certain difference between the two expressions (cf. Lu (1980), Ma (1982), and Shen (1983)). This phenomenon is exemplified by the ungrammaticality of (81) with more than one variable introduced by focus, and (82) without any variable.
(81) *Zhangsan qu-guo Yingguo, Lisif ye qu-guo Meiguof. Zhangsan go-ASP England Lisi also go-ASP America ‘Zhangsan has been to England, and Lisi has also been to America.’ (82) *Lisi qu-guo Meiguo, Lisi ye qu-guo Meiguo.
Lisi go-ASP America Lisi also go-ASP America
‘Lisi has been to America, and Lisi has also been to America.’
Simply put, the second clause of (81) with two foci, which introduces two variables: C1 and C2; however, there is only one ye that introduces domain of quantification.
Thus, either C1 or C2 will be vacuously quantified and it results in the ungrammaticality of (81). In (82), no contrast between the two clauses yields the outcome that no variable for ye to quantify over. So, either (82) is ungrammatical.
Furthermore, the idea that ye denotes ‘listing’ can be realized as the choice of alternatives that are members in the set of proposition P, the focus semantic value other than the ordinary semantic value.
Third, in the light of the facts above, the semantics of ye in (73) also explains the following questions: (A) in …(erqie)…ye construction, erqie is optional while ye is obligatory; (B) ye not erqie precedes the wh…dou construction; (C) ye can occur in sentences with two contradictory predicates, while erqie cannot do so; (D) ye instead of erqie appears in sentences containing shi ‘be’; and (E) when a modal occur in the coordinated structure, it has to occur in both conjuncts, as shown in (83)-(91), respectively (cf. Simons (2005)).
(A) In …(erqie)…ye construction, erqie is optional while ye is obligatory, as shown in the contrast between (83) and (84).
(83) Zhangsan qu-guo Meiguo, (erqie) Lisi ye qu-guo Meiguo. Zhangsan go-ASP America and Lisi also go-ASP America ‘Zhangsan has been to America, and Lisi also has been to.’
(84) *Zhangsan qu-guo Meiguo, erqie Lisi qu-guo Meiguo. Zhangsan go-ASP America and Lisi go-ASP America ‘Zhangsan has been to America, and Lisi also has been to.’
In (83), erqie is optional because it can be replaced by a zero coordinator. In contrast, ye is obligatory because the speaker’s presupposition that there is at least one more
person who has been to America must be saturated by the presupposition of ye. For ease of exposition, we shall first explain why ye is used in the following sentences; whereas why erqie is not used will not be illustrated until the semantic nature of erqie is proposed in Chapter Four.26
(B) Ye not erqie precedes the wh…dou construction, as shown in (85).
(85) Wo jiao-guo hao xuesheng, ye/*erqie jiao-guo huai I teach-ASP good students also/*and teach-ASP bad xuesheng, shenmeyiang de xuesheng wo dou keyi
students what kind DE students I all can yingfu.
handle
‘I have taught good students, and also taught bad students; I can handle all kinds of students.’
(86) [[ye (α)]] presupposes that there is at least one contextually salient expression P∈{teach [[bad]]f students－teach [[bad]]o students} such that P is true.
According to Lin (1997), Cheng (1991), and Cheng and Huang (1996), wh phrases obtain the universal interpretation when they occur with dou. With the presupposition of ye in (85), it is desirable for ye to precede the wh…dou construction because the combination of the ordinary semantic value of ‘teaching bad students’ and the focus semantic value of that is the denotation of universal interpretation.
26 Erqie can proceed the wh…dou construction, occur in shi ‘be’ clauses, conjoin two contradictory conjuncts, providing that it is followed by proper adverbs, such as ye ‘also’, hai ‘even’.
(C) Ye can occur in sentences with two contradictory predicates, while erqie cannot do so, as shown in (87).
(87) Laoshi zanmei women, ye/*erqie piping women. Teacher praise us also/*and criticize us ‘The teacher not only praises us, he also criticizes us.’
(88) [[ye (α)]] presupposes that there is at least one contextually salient expression P∈{ [[criticize us]f － [[criticize us]]o } such that P is true.
A similar way of presupposition also obtains from ye in (87), as demonstrated by (88). Ye presupposes an alternative set of ‘criticize us’. Namely, there is at least one contextually salient property P∈{ [[criticize us]f － [[criticize us]]o } such that P is true.
(D) Ye instead of erqie appears in sentences containing shi ‘be’ in (89).
(89) Zhangsan shi Mali xinzhong de hao baba, ye/*erqie shi linju Zhangsan is Mary at heart De nice father, also/*and is neighbor xinzhong De haohao xiansheng.
at heart DE nice sir
‘Zhangsan is a good father at Mary’s heart, and also a nice person at neighbor’s heart.’
P∈[[ nice person at neighbor’s heart]]f－[[nice person at neighbor’s heart]]o such that P is true.
