On Proportional Correlative Constructions in Chinese and Mongolian
Su-ying HSIAO Academia Sinica
This paper aims to investigate the semantics and syntax of Mandarin
‘yuè...yuè...’ construction and Mongolian ‘xedii...tödii...’ construction. It is argued that the first yuè and xedii always occur in a topic while the second yuè and tödii appear in the comment part of a sentence. Semantically, both the ‘yuè...yuè...’ and the ‘xedii...tödii...’ constructions, the degree/quantity of y changes accordingly. The ‘xedii...tödii...’ construction, however, might also has a constant reading, expressing an equivalence between two fixed values on two scales. It is argued that the constant relation is a special case of the proportional correlative relation. McCawley (1988) found that the proportional constructions exhibit some syntactic properties of comparative constructions and conditional constructions. We argue that it is not a coincidence but a natural consequence. Since the degree/quantity of y depends on that of x, the construction is basically conditional. Besides, to describe the change of the degree/quantity, one must compare the degree/quantity with a standard, usually the degree/quantity at a certain point.
Thus, it involves ‘comparision’ inherently.
Key words: correlative, Chinese, Mongolian, yue, xedii, tödii
1. Introduction
This paper aims to investigate proportional correlative constructions in Chinese and Mongolian. The constructions at issue are used to show that two things change together, as exemplified in (1), (2) and (3).
English:
(1) The more he eats, the fatter he gets.
Mandarin Chinese:
((( P(ngy(u yu( du( yu( h(o(
friend more many more good
‘The more friends one has, the better.’
Khalkha Mongolian:
(3) Xedii ix bol tödii sain.
how-much big/many if that-much good
‘The more the better.’
2. ‘Yuè...yuè...’ in Mandarin Chinese
McCawley (1988) investigated ‘the more...the more...’ constructions in English, German, and Mandarin Chinese. He found that the constructions exhibit some properties of comparative constructions and conditional constructions and called them ‘comparative conditional constructions’. According to him, the ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction, a construction in Mandarin Chinese corresponding ‘the more...the more’ construction in Englilsh, has three properties shared with the comparative and conditional constructions.
First of all, jiù 'then’ is used as in ordinary conditional constructions.
(((a( N( y(osh( b( gu(i( (( ji( b( g(i n( t(ng ch((
you if not well-behaved I then not give you candy eat
‘If you are not well-behaved, I will not give you candy to eat.’
b( N( yu( b( gu(i( (( ji( yu( b( g(i
n( t(ng ch((
you more not well-behaved I then more not give you candy eat
‘The less well-behaved you are, the less likely I will give you candy to eat.’
Second, 'yuè phrasse' and 'b( phrase', if not embeded in a complex NP, never appears at the initial of a sentence.
(((a( Zh(ngs(n [b( ((s(] g(o(
Zhangsan compare Lisi tall ‘Zhangsan is taller than Lisi.’
b( ([B( ((s(] Zh(ngs(n g(o(
compare Lisi Zhangsan tall
(((a( N( [yu(] m( t(( t( [yu(] b(
g(ox(ng(
you more scold (s)he (s)he more not happy ‘The more you scold him/her, the more unhappy (s)he is.’
b( ([Yu(] n( m( t(( t( [yu(] b(
g(ox(ng(
more you scold (s)he (s)he more not happy
c( ([Yu( m( t(] n(( t( [yu(] b(
g(ox(ng(
more scold (s)he you (s)he more not happy
((( [[B( ((s( g(o] de r(n] b( du((
compare Lisi tall RC person not many
‘There are few people taller than Lisi.’
((( [[Yu( ti(n] de p(nggu(] yu( h(och((
more sweet RC apple more delicious
‘The sweeter an apple is, the more delicious it is.’
