Economic development and political culture make the transition
The modernized theory is after 1950 times rise, scholar's study on economic development and interdynamic relation of politics changes, this question according to different views. Find in numerous research, fen with the political democracy shut principal and subordinate in economic development, there are different inferences and annotation explanatory note. Sincere that American scholar Daniel Lerner published in 1958 " disappearance of the traditional society " (The Passing of Traditional Society) think in one book , ' a modernization of national economy will cause the democratization of politics ' ( Lerner, 1958:60). Though the rich country of material, will move towards being democratic, but review Taiwan after economic development, the example of the successful push democratization of politics, it is interest that a lot of scholars feel.
So, the view of the modernized theory, the prerequisite which thinks democratic politics is a modernized society, the forming of this society depends on economic development. Sincere like Walt. W. Rostow is pointed out, ' undergo " economic take-off one " and could develop what is useful and discard what is not the traditional mode of production first, it set up it is economy for attitude since it is the relying mainly on industrial technology, so could finish first of development not national ' ( Rostow, 1971:6-7). Therefore can know , in the developing country, is it make politics democracy even more to want, should first development economy drive social changes first, and then change the social structure and become a more modern society.
Whether the growth with lasting economy will influence democracy to
consolidate too or not. The research of Przeworski ,etc. is pointed out, ' fast economy grows up as for democracy, not the unstable factor, if the economic annual growth of a new developing democratization country is higher than 5%, then the democratic system has greater existence chances. If a new developing democratization country faces the economic crisis, democratic system then have fragility ' (Przeworski , 1997:298) relatively. Economic development helps democracy to consolidate, its key lies in the political economic logic among them . The democratic reform has offered more opportunities that various kinds of politics are mobilized with the conflict , the people of lower floor stand up for the government and propose the society and economic demand in the organization, hope that the government offers appropriate treatment or subsidy , at the same time the capitalist uses the influence power of politics, require the government to award economic privilege and improve the investment climate.
The government will pass various kinds of bills of dividing the spoils in order to obtain the support of the people and capitalist, consume national resources (Haggard & Kaufman , 1995:151 - 52 ). This development in economy that sustained occasionally , could meet these two respects' demands , the government could continue being in power too. And Huntington is pointed out, Taiwan steps into it before democratization, really presents the precondition of some economic development. For example, ' Taiwan is after 1960 times , grow up economically fast, the majority must owe the credit to the early land policy for 1950 times , make Taiwan can keep the balanced income assigning in the course of industrialization, make a large number of middle class furthermore, can leading society of Taiwan ' (Huntington , 1991:43 - 44), and then exert an influence on the democratization of politics.
Taiwan, in the economic development that is gone through for over 40 years
after the war, the rate of increase of the hair volume of national product is born for the model every junior middle school in the same period world. What was shown that this kind grows up at a high speed, it has been Taiwan already from a economy relying mainly on agricultural life activity successfully, slough off and turn into the economy taking industry as leading factor.
In the 1950s, Taiwan was still an agricultural society relying mainly on
agricultural economy basically. The economic and agricultural social structure of this kind of agriculture is social bases of Taiwanese subject's political culture.
The peasant is a main colony which support traditional subject's culture in such a society, the production of the agricultural society, life style produced and kept the fertile soil of subject's political culture. The traditional agricultural life style is influencing Taiwanese peasants' values , attitude toward politics and faith deeply. But from the sixties, with the modernization of the agriculture of Taiwan and development of course of industrialization of Taiwan, the change of the quality that the social structure of Taiwan begins to take place, namely change from the traditional agricultural society to the modern industrialized city society. The modernized course of this kind of economy, has promoted the changes of values of Taiwanese peasant's society and politics and attitude at first; Secondly it is state making agriculture in marginalisation in economy and the declining of agricultural society, peasants become a few colonies in the society , has changed the social structure of Taiwan fundamentally, have disintegrated the social base of the traditional subject's political culture in Taiwan. Taiwan traditional subject political cultural foundation disintegrate it is participant political culture that grow up and become Taiwan social mainstream political precondition of culture day by day.
Section one: Influence of the farmland reform of Taiwan
after the war
In the traditional agricultural society, the traditional agricultural mode of production with limited production capacity has limited peasant's economic ability and personal self-confidence, this makes peasants become main holder and supporter of subject's political cultural orientation. After the war, the development of the agriculture of Taiwan has a far-reaching impact on Taiwanese peasant's political orientation. The fifties, government is it pursue with land to the tiller , reform for the farmland from top to bottom of goal to succeed in in Taiwan, have played an important role in improving Taiwanese peasant's identification with the Kuomintang government and legitimacy of consolidating the Kuomintang's regime . The direct result of the farmland reform is to strengthen Taiwanese peasants' subject's orientation, but in the long run, success of the farmland reform establishes the foundation that Taiwanese peasant's political culture makes the transition.
China piece with the originally country always, agriculture is the economics lifeline of China . In China's history, the land question is not only an economic question, but also a political issue. In the latter stage of past dynasties imperial court , often because the land is excessively centralized , numerous peasants are unable to survive, the people lose the expectation to the old imperial court and start an uprising , old imperial court regime loses God's will too - Political legitimacy, and collapse in peasants' uprising . ' the field ' has been that peasant's uprising is being used most in China's history all the time , it is a slogan that has the appeal most too. Since ancient times, there is such a political cultural tradition that " the popular one gets the world " in China, to is it examine past dynasties political standard of legitimacy (has God's will ) , ruler of imperial
court , to carry popular feelings, and the land question is to determine the popular feelings to the key that is carried, which rulers have solved the land problem, he can consolidate the legitimacy foundation that its politics rule too, if he can gain Chinese peasants' heart . In other words, it is one of the important foundations that China goes through and rules legitimacy towards the past dynasties ruler that the land which maintains the relative equilibrium is distributed .
