In this section, we shall first introduce the notion of informativeness in (110) as preliminaries of our analysis for the semantic representation of erqie, and then the proposal that erqie presupposes informativeness will be suggested.
(110) Informativeness: p is more informative than q if the set of states of affairs that q rules out is a proper subset of the set that p rules out (cf. BarHillel and Carna (1952), Popper (1959), Atlas and Levinson (1981), and Levinson, S.C. (2000))
Simply put, BarHillel and Carna (1952) and Popper (1959) point out that given a domain of discourse, the semantic information content of a message can be measured in proportion to the number of states of affairs that the message effectively rules out.
Assuming such a definition of informativeness, we shall propose that p be more informative than q if the size of the possible worlds in which p is true is smaller than the size of the possible worlds in which q is true. Besides, we can further infer that p is more informative than q if p can dominate all of the set of the possible worlds in which the sentence is true. So, we would expect that in ‘p erqie q’ construction, the speaker can make his or her speech as informative as possible with the following two strategies: one is to narrow down the set of the possible worlds in which the sentence is true; the other is to control all of the set of the possible worlds in which the sentence is true.33 Assuming this way of analysis, we can explain why erqie can occur in the following three sentence patterns.
First, in ‘p erqie q’ construction, q entails p, as shown in (111)-(112). In (111),
33 The analysis of informativeness is in accordance with Grice’s Cooperative Principles, especially the Maxims of Quantity (cf. Grice (1975)):
Q1: Make your contribution as informative as is required (for the purpose of the exchange).
Q2: Do not make your contribution more informative than is required.
the second conjunct ‘the location of the epicenter’ entails the first conjunct ‘the occurrence of the earthquake’. Likewise, in (112) the second conjunct ‘ensure that he can not run away’ entail the first conjunct ‘imprison him’.
(111) Zuotian you dizhen erqie zhenyang jiu zai Taipei.
Yesterday has earthquake and epicenter right at Taipei
‘There was an earthquake yesterday, and the epicenter is in Taipei.’
(112) Ba ta guan qilai, erqie yao queding ta mei fazi BA he imprison arise-come and must sure he no way taozou.
run-away
‘Imprison him and make sure that he can not run away.’
Second, though the conjuncts do not possess the relation of entailment, the propositional strength of the conjunct following erqie must be stronger than that preceding erqie.34 Namely, the function of erqie is to restrict the set of the possible worlds in which the sentence is true, as shown in (113).
(113) Ge zu dou dedai hen hao de chengji erqie Each group all get very good de score and (qizhong) yi di-san zu de chengji dui wei tuchu.
(among those) the-third group De score most prominent
‘Every group all gets good grades, and (among those) the grades of the third
34 The domain of the propositional strength is not strictly defined by the relationship of entailment, rather by the relative size of the set of possible worlds in which the sentence is true.
group are the most prominent.’
Simply put, in (113) the assertion that (among those) the grades of the third group are the most prominent carries more informational load than the assertion that every group all gets good grades. In other words, the set of the possible worlds in which (among those) the grades of the third group are the most prominent is true is smaller compared to the set of the possible worlds in which every group all gets good grades is true. Similarly, when erqie conjoins two coordinated predicates, the set of the possible worlds in which the sentence is true will be limited because the truth condition of the sentence is the intersection of two coordinated predicates, as shown in (114).
(114) Zhe-ke pingguo hen dai erqie hen tian.
This-CL apple very big and very sweet
‘This apple is very big and very sweet.’
Given a domain consisting of ten apples, and considering just the properties of apples characterized by two predicates, say very big and very sweat, the assertion this apple is very big may rule out just three apples, but the assertion this apple is very big and very sweet may rule out nine apples. In terms of the case above, it is desirable to say that the set of possible worlds in which the apple is very big and very sweet is true is smaller than the set of possible worlds in which the apple is very big.
However, one may point out that ungrammaticalities of (115) and (116), rather similar to (114), are contrary to our expectation.
(115) *Zhe-ke pingguo hen da erqie hen suan.
In fact, this question can be reinterpreted as what kind of conjunct is capable of being coordinated by erqie. Before providing our answer, we shall first introduce the idea of polar opposition of adjectives.
According to Cresswell (1976), Hellan (1981), and especially Pinkal (1989), gradable adjective are characterized as expressions that map objects to abstract representations of measurement, namely, scales.35 Precisely, scales are sets of points (degrees) that are totally ordered along a dimension determined by the adjective (e.g., weight, length, temporal precedence, etc.). In the light of antonymous pairs of adjectives such as ‘big’ and ‘small’, they map identical arguments onto the same scale (and are therefore associated with the same dimension introduced by size), but they introduce the opposite ordering relations (Rullmann (1995)). Thus, such antonymous pairs ‘big’ and ‘small’ are dubbed adjectives of different polar.
Significantly important here is that antonyms of other categories, a verb pair ‘criticize’
and ‘praise’ are viewed as different polar.
Let us back to the question of whether there is any restriction for the conjuncts conjoined by erqie. We propose that erqie require the conjuncts it conjoined to be
the same polar, as exemplified by the following empirical facts (117)-(119).
(117) *Zhe-ke pingguo hen da erqie hen suan.
This-CL apple very big and very sour
‘This apple is very big and very sour.’
(118) *Zhangsan bu gao erqie bu ai.
Zhangsan not tall and not short
‘Zhangsan is neither tall nor short.’
(119) *Laoshi zanmei women, erqie piping women.