Third, the compared element must be the topmost predicate of its clause, and the 'yuè phrase' is under the same constraint. In (9)a and (10)a, du( ‘many’ is embedded in an NP.1
(((a( T( b( (( m(i le [NPh(n du( sh(](
(s)he compare I buy PERF very many book
‘(S)he bought more books than I did.’
b( T( m(i sh( b( (( m(i de du((
(s)he buy book compare I buy DE many
‘(S)he bought more books than I did.’
c( T( m(i sh( m(i de b(
(( du((
(s)he buy book buy DE compare I many
‘(S)he bought more books than I did.’
((((a( (N( d( de [NP yu( du( sh(]( n( b(b(
ji( yu(
you read DE more many book you father then more g(ox(ng(
happy
‘The more books you read, the happier your father gets.’
1 We find, however, sentences like (9)a is better if the compared element 'du(' is modified by 'gèng' rather than 'h(n', as (i) shows.
(i( ?T( b( (( m(i le g(ng du( sh((
(s)he compare I buy LE more many book '(S)he bought many more books than I did.'
In addition, (10)a is bad because yuè du( sh( ‘more books’, an NP, fails to act as a complement of V-de.
(ii) shows that it is possible for yuè ‘more’ to modify a quantity element within an NP.
(ii( N( d( yu( du( sh( n( b(b( yu( g(ox(ng(
you read more many book you father more happy ‘The more books you read, the happier your father gets.’
b( N( sh( yu( d( de du(( n( b(b(
ji( yu(
you book more read DE many you father then more g(ox(ng(
happy
‘The more books you read, the happier your father gets.’
c( N( sh( d( de yu( du(( n( b(b(
ji( yu(
you book read DE more many you father then more g(ox(ng(
happy
‘The more books you read, the happier your father gets.’
The ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction is not always related to a conditional sentences, however.
Rather than a conditional construction, (11) is a temporal one.2
((((a( T( yu( d( yu( pi(oli(ng le(
(s)he more old more beautiful LE
‘As she gets older, she becomes more beautiful.’
b. *T( yàoshì yuè dà jiù yuè piàoliàng le.
(s)he if more old then more beautiful LE
‘*If she gets older, she is more beautiful.’
We will discuss the semantics and syntax of Mandarin ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction in the following section, with reference to its counterpart in ((l( Taiwanese when there are differences between them.
2.1 Semantic perspective
2.1.1 ‘Yuè...yuè...’ are proportionally correlative
As far as meaning is concerned, the’yuè...yuè...’ construction has a proportional reading, the part with yuè1 contains an independent variable X while the part with yuè2
contains a dependent variable Y. When the degree/quantity of X changes, the degree/quantity of Y changes accordingly, as shown in (12). Therefore, we will call these constructions ‘proportional correlative constructions’ rather than ‘comparative conditional constructions’.
(((( y ( ax ( b
2.1.2 ‘Yuè’ expressing a proportional relationship of two variables
‘Yuè’ can only be used to express a proportional proposition consisting of two variables, not more than two. Though there are sentences containing more than two yuè’s, they express a correlative relationship of two complex variables. That is, some variables are
2 The same phenomenon is found in English as well.
coordinated. Compare (13)a–h. On the surface, there seems to be three variables, p(ng (smooth(( ku(n ((ide(’ and h(o k(i ch( (easy to drive(’ In
actuality, there are only two variables, that is, p(ng( ku(n and h(o k(i ch(. Yu( p(ng yu( ku(n is a coordinating structure. Semantically, it is anomalous to have any
proportional relationship between píng and ku(n. Phonologically, there is a longer pause between yuè píng yuè ku(n and yuè h(o k(i ch( than the pause between yuè píng and yuè ku(n. Syntactically, yuè píng yuè ku(n may appear in a conditional clause while yuè h(
k(i ch( occurs in the consequence clause. Besides, yuè píng yuè ku(n may occur in a
complex NP while yuè h(o k(i ch( is in the predicate.