There is one's own land that is the hope that peasants dream of, and lack a lot of Taiwan of people inning, peasant's hope of having one's own land is very strong even more. Manage era in sun, ' land ownership of Taiwan on already very much unequal, colonize the authorities and distribute the survey materials in 1920 , 1930 and land three times made in 1939 according to Japan, among Taiwanese peasants, tenant farmer and owner-peasant total more than 60% which account for the total amount of peasant households in the whole Taiwan. ' (Liao ZhengHong, yellow person of no common ability,1992: 32)With the development of agriculture of Taiwan, the power that Japanese capitalist and colonist depend on colonizing the government is the backing , or lure by promise of gain, or threaten, do one's utmost to expand its cultivated area occupied , make the land of Taiwan assign more uneven. ' peasants hope to have land of one's own cultivation, this is day according to Taiwanese peasants' earnest expectation of era '. (Chen Cheng, 1961: 162)recover initial stage, the land assign the uneven state yet very much serious. The statistics show, ' 1948 Taiwan before the reform land, the publicly-owned land that the provincial government has is 176,000 hectares, accounts for 21.58% of the total cultivated area of Taiwan, the landlord has 457,300 hectares of cultivated land, accounts for 56.01% of the total cultivated area , but only have 22.43% of total cultivated area to take the
owner-peasant of 88.3% of rural total amount , semi-tenant peasant , tenant farmer and hired farmhand, namely there is only about 183,000 hectares of cultivated land. ' (Chen Cheng,1961: 162)Therefore land of Taiwan assign how 's inequality it is. In an agricultural society such as Taiwan, peasants are the main body of the society of Taiwan. Among peasant, by rent kinds of landlord tenant farmer that land make a living take Taiwan great majority , the whole province of peasant. ' 1949, the peasant of Taiwan the whole province population is 3,522,880 people, account for 58.6% of total population in the whole province.
Among more than 3,500,000 peasants in these population, the owner-peasant accounts for 33%, the semi-tenant peasant accounts for 28%, the tenant farmer accounts for 39%. The whole province cultivated land count 56.33% rent land cultivated land, other 43.6% cultivated land since mostly. ' (Chen Cheng,1961:
162)Because the average land rent of Taiwan was 50% of the annual production at that time, the land rent was quite high, in addition it is limited to cultivate the area , make a lot of peasants fall into the extremely poor condition. After the government comes to Taiwan, the regional land dispute case of Taiwan increases day by day, landlord and the tenant farmer's contradiction tend towards sharpening . Accounts for nearly 70% of total amount of peasants, but there are not the tenant farmers of one's own land or only very small a piece of land, put emphasis on demanding to change the situation that the land is uneven seriously. This kind of land distributes unequal conflict and contradiction that caused and already becomes the source of the unstability of the countryside of Taiwan and even Taiwan society after the war.
Retreat in defeat to the Kuomintang government of Taiwan to speak in fighting, the land problem of solving Taiwan is whether the Kuomintang government could gain the heart of Taiwan too, maintain its key of ruling stability
and legitimacy of politics. Mr. Sun Yat-sen proposed solving the scheme of the Chinese land problem long ago: ' equalization of landownership ', and ' land to the tiller ', this main measure of livelihood among the the Three People's Principles that Sun Yat-sen put forward too. Mr. Sun Yat-sen points out ' livelihood in the future to really achieve the goal, peasant's problem will be really totally solved , take land to the tiller, that just can be regarded as our final result to peasant's question. ' (Sun Wen , 1917:92) but during ruling the continent in the Kuomintang,because invade warlord tangled warfare , Japan year after year and Kuomintang and the Communist Party civil war, make the Kuomintang government is it realize the Three People's Principles ideal on ' land to the tiller ' to have no time. The more important thing is , a lot of people are landlords in the influential official on the senior level of the Kuomintang of continent period, because involved the people's vital interests, land reform was unable to implement at all at that time. Kuomintang and the Communist Party's civil war is a war of fighting for the popular feelings too in fact, the Communist Party of China pursues the slogan of land reform, win peasants' support, win the victory of war too. And because the Kuomintang fails to solve the land problem, the result loses the popular feelings too, lose the continent. This lesson is extremely deep as to the Kuomintang. And Taiwan at that time ' the tenant farmer, in the land was distributed unevenly, the sufferings received were the greatest, and they have been already poor and ignorant, since easy to confuse by lawless person, the dispute is taking place constantly among the landlord and tenant farmer, each other is becoming more serious in conflict of interests, have already caused generally uneasy phenomena in the countryside: If does not check , will definitely jeopardize the stability of the society . ' (Xiong ZhongGuo, 1984:
30-31)just like Huntington (1991: 365)Speak ' none social group than with land to
conservative peasant have, none than is it plough or must pay high peasant revolution of land rent to have no field nearly social group too. ' in continent period, make peasant support the Kuomintang again because of poor and land question , make the Kuomintang go the heart and regime too. In order to avoid following it in the track of an overturned cart of period of the mainland , obtain the approval and support of Taiwanese peasants of Taiwan, stabilizing the situation of Taiwan, the Kuomintang government makes a decision sincerely to implement land reform in Taiwan. And tenant farmer of Taiwan ' land to the tiller ' policy promising even to the Kuomintang government. Because most of officers of the Kuomintang come from the continent, not producing unemployedly in Taiwan, does not very have interests connection with the local landlord in Taiwan, the Taiwanese landlord has no ability to resist too, so, what the land reform of Taiwan under the Kuomintang's leadership is carried on is comparatively smooth.
From 1949, Taiwan Provincial Government launched overall and thorough land reform in the peace , progressive way, use the powerful political means , has reformed the land systems of Taiwan rapidly but effectively, make ideal on ' land to the tiller ' , Mr. of Sun Yat-sen , can be implemented. Whether the land reform of Taiwan divide into three period of stage, sequentially. 375 minus rent , put the neck and implement commonly land to the tiller.
April of 1949, and " implementing regulations " that Taiwan Provincial Government announces that " the privately owned cultivated land in Taiwan Province rents the method ", formally to begin to implement 375 to reduce renting in Taiwan. May of 1951, legislative organ through " 375 reduce regulations of renting ", is it is it decide to rent to reduce by form that legislate
375. 375 minus the focal point rented is to stipulate : The land rent rent of cultivated land can't exceed main straight 375¡ë of harvest yield of the whole year of products of crop , all the person who exceeds 375¡ë of a horizontal tablet of the land rent , it is 375¡ëto reduce, the person who less thans 375¡ë can't increase . 375 minus rent the implementation of the method ' burden of lightenning the tenant farmer, solve China the histories of being of long standing and well established landlord and the the relations not tense of tenant farmer of effective one Shu ', (Liao ZhengHong , yellow person of no common ability, 1992:
33)Have met the tenant farmer's reduction land rent hope tentatively.
After 375 minus rent, the second step of land reform is to put the neck commonly . Taiwan Provincial Government made in 1951 ' put and get the publicly-owned cultivated land to foster owner-peasant's implementing method in Taiwan Province ', after checking and approve in the executive organ , begin to put and get the common ground by stages. Underwrited by the tenant farmer who is chartered, obtain ownership , become owner-peasants, implement by abolishing the system of renting out on the publicly-owned land land to the tiller.