The denotations of ye in (89) is represented in (90). The second shi ‘be’ clause reveals the identification relationship of ‘Zhangsan’ and ‘nice sir at the neighbor’s heart’ (cf. Huang (1979)). The use of ye presupposes that besides the identification of ‘Zhangsan’ and the ordinary semantic value of ‘nice person at neighbor’s heart’ is true; there is also at least one contextually prominent identification between P∈[[ nice person at neighbor’s heart]]f－[[nice person at neighbor’s heart]]o
and ‘Zhangsan’ is true.
(E) When a modal occurs in the coordinated structure, it has to occur in both conjuncts, as exhibited in (91) (cf. (Simons (2005)).27, 28
(91) Ni keyi shui chuang, ye *(keyi) shui shafa. You can sleep on-bed also can sleep sofa ‘You can either sleep on the bed, or sleep on the sofa.’
27
This is only applicable when the relation of the two conjuncts is exclusive (cf. Quirk et al. (1985)). For example, in (i) one is implausible to sleep on the sofa and on the bed, simultaneously. However, if the relation of the two conjuncts is inclusiveness, either the modal of the first conjunct or that of the second conjunct can be omitted, but the interpretation has been altered, as shown in (i)-(iii).
(i) Ni keyi he ca, ye keyi he kafe. You can drink-tea also can drink coffee ‘You can drink tea or you can drink coffee.’ (ii) Ni keyi he ca, ye he kafe.
You can drink tea also drink coffee
‘You can both drink tea and coffee (at the same time).’ (iii)Ni he ca, ye keyi he kafe.
You drink-tea also can drink coffee ‘When you drink tea, you can also drink coffee.’
Simply put, in (i) the speaker provides two choice: ‘drinking tea’ and ‘drinking coffee’ to the listener. The interpretation of (ii) is similar to that of (i) because the modal carries the widest scope. However, in (iii) the second conjunct is just like an adjunct; it is likely to be a subordinate clause rather than the coordinated construction.
(92) [[ye (α)]] presupposes that there is at least one contextually salient expression P∈[[the choice of sleeping on the sofa]]f－[[the choice of sleeping on the
sofa]]o such that P is true
The semantics of ye in (91) is represented in (92). Ye is an additive particle which presupposes that besides the ordinary semantic value of the choice of sleeping on the sofa’ is true; there is at least one contextually salient proposition P∈[[ the choice of sleeping on the sofa]]f－[the choice of sleeping on the sofa]]o
such that P is true. If the modal of the second clause is deleted, the ordinary semantic value of the focus part turns out to be the proposition of ‘sleeping on the sofa’, rather than ‘the choice of sleeping on the sofa.’ That is to say, ye turns out to presuppose that besides the ordinary semantic value of ‘sleeping on the sofa’ is true, there is at least one contextually salient proposition P∈[[sleeping on the sofa]]f－[[sleeping on the sofa]o such that P is true. In this way, the presupposition of ye is not compatible with the first conjunct. Thus, the modal of the second conjunct is obligatory.
To sum up, the proposal that ye presupposes that there is at least one contextually salient expression P that is distinct from the sentence with ye is true can provide explanations for the following questions raised in Section 2.5: (A) ye rather than erqie is used in the following sentence patterns: (i) preceding the wh…dou construction, (ii) sentences with contradictory predicates, and (iii) shi ‘be’ clauses; (B) in …(erqie)…ye…construction, erqie is optional while ye is obligatory; (C) when a modal occurs in the coordinated structure, it has to occur in both conjuncts. After the demonstration of the semantic nature of ye, we shall next compare ye with too/also
in English.
3.3 Ye is Equivalent to Too/Also
In this section, we shall claim that the English counterpart of ye is too/also (cf. Kaplan (1984), Konig (1991), Rullmann (2003), Hole (2004)). Significantly important here is that Rullmann (2003) gives the semantics of too, and also applies it to also, and as
well.29 Given this, we shall treat the semantic properties of also and too as
equivalence. We shall review previous studies of characteristics of too. Green (1973) is the first one who noted that too is obligatory after sentential conjunctions with exactly one meaning difference, as shown by the contrast between (a) and (b) in (93)-(94).
(93) a. Jo had fish and Mo did, too. b. *Jo had fish and Mo did.
(94) a. *Jo had fish and Mo had soup, too. b. Jo had fish and Mo had soup.
Namely, in (93b) too is obligatory because there is only one difference, while in (94a) too is unnecessary because there are two differences. This phenomenon corresponds to that of ye in Section 3.2.2, as illustrated by (81)-(82), repeated as (95)-(96).
(95) *Zhangsan qu-guo Yingguo, Lisif ye qu-guo Meiguof. Zhangsan go-ASP England Lisi also go-ASP America ‘Zhangsan has been to England, and Lisi has also been to America.’
(96) *Lisi qu-guo Meiguo, Lisi ye qu-guo Meiguo. Lisi go-ASP America Lisi also go-ASP America ‘Lisi has been to America, and Lisi has also been to America.’
Besides, Kaplan (1984) provides the semantic nature and discourse function of too, as represented in (97) and (98), respectively.
(97) Too conventionally implicates: What speakers say about the contrasting (or focused) constituent in the second clause, speakers also say about the contrasting (or focused) constituent in the first clause.30
(98) Hypothesized discourse function of too: To emphasize the similarity between contrasting constituents.