((((a( (( yu( p(ng yu( ku(n( yu( h(o k(i ch((
road more smooth more wide more good drive car
‘The smoother and wider a road is, the easier for drivers to drive on it.’
b( (( yu( p(ng yu( h(o k(i ch((
road more smooth more good drive car
‘The smoother a road is, the easier for drivers to drive on it.’
c( (( yu( ku(n yu( h(o k(i ch((
road more wide more good drive car
‘The wider a road is, the easier it is to drive.’
d( ((( yu( p(ng( yu( ku(n yu( h(o k(i ch((
road more smooth more wide more good drive car
e( (( yu( p(ng g(n yu( ku(n( yu(
h(o k(i
road more smooth and more wide more good drive ch((
car
‘The smoother and wider a road is, the easier for drivers to drive on it.’
f( ((( yu( p(ng g(n yu( ku(n g(n yu(
h(o k(i
road more smooth and more wide and more good drive ch((
car
g( (( y(osh( yu( p(ng yu( ku(n( ji(
yu( h(o
road if more smooth more wide then more good k(i ch((
drive car
‘The smoother and wider a road is, the easier for drivers to drive on it.
h( Yu( p(ng yu( ku(n de l( yu(
h(o k(i ch((
more smooth more wide RC road more good drive car
‘Roads which are smoother and wider are easier to drive on.’
Coordinate consequence clauses are also possible, as shown in (14).
(((( (u(n yu( d( de r(n yu( y(u qi(n y(
position more big RC person more have money also yu( y(u sh((
more have power
‘People who take a higher position are richer and more powerful.’
2.2 Types of the constructions
There are three types of the ‘yuè... yuè...’ constructions. The first type are sentences with complex NP as subjects, with the first yuè (henceforth, yuè1 ) in the subject and the second yuè (henceforth, yuè2 ) in the predicate. See (15). In the second type, yuè1 appears in the topic portion and yuè2 in the comment part of a sentence, as shown in (16). Finally, the construction may consist of two clauses, one subordinate to the other, with the marker yuè occurring in each clause. See (17).
(((( Yu( ti(n de p(nggu( yu( h(och((
more sweet RC apple more delicious
‘The sweeter an apple is, the more delicious it is.’
(((( Yu( ti(n de p(nggu( (( yu( x(hu(n(
more sweet RC apple I more like
‘The sweeter an apple is, the more I like it.’
(((( N( yu( sh(ngq(( t( yu( g(ox(ng(
you more angry (s)he more happy
‘The angrier you are, the happier (s)he becomes.’
2.2.1 Sentences with yuè1 in the subject and yuè2 in the predicate
The first type of the ‘yuè...yuè...’ constructions are sentences with complex NP as subjects, with yuè1 in the subject and yuè2 in the predicate part. Note that yuè2 might occur in a complement which is a part of the predicate, as (18)b shows.
((((a( Yu( ((n l(i de r(n yu( m(i de ch((
more late come RC person more not DE eat
‘The later one comes, the less food (s)he can eat.’
b( P(o yu( ku(i de r(n k(y( n(
yu( d( de ji(ng(
run more fast RC person may take more big RC prize
‘The faster one runs, the bigger prize (s)he may get.’
2.2.2 Sentences with yuè1 in the topic portion and yuè2 in the comment part In the second type of the ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction, yuè1 appears in the topic portion and yuè2 appears in the comment part of a sentence, as (19)a and (19)b illustrate. In (19)a, yuè2 occurs in the subject portion in the comment part. In (19)b, yuè2 appears in the predicate phrase.
((((a( [TOPI(Yu(( h(o de sh(]i [(I(((NT [SUBJ((T yu(( du( r(n]
more good RC book more many people [k(n ei]](
see
‘The better a book is, the more people like to read it.’
b( [TOPI(Yu(( ti(n de p(nggu(]i [(I(((NT [((] [PR(DI(AT( yu(( x(hu(n
more sweet RC apple I more like ch( ei]](
eat
‘The sweeter an apple is, the more I like to eat it.’
2.2.3 X1 yuè1 Y1, X2 yuè2 Y2
The third type of the construction consists of two adjacent clauses containing yuè1 and yuè2 respectively, which is exemplified in (20)a and (20)b.