Put the neck to implement later commonly land to the tiller the test and demonstration of the policy. According to statistics, ' Taiwan from 1951 to 1961 puts the area of getting and is up to 96,000 hectares commonly , there are 156,000 to bear and lead peasant households. ' (Xiong ZhongGuo,1984: 36)
Land to the tiller is the third step of land reform of Taiwan, is the last
step of implementing land reform too. 1953 dates, the legislative
organ passes ' land to the tiller the law ', issue April ' implement land
to the tiller , law regulations ', stipulate or dry land six or first more
than cultivated land sought and accepted by the government landlord
all three first paddy field, sell give tenant farmer or have ground peasant and then, goal its to leave all of peasants on cultivated land , plough, the cultivation achievement is enjoyed by peasant. In implement land to the tiller , course , ' Taiwan Provincial Government is it charge landlord 143,567 first cultivated land to seek altogether, it is quite favorable to peasants to put the neck to give to 194,823 peasant households. ' (Zhang Yan field,1982: 54)Land to the tiller smooth completion of the policy, the landlord in the countryside of Taiwan changes direction in the industry and commerce or disappears by oneself , and rural most peasants become owner-peasants .
The owner-peasant of the whole province of Taiwan has already accounted for 84.7% of the total amount of peasant households by 1955, the social economic structure of the countryside has already changed completely.壹、 The land reform of Taiwan is a very popular , makes peasant's benefited policy mostly, has won Taiwanese peasant's identification with the Kuomintang government and supported, therefore for improving the political legitimacy that the Kuomintang government rules in Taiwan, consolidating it and ruling the foundation all has far-reaching influence.
貳、
Land reform has changed the land ownership of the countryside of Taiwan First of all, land reform has changed the land ownership of the countryside of Taiwan, make most peasant with certain land owner-peasant, ' get people political consciousness of land by radical to transfer to guarding, it become the as political situation social stabilize by factor '. (Dong ZhengHua , Luo RongQu,
1997: 123)With the progress of land reform, peasants' income increases gradually, the scene that a scene of prosperity and stability , peasant live and work in peace and contentment appears in the countryside of Taiwan. For example after 375 minus rent and implement, ' tenant farmer's income increases, well-off, the life shape once is improving, then there is ' 375 ' madam (because ' 375 ' reduces and rents and starts to have money to take a wife), ' 375 ' farm cattle , ' 375 ' farm implements,, ' 375 ' gold (have savings because ' 375 ' reduce and rent ) wait a moment for the happy phenomenon, full of countryside corners.
' (Zhu HuiSen, 1988: 385)put the neck commonly and land to the tiller implementation of the policy , make the Taiwanese tenant farmer get land in dream and sleep and become owner-peasants further. As to traditional peasant, the land is the direct bearing that they settle down and get on with one's work, agriculture is not only a life means, and a life way even more, but also a purpose of the life. Taiwanese peasants who get land, produce a kind of strong heavy agricultural psychology , namely the sense of identification with land and dedicating oneself to the sense, put into agricultural production physically and mentally. After land reform, Taiwanese peasants settle down agricultural production, undoubtedly there is decisive meaning to stability and economic recovery of the society of Taiwan in this.
Second, land reform has strengthened peasant's support to the government and approval orientation
Secondly, land reform has strengthened Taiwanese peasant's support to the Kuomintang authoritative government and approval orientation. Chinese peasants always claim guarding with the honest sincere , loyal kind-heartedness , destiny, they, to there is a political cultural tradition that is
grateful to with the favor to the ruler or benevolent rule, from ancient times and seek ways to return his kindnessing, grateful feeling of ruler turn to to loyal politics have ruler correctly namely oneself. The land reform same receiving this kind of result too which the government carried on in Taiwan. The completion of land reform makes the countryside of Taiwan present the social structure relying mainly on owner-peasant , ' this new stratum, visit interests of receiving land reform, important strength of the rural civil order of four 0 , five 0 times of the Republic of China that become firm ' ( 黄 The person of no common ability, 1998:
69). As the beneficiary of land reform, the countryside that relies mainly on owner-peasant , on politics ' exceed city residents to the support of the Kuomintang's regime far too, unless among 1964 since 1952, the Kuomintang is on election , county of mayor of 16 pieces,let's can have got the victories of counties and cities often ' (WenCheng Wu, 1996: 18)this shows that Taiwanese peasant's politics of the Kuomintang is supported and admitted.
Under the Kuomintang's authoritative system, peasants who just got land, still influenced by traditional political culture, their approval and support to the Kuomintang's regime , grateful because of the land reform policy to the Kuomintang, change the approval and support authoritative to the Kuomintang's politics, it is obviously in traditional China's political culture, the continuity and development of subject's orientation. So, the land reform of the Kuomintang has strengthened the Taiwanese people's subject's orientation actually.
However, from the point of view of long-term, the land reform of Taiwan makes owner-peasants become the subject of the countryside, establish the foundation that Taiwan pursues local autonomy and peasant's politics to participate in too.
Before land reform, numerous tenant farmers, because the financial burden is overweight, life is in privation, not mostly interested in politics. After pursueing
from reduce the policy of renting, the economic income of the tenant farmer increases, life takes a favorable turn, ' and ensure one's own interests in order to strive for , do the best to try to get the participation opportunity to politics, this can smoothly it finish with province local autonomy, it depend on by most tenant farmer there is the real more the adherents not warm '. (Zhu HuiSen, 1988:
397)In the typical agricultural society, the land is not merely the guarantee of people's life, and the measure of people's social status. Yes the landlord - Tenant farmer's relation is in the tenant farmer of status for hire according to the social condition of the leading position, have a kind of main slave's relation with the landlords psychologically. The landlord in the countryside has already
disappeared basically after land reform, land to the tiller the policy makes
peasants get land, thus peasants have economic independence, and then there is improvement of politics and social status. After land reform, the
owner-peasant participates in every social activities in the countryside actively, ' the election to local public office at the same time also adopts the positive
attitude, participate in enthusiastically '. (Zhang Yan field , 1982: 57)Participate in the society and politics activity actively, contribute to training the political sense of participation of Taiwanese peasants, have established the foundation for the transition that will Taiwanese peasant's political cultural orientation will come.
Section two Modernized impact on peasant of the agriculture of Taiwan
In the fifties and the sisties, the farmland of Taiwan reformed and once strengthened Taiwanese peasants' traditional subject's political cultural orientation for a time , however, with the commoditization of the agricultural
economy in Taiwan, the appearances of the modernization and agricultural crisis, Taiwanese peasants' political orientation begins to change too. In order to safeguard one's own economic benefits, politics is participated in becoming a kind of more and more important tools and means in the hand of Taiwanese peasant. In other words, under the great background of agricultural modernization of Taiwan, the idea that politics is participated in is influencing Taiwanese peasants' political values deeply too, Taiwanese peasants' political cultural orientation is changing greatly too.
One, peasant's forming of democratic consciousness and political sense of participation
Smooth completion of land reform of Taiwan, excited peasants' production will , make the agricultural production of Taiwan resumed and developed quickly.