Simply put, the function of too is to emphasize the similarity between two items with only one difference. This exactly corresponds to the semantics of ye shown in the previous sections (cf. Lu (1980), Ma (1982), Shen (1983)).
Furthermore, Rullmann (2003) adopts Rooth’s (1985, 1992, 1997) alternative semantics to spell out the semantics of too as follows: too adds the presupposition that at least one of the propositions in the focus value of its host sentence is true.31 From the above linguistic data, we can wrap up the conclusion that the semantics of ye and also/too has no distinctions.
30
The word ‘contrasting’ means the single difference between the two conjuncts. 31 Rullmann (2003) calls the sentence in which too occurs the host sentence.
Chapter 4
Syntax and Semantics of Erqie
In this chapter, we shall argue that syntactically erqie is a coordinator conjoining clauses and phrases (except NPs); semantically erqie presupposes informativeness, and requires its conjuncts to be the same polar in Section 4.1. Next, we shall suggest that there be no Chinese counterpart of and in English; namely, erqie is not equivalent to and in English in Section 4.2.
4.1 Syntax and Semantics of Erqie
According to Zhu (1968) and Lu (1980), we shall suggest that syntactically erqie be a coordinator conjoining clauses and phrases (except NPs), as represented by (99)-(103).
(99) Zhangsan [VP chi-le fan] erqie [VP he-le tang]. Zhangsan eat-ASP rice and drink-ASP soup ‘Zhangsan has had some rice and soup.’
(100) Ta [AdjP hen congming] erqie [AdjP hen piaoliang]. She very smart and very beautiful
‘She is very smart and very beautiful.’
(101) Ta jihua-de [AdvP hen zhouxiang] erqie [AdvP hen yianmi]. He plan DE very comprehensively and very strictly ‘He plans very comprehensively and strictly.’
(102) *[NP Zhe-zhi gou] erqie [NP na-zhi mao] dou hen keai. This-CL dog and that-CL cat both very cute ‘This dog and that cat are both very cute.’
(103) [CP Zuotian you dizhen] erqie [CP zhenyang jiu zai Yesterday has earthquake and epicenter right at Taipei].
Taipei
‘There was an earthquake yesterday, and the epicenter is in Taipei.’
Semantically, Lu (1980) provides a precise description that erqie means ‘furthermore’, and notices that sentences containing erqie usually carry adverbs, such as hai ‘even’ and ye ‘also’, as represented in (104)-(105), respectively.
(104) Zhe-li bushao ren shi wo de lao tongxue, erqie you This-place not-few people is my DE old classmates and there de *(hai) shi hao pengyou
DE even is good friends
‘Many people here are my old classmates, and some of them are even my good friends.’
(105) Wo jiao-guo hao xuesheng, erqie *(ye) jiao-guo I teach-ASP good students and also teach-ASP
huai xuesheng, (shenmeyiang de xuesheng wo dou keyi bad students what kind DE students I DOU can yingfu)
handle
‘I have taught good students, and also taught bad students; (I can handle all kinds of students).’
However, Lu’s (1980) simply gives us a description instead of an analysis with explanatory adequacy for the semantics of erqie. Besides, Lu (1980) neither touches the question of what environments erqie can occur in.
In the following, we shall first point out that erqie can occur in the following three sentence patterns: (A) in p erqie q construction, q entails p, as shown in (106); (B) the propositional strength of the conjunct following erqie must be stronger than that of the conjunct preceding erqie in (107); and (C) the conjunct following erqie contains adverbs, such as ye ‘also’, hai ‘even’, as shown in (108)-(109).
(106) Muqian feiji yijing bei women kongzhi erqie feixing Right now airplane already BEI we control and flight jihua yijing yiusuo kengdong.
plan already with change
‘Right now the flight is already controlled by us, and the plan of the flight has already changed.’
(107) Baishang you sanshi-ge ren kao-shang guoli-daxue class have thirty-Cl people pass national-university erqie di-er-leizu de bangshou zai wo-men bang.
and second-group DE the first in our class
‘Thirty students in our class can enter the national universities, and furthermore the first of the second group is in our class.’
(108) Wo jiao-guo hao xuesheng, erqie ye jiao-guo huai I teach-ASP good-students and also teach-ASP bad xuesheng, (shenmeyiang de xuesheng wo dou keyi
students (what kind DE students I all can yingfu).
handle
‘I have taught good students, and also taught bad students; (I can handle all kinds of students).’
(109) Wo ren-shi zhe-san-ge jiaoshou, erqie qizhong you liang-ge I know this-three-CL professors and among with two-CL *(hai) shi wo-de zhidaolaoshi, (wo gen tamen zai shou even is my adviser (I with them again familiar bu-guo).
not-over
not-enough familiar SFP
‘I know these three professors, and two of them are even my advisers. I can not be more familiar with them.’
Second, we shall suggest that the interpretation of ‘furthermore’ comes from the presupposition of erqie, relating to the notion of informativeness.32