((((a( N( yu( sh(ngq(( t( ji( yu( g(ox(ng(
you more angry (s)he then more happy
‘The angrier you are, the happier he is.’
b(Ti(nq( yu( r(( (( yu( shu((b((zh(o(
weather more hot I more sleep-not-well
‘The hotter it is, the more difficult it is for me to have a sound sleep.’
The two clauses of the ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction may have shared arguments as topics or subjects, as (21)a–c show. In these cases, they look like coordinate structures.3
((((a( Zh( ji(n d(ngxi (( yu( k(n yu(
x(hu(n(
this CL thing I more see more like
‘The more I look at this thing, the better I like it.’
b( T( sh( d( de yu( du(( yu( b(
3 For example, Chang (1990) lists ‘yuè...yuè...’ as a pair of adverbs marking a coordinate structure.
d(ng sh((
(s)he book read DE more many more not understand thing
‘The more he read, the less sensible he became.’
c( F(ngzi yu( d( yu( gu((
house more large more expensive
‘The larger a house is, the more expensive it is.’
We claim, however, that the ‘yuè...yuè...’constructions are not coordinate structures.
First, the constructions in question allow backard pronominalization, but coordinate structures disallow it. Compare (22) and (23): both (22)a, a ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction, and (22)b, a conditional sentence, allow backward pronominalization, while (23)a–c reveal that coordinate constructions allow forward pronominalization only.
((((a( N( yu( b( l( t(( Zh(ngs(n yu(
you more not pay-attention-to him/her Zhangsan more n(ngu((
unhappy
‘The less attention you pay to him, the more unhappy Zhangsan feels.’
b( N( y(osh( b( l( t(( Zh(ngs(n hu( h(n
you if not pay-attention-to him/her Zhangsan will very n(ngu((
unhappy
‘If you don’t pay attention to him, Zhangsan will be very unhappy.’
((((a( N( x(hu(n Zh(ngs(ni h(ish( t(oy(n t(i?
you like Zhangsan or dislike him ‘Do you like Zhangsani or dislike himi?’
b( N( (i t(i h(ish( t(oy(n t(i? you love him or hate him
‘You love himi? Or hate himi?’
c( (N( (i t(i h(ish( t(oy(n Zh(ngs(ni?
you love him or hate Zhangsan ‘*You love himi or hate Zhangsani?’
Second, coordinate structures are syntactic islands. The movement of a conjunct must follow the ‘across-the-board’ rule application. Example (24)b is ungrammatical because it violates the constraint. On the other hand, the ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction is free from the
constraint, as (24)b shows.
((((a( Zu(ti(n (( q( le T(ib(i( Zh(ngs(n li(
z(i ji(l((
yesterday I go ASP Taipei Zhangsan stay at home
‘I went to Taipei and Zhangsan stayed at home yesterday.’
b( (Zu(ti(n Zh(ngs(ni (( q( le T(ib(i( ti li( z(i ji(l((
yesterday Zhangsani I go ASP Taipei stay at home
‘*Yesterday Zhangsani I went to Taipei and ti stayed at home esterday.’
((((a( Ti(nq( yu( r(( (( yu( shu((b((h(o(
weather more hot I more sleep-not-well
‘The hotter it is, the more difficult it is for me to have a sound sleep.’
b( ((i ti(nq( yu( r(( ti yu(
shu((b((h(o(
Ii weather more hot more sleep-not-well
‘The hotter it is, the more difficult it is for me to have a sound sleep.’
Third, the order of the conjuncts in a coordinate structure is free, but the order of the two parts of the ‘yuè...yuè...’ constructions is not. Compare (26) and (27): Though (26)b is grammatical, its meaning is different from that of (26)a.