From then on, Taiwanese agriculture began to enter the most brilliant period since the dawn of human civilization. The ones that made peasants have from ancient times too in joyful happiness sense of obtaining land dedicated oneself to the land, embraced the deep and sincere heavy agricultural psychology of the earth to reach the summit . Because peasants inject capital into actively in agricultural production and labour , and use the modern agricultural means of production extensively, the agricultural productivity in Taiwan was improved by a large margin , agricultural products have produced and met peasant's own consumption's needs quickly. The whole but the speech , this period, the economic activity of Taiwanese peasants has already entered into commodity economy stage since natural economy stage. After Taiwanese peasants are involved in commodity economy progressively , the nature and law of commodity economy promote the change of peasant's traditional values fundamentally, and
then has changed Taiwanese peasants' political cultural orientation. So, the modernization and commoditization of agricultural production of Taiwan, impel Taiwanese peasant's traditional political values to decline gradually, begin to form the new-type political orientation.
The agriculture of Taiwan enters the period of growing up from 1954 to 1969, it is the period that the agricultural development of Taiwan enters the modernization and commercializes too. Land to the tiller after the policy is implemented, most peasants of Taiwan become owner-peasants , producing the will to improve, the advantage of peasant's workforce's intensive cultivation way is fully worthy of waving , ' the government strengthens agriculture and popularizes education still through the pushing away in the group agriculturally of all peasant associations of villages and towns, improve the technology of cultivating , improve chemical fertilizer , agriculture chemical and use the method , and expand water conservancy and other production facilities ,etc., have improved the agricultural productivity level and output of various kinds of agricultural products greatly . ' (Wu TianQuan: 1993, 37) after entering the seventies, because the traditional prices such as rice , candy of crops were on the low side, peasants change to plant the crop with high other economic incomes one after another , for instance fruit , onion , asparagus , flowers , grape ,etc.. At this moment, Taiwanese agriculture has already totally got rid of the constraint to agriculture of natural conditions, develop into modern agriculture. ' with the industrialized deepening and enlargement of the market of Taiwan, the degree improves constantly in the commoditization (includes agricultural product commoditization and commoditization of the agricultural articles ) of agricultural production of Taiwan, it manage peasant it is already range of economic system not getting more capitalist including in ' (ZhengHua Dong, RongQu Luo, 1997: 115-116). As to
peasant , engaging in farming to them is no longer for industries of passing on the ancestor, but a kind of job of making a living in the modern society, agriculture is no longer a purpose of the life, and only a kind of life means. This is explained, values and attitude formed under the traditional natural economy condition , have already received the economic law of the goods and regular impact and influence of the market.
The modernization of the agriculture of Taiwan has improved peasants and transformed natural ability fundamentally, have improved the output of agricultural products , the ability to produce means and production of modern agriculture makes contemporary peasants get rid of the common famine in the agricultural society for thousands of years fundamentally, the drought suffers from waterlogging on the threat influence that the calamity brings to peasant's psychology. In the fights of the peasant and nature, agricultural modernization makes Taiwanese peasants obtain self-confidence, this is that a peasant understand the world , understand the authoritative psychological foundation with new thinking and attitude. Before the land reform and agricultural modernization of Taiwan, Taiwanese peasants faced the double oppression of the landlord class and nature on spirit. These two kinds of spiritual oppression are that agricultural era cause peasants to submit to the main origin with subject's orientation. And such spiritual oppression one removes the modernization of depending on the rural relations of production - The modernizations of land reform and agricultural production.
Before land reform, tenant farmer and semi-tenant peasant account for most of Taiwanese peasants', the relation between the landlord and tenant farmer is main social economic relations of the countryside of Taiwan. Because it have or rent kinds of the lands of landlord of needing the lacking one tenant farmer and
owner-peasant , ask favours of landlords , so form a kind of extremely unequal relation between landlord and tenant farmer. The tenant farmer in order to survive, often leave it to chance as one party of the weak, leave landlord exploit, this make in the middle of tenant farmer and semi-tenant peasant transforming into first kind take the bitter with the sweet, destiny, submit to the surging and authoritative personality . Though manage the development that the agriculture of Taiwan had height of era in Japan, but the beneficiary is a landlord , but not suffer all kinds of poor tenant farmers who landlords exploited. ' the unreasonable system of renting out fetters the tenant farmer, fetter productivity , make the tenant farmer in life, in spirit it is everywhere threatenning and not often sink into by fear '. (Zhu HuiSen, 1988: 395-396)For is it rent kinds of land of landlord to continue, ' tenant farmer buy several present present landlords at one's own expense more when meeting special festival celebrationing, and even and the wish is the competent extra forced labour of landlord's clothes, in order to court landlord's joy and spacious treatment. The landlord lends the farm cattle, grant the loan temporarily , ! -! -It cancel or it postpone field not renting,etc. as reciprocating ' (ZhengHong Liao wait, 1992: 82)In this way , often form a kind of similar main slave's relation or the kindness from the compliance relation of relations between landlord and tenant farmer. This kind of relation often makes the tenant farmer produce the inferiority complex, it is very difficult to make the tenant farmer form independence , self-confident personality. So, landlord - Inequality relation exists extensively between the tenant farmers, is one of the origins causing peasants to form submitting to , subject's orientation. The land reform of Taiwan has eliminated the landlord class in the countryside by peaceful means, having abolished old some relations of production, tenant farmer and semi-tenant peasant have become the host of land, make peasants have
self-confidence , dignity sense and sense of safety; This is exactly the foundation that peasant's democratic consciousness and political sense of participation form and develop.
Two , agricultural modernization and Taiwanese peasants' modern thinking
The modernization of agricultural production is from removed to the spiritual pressure that peasants bring naturally on the other hand. Limited to in the traditional agricultural society that the productivity level is limited, it is always difficult for past dynasties peasants to improve the output of agricultural products extensivly, fully meet people's demands, the harvest depends on the conditions , such as natural climate ,etc.. The calamities , such as drought and waterlogging that the nature brings ,etc. can often produce agricultural production 毁 Killing influence. One of the origins of cultural orientations of the people of forming and peasants that the material caused because the productivity level is limited is deficient, is the authoritative social structure of agricultural society too. From the fifties and the sisties, Taiwanese agriculture develops into modern agriculture gradually. With the modern agricultural means, for instance: The use of chemical fertilizer , agriculture chemical , agricultural machinery , water conservancy , electricity ,etc., the agricultural harvest no longer totally depends on the natural favor , peasants no longer live on heaven too, but the input which depends on the workforce , fund , technology increases incomes, and the drought suffer from waterlogging there is gradually little influence power. Thus, modern agriculture makes peasants free out from the constraint of the nature for thousands of years on spirit, have realized that a kind of spirit is liberated , namely on people and natural relation, peasants have already been left it to chance by the traditional
one, compliance transfer with the harmonious orientation that gets along naturally to and decide the natural orientation naturally . Agricultural modernization makes the agricultural output improve greatly , totally meet people's grain demand, make peasants so as not to receive the hungry and deficient threat from then on. The improvement and avoiding the hungry fear of peasant's production capacity , has strengthened peasants' self-confident and independent orientation greatly .