Teacher praise us and criticize us
‘The teacher not only praises us, he also criticizes us’
Simply put, in (117) the first conjunct very big is on the opposite scale of ‘size’, still the second one very sour is on the negative scale of ‘sweetness’. In other words, the two conjuncts are on the opposite polar of scales introduced by respective adjectives;
this yields to maximizing the possible worlds in which sentence (117) is true. So, sentence (117) is ungrammatical.36 Similarly, in (118) the two conjuncts conjoined by erqie, namely, not tall and not short are expressions that map the identical argument Zhangsan to the opposite side of the scale ordered along the dimension of height. This will increment the size of possible worlds in which (118) is true, thus neither (118) is grammatical. By analogy, we can say that the ill-formedness of (119) is caused by different polar of the conjuncts: ‘criticize’ and ‘praise’.
36 Thanks to Chen-Sheng Liu and Wei-Tien Dylan Tsai for remaining us that world knowledge plays an important role in deciding whether the conjuncts are in the same polar, as illustrated in (i):
(i) Qinghai Xizang gaoyuan hen gao erqie hen leng.
Qinghai Xizang Plateau very high and very cold
‘Qinghai Xizang Plateau is very high are cold.’
Third, in ‘p erqie q’ construction, q usually contains adverbs, such as ye ‘also’, and hai ‘even’. The presupposition carried by these adverbs increments the information load of the sentence by controlling all of the set of the possible worlds in which the sentence is true, as shown by (120) and (121).
(120) Wo jiao-guo hao xuesheng, erqie ye jiao-guo huai I teach-ASP good students and also teach-ASP bad xuesheng, (shenmeyiang de xuesheng wo dou keyi
students what kind DE students I DOU can yingfu).
handle
‘I have taught good students, and also taught bad students; (I can handle all kinds of students).’
(121) Wo ren-shi zhe-san-ge jiaoshou, erqie qizhong you liang-ge I know this-three-CL professors and among with two-CL
*(hai) shi wo-de zhidaolaoshi, (wo gen tamen zai shou even is my adviser (I with them again familiar bu-guo).
not-over
not-enough familiar SFP
‘I know these three professors, and two of them are even my advisers. I can not be more familiar with them.’
Simply put, in (120) we have shown that ye presupposes an alternative set of taught good students, therefore the two conjuncts I have taught good students, and also
taught bad students denoting the universal interpretation can be followed by I can handle all kinds of students. The speaker tries to make his or her conversation as informative as possible by handling all of the set of possible worlds in which the sentence I have taught students is true. Likewise, in (121) hai ‘even’ presupposes that providing the least possible condition that two of them are my advisers is true, the assertion that I know these three professors well will inevitably be true.37 Again, the speaker utilizes the presupposition of hai ‘even’ to control all of the set of possible worlds in which I knows these three professors well is true, and satisfies the requirement of erqie.
To sum up, we suggest that erqie presuppose informativeness by either narrowing down the set of possible worlds in which the sentence is true or by controlling all of the set of possible worlds in which the sentence is true. Besides, the conjuncts conjoined by erqie should be the same polar.
After the demonstration of the semantics of erqie, let us back to the question why ye rather than erqie occurs in the following sentence patters: (A) sentences containing two contradictory predicates; (B) preceding the wh…dou construction; and (C) shi
‘be’ clauses, as shown by (122)-(124), respectively.
(122) *Laoshi zanmei women, erqie piping women.
Teacher praise us and criticize us
‘The teacher not only praises us, he also criticizes us.’
(123) *Wo jiao-guo hao xuesheng, erqie jiao-guo I teach-ASP good students and teach-ASP
huai xuesheng, shenmeyiang de xuesheng wo dou keyi
37 See Liu (1996) and Yeh (1998) for the presupposition of hai ‘even’.
bad students what kind DE students I DOU can yingfu.
handle
‘I have taught good students, and also taught bad students; I can handle all kinds of students.’
(124) *Zhe shi yizhang chuang erqie shi yizhang shafa.
This is one-CL bed and is one-CL sofa
‘This is a bed, and also a sofa.’
In fact, the above sentences can be rescued with the addition of proper adverbs, as shown in (125)-(127).
(125) Laoshi zanmei women, erqie ye piping women.
Teacher praise us and also criticize us
‘The teacher not only praises us, he also criticizes us.’
(126) Wo jiao-guo hao xuesheng, erqie ye jiao-guo huai I teach-ASP good students and also teach-ASP bad xuesheng, shenmeyiang de xuesheng wo dou keyi
students what kind DE students I all can yingfu.
handle
‘I have taught good students and also have taught bad students. I can handle all kinds of students.’
(127) Zhe shi yizhang chuang erqie ye shi yizhang shafa.
This is one-CL bed and also is one-CL sofa
‘This is a bed, and also a sofa.’
Simply put, in type B sentence (126), we have discussed the phenomenon that owning to the presupposition of erqie, the adverb ye following erqie is obligatory (cf. (120)).
In type A, erqie can not conjoin contradictory conjuncts, unless ye is inserted. Ye presupposes an alternative set of ‘criticize us’ including the possibility of ‘praise us’, so sentence (125) is grammatical. In type C, the insertion of ye enables the listener to know that in addition to the identification of ‘this’ and ‘sofa’ is true, another identification, such as ‘this’ and ‘bed’ is also true. If ye is deleted in (127), listeners will not be able to know what the pronoun ‘this’ refer to: ‘bed’ or ‘sofa’.