((((a( Zu(ti(n (( q( le T(ib(i( Zh(ngs(n li(
z(i ji(l((
yesterday I go ASP Taipei Zhangsan stay at home
‘I went to Taipei and Zhangsan stayed at home yesterday.’
b( Zu(ti(n Zh(ngs(n li( z(i ji(l(( ((
q( le T(ib(i(
yesterday Zhangsan stay at home I go ASP Taipei
‘Zhangsan stayed at home and I went to Taipei yesterday.’
((((a( (( yu( t(oy(n t(( t( yu( l(i f(n (((
I more dislike him/her (s)he more come bother me
‘The more I dislike him/her, the more frequently (s)he comes to bother me.’
b( T( yu( l(i f(n ((( (( yu(
t(oy(n t((
(s)he more come bother me I more dislike him/her
‘The more frequently (s)he comes to bother me, the more I dislike him/her.’
Furthermore, as McCawley correctly observed, the ‘yuè...yuè...’ constructions are possible to be conditional sentences, with yuè1 occurs in the antecedent clause and yuè2 in the consequent clause. The conjuncts of a coordinate structure cannot occur in such places.
((((a( N( yu( sh(ngq(( t( yu( g(ox(ng(
you more angry (s)he more happy ‘The angrier you are, the happier (s)he is.’
b( N( y(osh( yu( sh(ngq(( t( ji( yu(
g(ox(ng(
you if more angry (s)he then more happy
‘The angrier you are, the happier (s)he is.’
((((a( Zh( ji(n ch(nsh(n li(ozi h(o(
ji(qi(n yi(
this CL shirt material good price furthermore g(ngd(o(
reasonable
‘The material of this shirt is good and furthermore, the price is reasonable.’
b( (Zh( ji(n ch(nsh(n li(ozi y(osh(
h(o( ji(qi(n ji(
this CL shirt material if good price then y(u g(ngd(o(
furthermore reasonable
‘*If the material of this shirt is good, and then, furthermore, the price is reasonable.’
Besides, in Chinese conditional clauses, it is possible to have an NP instead of a clause as the conditional part, as (30)b shows. It is also grammatical to have a complex NP as the antecedent part of a ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction.
((((a( N( yu( sh(ngq(( t( yu( g(ox(ng(
you more angry (s)he more happy
‘The angrier you are, the happier (s)he is.’
b( N( yu( sh(ngq( de sh(h(u( t( yu(
g(ox(ng(
you more angry DE time (s)he more happy
‘The angrier you are, the happier (s)he is.’
((((a( ((m( m(iti(n y(o x( y(f( yi(
y(o sh(of(n(
mother everyday must wash clothes and must cook
h(n m(ngl((
very busy
‘Mom has to do laundries and cook everyday. She is very busy.’
b( (((m( m(iti(n y(o x( y(f( de sh(h(u( yi(
mother everyday must wash clothes DE time and y(o sh(of(n h(n m(ngl((
must cook very busy
Therefore, the ‘yuè...yuè...’ constructions are not coordinate structures. Like conditional constructions, they consist of a subordinate clause and a main clause.
2.2.4 Generalized Topic construction
Like other correlatives such as z(i(((y(((( ‘no matter...’ and yì...jiù... ‘no sooner than’, the second element of the pair, yuè2, cannot precede the first one, yuè1.
((((a( [ Ti(nq( yu(( [r(]] [yu(( [du(] r(n]
shu((b((zh(o(
weather more hot more many person sleep-not-well
‘The hotter the weather is, the more people cannot sleep well.’
b( ([Yu(( [du(] r(n]i [ ti(nq( yu(( [r(]]
ei shu((b((zh(o(
more many person weather more hot sleep-not-well ((((a( Ti(nq( z(i( r(( (( y((
shu((de(zh(o(
weather more hot I too sleep-can-well
‘No matter how hot it is, I can sleep well.’
b( ((( y(( shu((de(zh(o( ti(nq( z(i( r((
I too sleep-can-well weather more hot ((((a( Ti(nq( y(( r(( (( ji((
shu((b((zh(o(
weather as-soon-as hot I then sleep-not-well
‘I cannot sleep well as soon as the weather becomes hot.’
b( ((( ji(( shu((b((zh(o( ti(nq( y(( r((
I then sleep-not-well weather as-soon-as hot
Note that yuè1 cannot occur in the main predicate of a sentence, as shown in (35)a and (36)a. The modificational scope of yuè1 cannot contain that of yuè2.4
(35)a. *Tä yuè1 [pâo de [yuè2 [lèi]]].