Taiwanese peasants who liberated out from the landlord and double oppression of nature, its economic benefits are main and closely related to policy of the market and government. So, contemporary Taiwan value orientation and political attitude of peasant, under the influence of market law and government policy to mould again.
The influence of the values to peasants of market economy is direct, fundamental too. First of all, Taiwanese peasants under the market economy condition are having thick utilitarianism consciousness and high profit orientation, this can show from the constant adjustment of the agricultural production structure in Taiwan . The rice and candy are originally the main products of the agriculture of Taiwan, 1970 times later, because the price of the rice is on the low side, peasants change to plant the wide , lucrative crop of other markets one after another . In the past, peasants were often considered to be the rustic uncouth fellow , ' in essence, most peasants of Taiwan just look like an independent entrepreneur today, care about the market conditions of domestic and international agricultural products , to the beautiful and the suspicion more in ' cheque ' in empty one, it like studying and judging and homework independently of ', under the guide of the market, ' they can give up the traditional rice and make agriculture in order to pursue profits, can dig for profit
pool breed fish ' (Liao ZhengHong , yellow person of no common ability , 1992:41 - 43 ) too. Secondly, Taiwanese peasants' modern thinking is becoming stronger , become Taiwanese peasants' main body agriculturally gradually at open-minded modern times. Traditional peasants are often conservative, it is unwilling to accept new idea , new things and new behavior, modern peasants are contrary to it. According to great and yellow person of no common ability in one middle period such as times on sample investigation response to new variety , new crop , new measure make , peasant of Taiwan , people Liao, have among peasants polled ' 47.5% willing that adopt agriculture to innovate at first, it have peasant when it up to 76.9% show should learn not for agriculture knowledge and the new technology not newing at any time '. (ZhengHong Liao , yellow person of no common ability, 1992:47) ' about accept new experience and is it form primary factor of modern to hold an open attitude towards improving and improving. ' (Ingle volume then, 1985:477)Taiwanese peasants indicate to agricultural knowledge and attitude of innovation , most peasants of Taiwan are becoming modern peasants in idea. Third, under the influence of taking off in industry and market economy, the attitude to the land of Taiwanese peasant has changed fundamentally. The land is the foundation of the agricultural society, it is core and lifeblood of peasant's life, the land is symbol of the status of peasant's family and origin depended on for existence. It is almost every tradition peasant's hope to expand the land area, unless out of absolute necessity, peasants are unwilling to betray one's own land definitely. However, because industry and commerce of Taiwan take off after the war and development, numerous employment opportunities created, numerous rural youth pour into the cities and towns to obtain employment , it is not the only choice of the people in the countryside again to engage in farming. But the speech even for leaving
peasants that the township engages in farming, the land has already lost the ring of light had of agricultural era, considered as a kind of goods that can be bought and sold gradually, and is no longer considered as the guarantee of life and symbol of the position. Peasant subside to what land admit, indicate values , Taiwan of peasant take place the great transition already.
The transition of Taiwanese peasant's values and growth of modern thinking, make their attitude toward politics and government and faith change. As a special interests colony awakenned day by day in the modern society, when the government policy influences their interests, Taiwanese peasants will utilize various kinds of in modern politics and struggle too the way will express the embodiment that politics will be participated in.
Join, the transitions of peasant's movement and political culture of the eighties
In the modernized course of east Asian countries, ' the government's function is most widely known as the key strength of leading east Asia to develop work ', in Taiwan, ' government to agricultural sector relative to it controls to be absolutely true '. (Xiao XinHuang, 1989: 406)The agriculture of Taiwan develops from the brilliant stage in the fifties and the sisties, to the decline in the seventies and agricultural crisis of the eighties, have close relations with the government's policy. After especially entering the eighties, the agriculture of Taiwan that has already been gone through for more than ten years and decline, can't bear the import competition of foreign agricultural products and fall into the crisis , cause because the government opens the market for farm products under U.S.A.'s pressure.
In the fifties and the sisties, the goal of government's agricultural policy was '
train industry with agriculture ', the agriculture of Taiwan, in order to support the industrial development to make a lot of contribution. For example, at the beginning of the fifties, agricultural products and farm production processed goods outputted the rates accounted for in total value to the outside in Taiwan, average and above 90% every year, its main sources that foreign currency becomes industrialization and buys the necessary fund of the machinery equipment in initial stage obtained, agriculture is the greatest motive power of bringing about an advance in economy of Taiwan after the war. And industrialized development but with Taiwan economy takes off, the relative decline of Taiwan agriculture. After especially entering the seventies, the fast development because of the industry and commerce of Taiwan, a large amount of outflow of the rural laborer, the agricultural goods and materials cost is on the high side, the price of agricultural products is unstable, peasant's income leans towards influence of the low grade factor, the agricultural development of Taiwan faces the unprecedented difficulty, especially the government has to sacrifice domestic peasant's interests under the pressure of balanced adverse balance of U.S.A., open the market for farm products inside the island, cause foreign agricultural products to soar to a export quantum year after year since the end of the sixties. Under peasant's system of making, small one is managed , the agriculture of Taiwan of the intensive cultivation, certainly it is unable to carry on fair competition with the foreign production cost more than the large low farm. A large amount of of foreign agricultural products imports the serious blow making the agricultural development of Taiwan not had, rural social economy faces the crisis that collapses . (Wu TianQuan, 1993: 388)In the face of the predicament of the agriculture of Taiwan, the government has taken some measures to remedy too, but the result is not raised apparently . Under the pressure of the income on
the low side , badly off, sport that Taiwanese peasants have brought a series of peasants of the whole island and saved oneselves. From December of 1987, ' the association for promotion of peasant's rights and interests ' is established in succession in all parts of Taiwan; On December 8 , 1987, more than 3,000 people of fruit grower in the middle part of Taiwan came to Taibei, assembled in the legislative organ demonstrating, protest the government's foreign agricultural product import policy; On March 16 , 1988, ' the association for promotion of peasant's rights and interests 's of all parts of the whole province of Taiwan mobilized thousands of people, demonstration protests the agricultural policies of dumping and the Kuomintang government of agricultural product of U.S.A.
before association , economic department international trade office , the Kuomintang central party headquaters of Taiwan to get to U.S.A.. Will it be May 1988, protest , Taiwan of peasant is it shake the whole ' 520 incident ' of island to develop into finally. Peasants go on street demonstration to protest, requiring the government to solve peasant's difficulty and problem faced, this indicates that Taiwanese peasants are no longer traditional peasants engaging in farming in order to inherit the family property, ' they engage in farming in order to seek profits, this is exactly a peasant when agricultural products are profitless too, get on street main reason ' ( 黄 The person of no common ability, 1998: 74)In the industrialized era of Taiwan, peasants have already become a special interests colony in the society, safeguarding one's own economic benefits becomes conversion which promote Taiwanese peasant's political attitude and main motive force of participating in politics actively.