(s)he more run DE more tired b( T( yu(( [p(o] yu(( [l(i](
(s)he more run more tired
‘The more (s)he runs, the more tired (s)he becomes.’
((((a( ((( yu(( [x(hu(n m(i [[yu(( [gu( ] de] d(ngxi]](
I more like buy more expensive RC thing
b( [[yu(( [gu(] de] d(ngxi]i (( yu(( [x(hu(n m(i ei](
more expensive RC thing I more like buy
‘The more expensive a thing is, the more I like to buy it.’
Summarizing our observation, the distributions of yuè1 and yuè2 are as follows: Yuè1
and yuè2 can appear in the subject and the predicate, the topic and the comment as well as in a conditional/temporal and the consequence clause respectively.
(37) the distribution of yuè1 and yuè2 yuè2
yuè1
Main subject
Main predicate
Topic conditional/temporal clause
VP Object
Main subject － ＋ ＋ － －
Main predicate
VP － － － － －
Object － － － － －
Topic ＋ ＋ ＋ － －
4 Jo-wang Lin (pc.) suggests that there is a positional constraint governing the relative position between yuè1 and yuè2 in that ‘yuè1’ cannot c-command ‘yuè2’.
conditional/temporal
clause ＋ ＋ ＋ － －
If we follow the analysis put forth by Tsao (1990) in which subject is regarded as a special case of topic, a temporal or a conditional clause is also topic, then we can generalize the above situations by saying that yuè1 occurs in the topic part and yuè2 occurs in the comment part of a sentence.
(38) The distribution of yuá1 and yuá2 (revised) yuè2
yuè1
COMMENT
TOPIC Main subject Main predicate
VP Object
COMMENT Main predicate VP － － － －
Object － － － －
TOPIC
Topic ＋ ＋ ＋ －
Main subject － ＋ ＋ －
conditional/temporal clause ＋ ＋ ＋ －
2.2.5 yuè lái yuè...
‘Yuè lái yuè...’ construction is a special subtype of the yuè...yuè...construction consisting of two clauses. Deictic verb lái ‘come’ in this construction always yields a temporal reading.
((((a( Zu(j(n sh(ngy( yu( l(i yu( n(nzu(
le(
Recently business more come more difficult-do LE
‘It is getting more and more difficult to do business these days.’
b( Zh(ngs(n k( de yu( l(i yu( l(h(i le(
Zhangsan cough DE more come more heavy LE
‘Zhangsan is coughing harder and harder.’
There are several differences between the ‘yuè lái yuè...’ construction and the other bi-clausal ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction in general. First, the subject of the deictic verb lái must be identical to that of the main clause,while the typical bi-clausal type may have different subjects in the two clauses. Compare (40)b and (41).
((((a( Xi(om(i yu( l(i yu( pi(oli(ng le(
Xiaomei more come more beautiful LE
‘Xiaomei is getting more and more beautiful.’
b( (Xi(om(i yu( l(i t( m(m( yu(
pi(oli(ng le(
Xiaomei more come her mother more beautiful LE
((((a( Xi(om(i yu( d( yu( pi(oli(ng le(
Xiaomei more big more beautiful LE
‘The older Xiaomei grows, the more beautiful she becomes.’
b( Xi(om(i yu( d(( t( b(b( m(m( yu(
q(ngs(ng(
Xiaomei more big her father mother more relaxed
‘The older Xiaomei grows, the more relaxed her parents feel.’
In fact, no elements except pause particles may appear between yuè1 lái and yuè2. as (42)a–c show.
((((a( Zh(ng xi(oji( yu( l(i yu( pi(oli(ng le(
Zhang Miss more come more beautiful LE
‘Miss Zhang is getting more and more beautiful.’
b( Zh(ng xi(oji( yu( l(i a( yu(
pi(oli(ng le(
Zhang Miss more come PAUSE more beautiful LE
‘Talking about Miss Zhang, she is getting more and more beautiful.’
c( (Zh(ng xi(o ji(i yu( l(i t(i yu(
pi(oli(ng le(
Zhang Miss more come she more beautiful LE
What is the internal struture of the ‘yuè lái yuè...’ construction? What does the deictic verb lái subcategorize? There are at least three analyses.
The first analysis is treating the ‘yuè lái yuè...’ construction as a special case of serial VP constructions. By analyzing the ‘yuè lái yuè...’ construction as a serial VP construction we may account for the fact that lái and the main predicate have identical subjects since it is a characteristic of all serial VP constructions. However, unlike other serial VP constructions, the deictic verb lái in the ‘yuè lái yuè...’ construction has no semantic restriction with its subject. Furthermore, although the subject of the ‘yuè lái yuè...’ sentence always appears before ‘yuè lái’ as typical serial VP constructions do, the subject of a corresponding construction in Hòló Taiwanese may appear before or after the deictic verb, as shown in (43).
((((a( (( kh( sîki ( l( b(i(
more go situation will more bad
‘The situation is getting worse.’
b( Sîki l( kh( ( l( b(i(
situation more go will more bad
‘The situation is getting worse.’
The second analysis is that ‘yuè lái yuè’ is a lexicalized expression, which functions as an adverb. However, while it is true that ‘yuè lái yuè’ is a quite frozen form, it is definitely not a constituent. Besides, if we treat yuè lái yuè as a lexical item and does not analyze its internal structure, we miss some important generalizations that we can otherwise capture between the ‘yuè lái yuè...’ construction on the one hand and other ‘yuè...yuè...’
constructions on the other. For example, like other ‘yuè...yuè...’ constructions, pause particles such as a, ne may appear between yuè1 lái and yuè2. Compare (44) and (45).
((((a( T( yu( m(ng yu( y(u j(ngr(
(s)he more busy more have energy
‘The busier (s)he is, the more energetic (s)he becomes.’
b( T( yu( m(ng a( yu( y(u j(ngr(
(s)he more busy PAUSE more have energy
‘The busier (s)he is, the more energetic (s)he becomes.’
((((a( T( yu( l(i yu( xi(oq((
(s)he more come more stingy
‘(S)he is getting more and more stingy.’
b( T( yu( l(i a( yu( xi(oq((
(s)he more come PAUSE more stingy
‘(S)he is getting more and more stingy.’
We will propose a third analysis treating ‘yuè lái’ as an idiomatized temporal clause adjoined to the adjunct position of an IP. Compare (46)a and (46)b.
((((a( Zh(ngs(n [yu( l(i] yu( b( x(hu(n q(
((s( t( ji((
Zhangsan more come more not like go Lisi he home
‘Zhangsan is getting more and more unwilling to go to Lisi’s house.’
b( Zh(ngs(n [q(m(k(osh( de r(zi yu( j(n]
yu( j(nzh(ng(
Zhangsan final-exam RC day more close more nervous
‘As the day for final examinations approaches, Zhangsan gets more and more nervous.’
There are differences between ‘yuè lái’ and typical temporal clauses, however. First, the temporal lái cannot form an independent sentence, while temporal clauses in general can. Compare (47) and (48).
(((( Q(m(k(osh( de r(zi j(n le(
final-exam RC day close LE
‘The day for final examinations is approaching.’
((((a( (((Sh(ji(n( l(i le(( Time come LE
‘(Time) is coming.’
Besides, it is not common for a temporal phrase to be the subject of a deictic verb lái.
In cases like (50)a, it is plausible to proposed that ch(nti(n ‘spring’ is personified and lái denotes moving of a ‘person’ rather than that of time.