Back-end Taiwanese peasant's sports in the eighties, speaking from the essence, ' the democratic movement that a kind of reflection peasant's society and politics consciousness awakens ' after abolishing that it is the martial law system in
Taiwan. (ZhengHong Liao,etc.,1992:150), not initial for these peasant of sports ' for striving for by rights and interests not economic of peasant, however, it is naturally in the he one development facilitate by peasant awakening of consciousness not political '. (Liao ZhengHong ,etc., 1992:154)these peasants of Taiwan are changing into the initiative participant from pure subject or passive participant in politics of Taiwan, indicate that the fundamental transition is taking place in Taiwanese peasants' political attitude and faith.
Since the eighties, Taiwan enters the era that the political system makes the transition, it is the political era that culture transforms into participant's culture from subject under authoritative system of culture of mainstream of Taiwan too.
Scholar Liao ZhengHong ,etc., find in an item of investigations about Taiwanese peasant's value orientation made in the mid-or late-1980s, comparing for traditional Taiwanese peasants of the main fact with subject's cultural orientation,
Taiwanese peasants' political values and attitude have changed certainly. The questionnaire investigation through sampling, Liao ZhengHong is and not compared Taiwanese peasants with investigating by peasants according to the
value orientations of five kinds of political rights which moustache Buddha designs. These five kinds of power orientations are separately: (1)Equal right orientation, namely appraise for the proper subjective psychology to the thing that what power status beginning system members should be in on earth while
participating in systematic operation each other, equal value orientation or not that that is to say: (2)Autonomy orientation, about source of political rights, namely whole system and decision level grasped power where 's psychological orientation does it come from on earth, that is to say whether the sovereignty is
in the people's value orientation; (3)The right orientation of freedom, mean whether the systematic sovereignty exercised of decision level is limited,
enabling not going beyond certain range , the beginning is a proper view;
(4)Plural right orientation, mean freedom right of people the unreasonable value orientation that restrain from; (5)Check and balance right orientation, namely systematic decision power of level still the orientation of fraction in conformity with the centralization of state power. (Moustache Buddha, 1998: 51)these five
kinds of power value orientations obviously have close contacts with modern participating in type political cultural orientation, judge the basic standard that
subject's orientation and participant's orientation distinguish too. In the investigation, all kinds of properties methods of estimating of the value orientation of power , such as Liao ZhengHong ,etc. are to adjust and ask the direction of one partly according to the meaning of the question first , and then
offer 4 , 3 , 2 , 1 fen in accordance with the power of the orientation (have no suggestion or persons who has not answered to refuse to calculate), then it is by every value count total points of orientation divided by the question,namely kinds of the averages of orientation. Call value orientation of the parts of speech the
positive orientation promptly when the average exceeds 2.5 fen, deny on the contrary. Can know by 3-1 by the form, besides one of freedom right, four kinds
of other power value orientations reach the positive common understanding standard , unless and whether not in order to checking and balancing for the getting more positive most right , take second place autonomy ,right not equal again, plural right only slightly exceeds cutting apart to click (2.5), according to
the fourth.
表 3-1：各種權力價值取向之平均值
Equal
right
Autonomy Freedom right
Plural right
Right that
check and balance
Peasants 2.66 2.84 2.32 2.59 2.93
Average Not peasants
2.74 2.91 2.55 2.58 2.96
Peasants 66.54 70.96 57.96 64.63 73.23 Percentage Not
peasants
68.50 72.75 63.75 64.50 74.00
Peasants 415 370 418 419 411
Number of people
Not peasants
151 132 154 146 114
Source of the materials: Liao ZhengHong , yellow person of no common ability, 1992: 163.
This sample investigation shows , Taiwanese peasants of the mid-or late-1980s have a comparatively positive approval orientation to such modern democratic politics ideas as sovereignty belongs to the people , the political equality , power
check and balance. And admit to freedom right that the orientation is lower than the average , prove that peasants have not totally broken away from the traditional subject's mode of thinking yet on the enforcement of the political rights.
Five kinds of power orientations to these of peasants are not harmonious, show the characteristic at stage that the political cultural orientation of issuing gulf
peasants is at making the transition.
Project
Disa gree very muc
h
Disa gree
Sam e 恴
Agre e very muc
h
Ther e is no sugg estio n In order to avoid the trouble that
elects, county mayor might as well the central authorities appoint
16.9 61.5 14.3 1.5 5.5
The size of government's power , should be decided by people
1.3 18.0 61.8 12.3 6.6
Politics is everybody's thing, the people have power to decide naturally
0.7 10.5 64.2 20.7 -
Form3-2:Taiwanesepeasantsaredistributedtheorientationpercentage
The powerful leader is more important than the fine law
4.0 27.3 48.8 11.2 8.8
Source of the materials: Liao ZhengHong , yellow person of no common ability, 1992: 165.
To the autonomy, attitude toward source of the political rights that that is to say, namely admit that the source of political system power is that sovereignty belongs to the people or approve the glamour that the political rights stems from custom , power , inheritting or leader, it is a primary standard of distinguishing the political culture type. While distributing from the autonomy value orientation percentage of 3-2 Taiwanese peasants of the form, we can find out , Taiwanese peasants have suitable cognition and positive approval to the orientation that sovereignty belongs to the people. Among them, agree and agree very much
that the total that the size of government's power should be decided by the people takes 74.1%%; Admit that politics is everybody's thing , what the people have the right to decide naturally is up to 84.9%; Taiwanese peasants, to be elected the approval of the county mayor to be up to 78.4% by the peopling; At the same time most peasants agree or agree very much that " the powerful leader is more important than the fine law ", demonstrate that peasants still have strong approval with traditional political orientations , such as ' human rights ' ,etc.
to ' the power government '. This indicates that ' Taiwanese peasants appraise and still integrate the modern and traditional composition to the psychology with sovereign right '. (Liao ZhengHong ,etc., 1992:134 - 136) but overall, after middle period of the eighties, Taiwan peasant to with ' sovereignty belongs to the people ' make the transition for main cultural orientation of democratic politics of intension to political system orientation and approval, legitimacy of source.
The political sense of participation distinguishes that subject's cultural orientation and another one of participant's cultural orientation consult the standard mainly. In participant's political culture, most citizens have sense of participation and positive approval of the right to participate in. They participate in or influence the formulation of the law and policy through various kinds of ways, there are clear sense of participation and orientation. ' a democracy citizen's attitude, it should have included not in fact can participate in by consciousness about themming ',' every one what the citizens of democracy speak language that require ', ( Almond, 1963: 206)' but subjects do not participate in legislating , and his participation does not involve exerting the question that politics influences ', ' for let government official react, subject to seek help mostly, require '. ( Almond, 1963: 242)
In order to investigate the attitude that the people of Taiwan participate in
politics, moustache Buddha divides the political orientation of right to participate in into: Reform right , require right , four items of right that intervene right and give a full account. Among 1984-1985 years, moustache Buddha ,etc., at the age of 20-70 to Taiwan, the sample area contains in 290 villages, including the sample investigation of 4233 people of each trade, find that the percentage to four kinds of participation power value orientations of Taiwanese peasant is among them separately: Give a full account right 74.6% orientation , reform right 79.4% orientation , require right 87.0% of orientation, intervene 24.9% of orientation of right . (Moustache Buddha, 1988: 346)peasant's high orientation of right for requiring right , reforming right and giving a full account, prove that Taiwanese peasants have a quite initiative power value orientation to political participation. According to the analysis of moustache Buddha, the distribution of these four kinds of participation power value orientations of Taiwanese peasants indicates that is participating in the attitude to the transition of the modern participant's orientation too in Taiwanese peasants' politics.
The aforesaid analysis shows , bludgon Taiwanese peasants under's political attitude into making the transition from traditional subject's orientation to the modern participant's orientation in the modernization, this trend will be
irreversible under the society of Taiwan and large environment that make the transition of political system.
Section three, industrialized impact on agricultural society of Taiwan
In the traditional agricultural society, agriculture's economic and agricultural social structure is social bases of subject's culture, the peasant is a main holder
of subject's culture . In Taiwan, with the agricultural production modernization , marketization, Taiwanese peasants' political cultural orientation has already begun to make the transition from traditional subject's culture to participant's political culture. While with the agricultural production modernization of Taiwan, Taiwanese society develops into a modern industrialized city society from an agricultural society taking agricultural economy as leading factor progressively , make traditional subject political culture social base stored in to depend on disintegrate too.
First, train industry with agriculture
The fifties, the implementation of land reform of Taiwan, make peasants' production engaged in producing more actively, add the application and popularization of the modern agricultural production technology in addition , make the agriculture of Taiwan resumed and developed rapidly, enter golden age of agricultural development of Taiwan. " train industry with agriculture "
under the guidance of policy in government, development , Taiwan of agriculture give to is it set good terms to take off industry. On one hand, agriculture has offered a large number of fund, the export foreign currency of agricultural products and processed goods for industrial development , it is a main capital source of the purchase mechanical equipment of initial stage of industrialization of Taiwan; In addition, under the direction of the government, the landlord turns transfering the fund of the land income in land reform into industry's capital. On the other hand, the development of agriculture has not merely taken off and prepared to a large amount of cheap labour for industry, grew up and fostered a favorable domestic market in initial stage for the industry of Taiwan too at the same time .
' the shortage because of the domestic foreign currency, unable to import the people's livelihood consumer goods in a large amount, in order to meet demands of life and production from home, on the fifties begin energetical with little investment development , technical equipment simple , products import industry of substituting government for labor-intensive that domestic market need, textile , chemical fertilizer , glass , food ,etc. are not that the entrance of the durable consumer goods substitutes industry at first. Arrive will it be later stage the fifties, in import of the durable consumer goods is it make effect already to substitute, after meeting demands of domestic market tentatively , begin to develop import substitution of the durable consumer goods at home, for instance household appliances , machine ,etc.. Because domestic market is narrow and small , the development that internally-oriented import substitutes industry is limited quickly, since the sixties, our country has entered the developing period of export-oriented industry specializing in exporting and leading. The agricultural production net amount in Taiwan was new Taiwan dollar of 5,233 million yuan in 1952, the proportion which accounts for the production net amount inside the island is up to 35.9%, and the net amount of industrial production of those years is only 2,622 million yuan, proportion is 18.0%, only and agricultural half, but since 1954, the proportion of agricultural production is presented and dropped year by year, but industry's proportion presents the trend of rising year by year. By 1963, agricultural production net amount 18,783 million, produce proportion of net amount lower to 26.7% at home, and the net amount of industrial production is 19,780 million yuan, proportion increases to 28.2%. It is that Taiwan changes from rely mainly on agriculture into the turning point taking industry as economic form of the main fact this year. ' (Li GuoDing, old wood are here, 1987:39)
Under exporting the drive which leads the industrial development strategy, the economy of Taiwan has realized taking off, the change of the quality has taken place in the agricultural structure of Taiwan, the value of industrial output exceeds agriculture, Taiwan began to enter industrialized era from then on. The end by 60, in the industrial high speed, but the agriculture of Taiwan sinks into declining and crisis progressively , Taiwanese industry becomes the leading factor in economy progressively . ' by 1980, Taiwan industrial production in order to reach 509,324 million , produce net amount proportion of net amount 45.3% at home, the net amount of agricultural production is 104,697 million yuan, proportion is 9.3% . ' (Li GuoDing, old wood are here, 1987:41)
As regards export proportion of the products of industry and agriculture of Taiwan, ' 1953, agricultural products in Taiwan and farm production processed goods accounted for 91.6% of the total export , and it is 8.4% that the industrial products exports proportion; The proportion that agricultural products in Taiwan and farm production processed goods export is only 9.2% by 1980, it is last 90.8% industrial products export ,' (ShiCheng Chen,1991: 160). In the income structure of peasant family of Taiwan, peasants' agricultural income presented the downward trend too, ' the rate that agriculture must account for the income of peasant family was 65.59% in 1966, lowering to 36.42% by 1986, agriculture has not already been the main source of the income of peasant family. ' (Wu TianQuan, 1993: 374)it correspond with it it is Taiwan it is of the peasant it is professional for decline of peasant household with and concurrently quantity , peasant household of family property , rise by a wide margin, ' the rate that professional peasant households of Taiwan account for general peasant households is lowered to 9.0% of 1980 by 47.6% of 1960, and concurrently peasant household surge and increase to 91.0% by 52.4% the family property.
Statistics on 1988,Taiwan " have the professional the whole province peasant family add up to 75839 " '. (whether ZhengHong Liao ,etc., 1992:151), for account for Taiwan most peasant and concurrently family property agriculture and speech, the necessary means that the management of the own farm does not support the family, is a chance of a kind of increase income, agriculture becomes sideline production not essential. These figures show , by the end of the seventies, at the beginning of the eighties, the economic structure of Taiwan has been already totally from occupied the agricultural economy of the leading position to change into the modern industrial economy taking industry as subject with agriculture, no matter or to most Taiwanese peasants to the economy of Taiwan, status and importance of agriculture drop greatly already, already the marginalisation agriculture of Taiwan. From then on, Taiwan succeeds in entering the ranks of the world newly industrializing country, becomes the new developing industrialized society.
Two , social industrialization and urbanization of Taiwan In the course of economic industrialization of Taiwan , agriculture's economic marginalisation, the social structure of Taiwan changes fundamentally too, namely a modern industrialized city society from an agricultural society transition. The course of industrialization of Taiwan is that large quantities of Taiwanese peasants left the countryside and entered the city and worked too, decline of the countryside and course of the urbanization great development.
Under the industrialized impact, the traditional agricultural social structure of Taiwan disintegrates gradually, to accelerate urbanization, after entering the eighties, whole social structure of Taiwan make the transition with will as industrialized city society of subject as one already. All the forming of the society
is carried on in step in disintegrating in agricultural social structure of Taiwan and industrialization, it is a this that subdues his long course.
Before 1960, Taiwan was still a typical agricultural society, economic structure mainlies product agricultural economy of agricultural products , agriculture and forestry fishery is the obtaining employment in the field mainly of Taiwan, the agricultural workforce accounts for over half of the whole province workforce. Since later stage of the fifties, under the circumstances that the government imports fostering and guide substituting and exporting and leading the policy, Taiwan sets up large quantities of labour-intensive industrial enterprises, has created a large number of employment opportunities. Because government's policy of adopting " training industry with agriculture " , forcing down the price of agricultural products , though the agriculture of Taiwan developed quickly in the fifties and the sisties, the growth of peasant's income was very slow . Bigger and bigger disparity in urban and rural areas, the yearning city works and lives, impel the young youth receiving more education in the countryside to well up and obtain employment to the city in a large amount. Whether according to Wu field spring (1993. 374)Statistics:
In 1951, the rate that the population of peasant family of Taiwan accounted for total population was 52.87%, agricultural employed population accounted for 65.69% of total employed population, by 1986, the rate that the population of peasant family accounts for total population is lowered to 22.06%, the agricultural rate of taking total employed population of employed population drops to 17.03%, by 1988, agricultural employed population only accounts for 8.8% of all employed population.
The agricultural population reduces and becomes a few colonies in the society from the social subject of the fifties gradually. Because a large number of rural workforces between twenty and fifty went down town to obtain employment , it was the decrepit women and children mostly that stayed behind to take care of things in the countryside, make engaged in agricultural production workforce not only quantity reduces , but also quality is dropping, the most obvious one is the aging of rural laborer. The statistics show, ' from 1966 to 1976, the agricultural population over 30 accounts for the rate of agriculture's total population from 50% 70% improveds, it is 34 years old on average to engage in farming in population's age 1965 , rises to 39 years old by 1977, engaged in farminging , population's aging trend was obvious. In addition, because the city attracts the workforce of higher education degree to obtain employment , make it slow in the improvement looks party of rural laborer's education degree. ' (Qin XiaoYi, 1985:
761-762)since the eighties, the trend on the decline of reducing , aging etc. that the countryside of Taiwan has demonstrated irresistible population day by day.
In rural depopulation, because industrialized push and large quantities of people in the countryside gather to the cities and towns, Taiwan enters developing stage of high-speed urbanization. ' cities and towns with more than 50,000 people if by living are as defining the demarcation line of the city , then, Taiwan knew 24% that population only accounted for the whole Taiwan population in 1950, increased to 40% in 1961 and increased to 60.7% in 1976, it was 67% in 1981, up to 75% of the people and live in the city area in 1991. ' (Sun QingShan,1997: 89),' the calculation according to the economic construction committee of executive organ, the city population of Taiwan was up to 16,458,000 people in 1994, accounts for 78% of all people. ' (Xie GaoQiao, Zhang QingFus, Feng Yan,1995: 262)Taiwan has already grown into the modern
industrial and commercial society of a height urbanization after thirty or forty years of development.
Under economic development and impact that urbanizes, the enormous change is taking place in the countryside of Taiwan. Except that population moves, the road traffic , school in the countryside of Taiwan educate,etc. the infrastructure is keeping up with the city too. Because the facility of the traffic has offered more opportunities that connect and solve in the countryside and external world, the urban study , employment , trade that large quantities of people in the countryside reach, come and go between town and country, propagating the life style and values of the city and countryside. Especially after mass media is popularized , the newspaper , radio, especially the influence on the life in the countryside of the TV is revolutionary, the urbanization trend in the countryside of Taiwan is more and more obvious, the values of the rural society and interpersonal relationships are more and more convergent with the city society.
Join , the traditional agricultural society disintegrates gradually
' the most important factor that culture forms is natural environment and its life style used that the people are in. It is social in each for the people one for life style , historical relic system , values ,etc. make a living by direct or result not indirect of way by their mostly '. (Qin XiaoYi, 1985: 769)in the development of the latter half of the 20th century, Taiwan succeeded in making the transition from a traditional agricultural society as a modern society of industrial and commercial city . The enormous transitions of this kind of living environment and life style change foundation and environment of the culture of society and politics of
Taiwan fundamentally. ' agriculture is the sending of traditional China's social cultural lifeblood , the countryside is traditional China's values and preserver of the outlook on life ', ( 黄 The person of no common ability, 1988, 13) the agricultural society is the of the foundation of China's traditional subject's culture from ancient times, and decline with agricultural society and the modern industrialized social forming of city , the social base of the existence that the traditional subject's culture in Taiwan depends on has been disintegrated basically too.
In a word, under the modernization, impact that commercializes and urbanizing, the rural society of Taiwan has already no longer been traditional rural society, Taiwanese peasants' modes of production have all changed fundamentally, the enormous change have all taken place in Taiwanese peasants' values and political orientation, contemporary Taiwanese peasants are no longer traditional subjects, but sure the political modern citizen who participates in the orientation.
The industrialized impact makes the economy and importance of the society of the agriculture of Taiwan drop definitely, the reduction and Taiwanese height urbanization by a wide margin of the people in the countryside represent the decline and marginalisation of the traditional agricultural society of Taiwan. All these show , the social base of the traditional subject's political culture in Taiwan- traditional agricultural society- already disintegrate under the industrialized impact. The society of Taiwan urbanizes the striding forward of the society to modern industrialization, indicate taking shape tentatively in Taiwan of social base that modern participant's political culture can be produced , developed