((((a( ?Q(m(k(osh( de r(zi y(o l(i le(
final-exam RC day will come LE
‘The day for final examinations is coming.’
b( Q(m(k(osh( de r(zi y(o d(o
le(
final-exam RC day will arrive LE
‘The final examination is coming.’
((((a( (h(nti(n y(o l(i le(
Spring will come LE
‘Spring is coming.’
b( (h(nti(n y(o d(o le(
Spring will arrive LE
‘Spring is coming.’
Furthermore, yuè lái, unlike other temporal clauses, cannot appear at the initial position of a sentence.6
((((a( ([Yu( l(i] Zh(ngs(n yu( b( x(hu(n q( ((s(
more come Zhangsan more not like go Lisi t( ji((
he home
b( [Q(m(k(osh( yu( j(n] Zh(ngs(n yu(
5 Since Chinese is a pro-drop language, the sentence ‘lái le’ is grammatical if a covert subject is present.
Note that in such cases, the sentence is not interpreted as a temporal clause.
6 It is very interesting to observe that the ‘lú khì lú’ construction in H(ló Taiwanese may appear at sentence initial position, as shown in (43) above.
j(nzh(ng(
final-exam more close Zhangsan more nervous
‘As the final examination approaches, Zhangsan gets more and more nervous.’
Concluding from the examples above, we find that the deictic verb lái has several characteristics. First of all, the subject of the main clause of the ‘yuè lái yuè...’ construction is not the subject of the deictic verb lái. The external argument of lái is missing. We propose that the verb in question is a zero-place predicate without subcategorizing any arguments. It occurs in a few special constructions, such as the ‘yuè lái yuè...’ construction, and never stand alone as a full sentence. Since the distribution of temporal lái is somewhat
‘frozen’, we might say that yuè lái yuè is an idiomatized expression.
2.3 The position of ‘yuè’
‘Yuè’ may appear between the subject and the modal or between the modal and the VP.
Its distribution is very similar to that of temporal and locative expressions. The only difference is that ‘yuè’ alone may not appear sentence-initially while temporal and locative expressions may. According to C. J. Tang (1990), temporal and locative expressions are base-generated at the IP or PrP adjuncts. They may appear at sentence-initial position by topicalization, adjoined to the adjunct position of CP (S’). Tsao (1990) also argued that temporal and locative expression are clause or verbal adjuncts and may be topicalized and adjoined to the sentence-initial position. We suggest that ‘yuè,’ like temporal and locative expressions, is base-generated at the adjunct position of a predicate. Since ‘yuè’ is a bound form, it is impossible to topicalize ‘yuè’ alone. This accounts for the fact that ‘yuè’ alone cannot occur sentence-initially. Compare (52) and (53).
((((a( (( zu(ti(n q( sh(ngb(n le(
I yesterday go go-to-office LE
‘I went to office yesterday.’
b( Zu(ti(n (( q( sh(ngb(n le(
yesterday I go go-to-office LE
‘Yesterday I went to office.’
((((a( Ti(nq( yu( r(( (( yu( shu((b((zh(o(
weather more hot I more sleep-not-well
‘The hotter it is, the more difficult it is for me to have a sound sleep.’
b( (Yu( ti(nq( r(( (( yu( shu((b((zh(o(
more weather hot I more sleep-not-well
c( (Yu( ti(nq( yu( r(( (( shu((b((zh(o(
more weather more hot I sleep-not-well
C. J. Tang (1990) observes that temporal expressions must have a wider scope than other adjuncts of the same level, as (54) shows.
((((a( T( b( g(i z(i zh( y((ge sh(h(u (h(nh(n de(y(ng
(s)he not should at this one-CL time cruel-DE/use g(nzi( d( (((
stick beat me
‘(S)he shouldn’t beat me cruelly/with a stick now.’
b( (T( b( g(i (h(nh(n de(y(ng g(nzi(
z(i zh( y((ge
(s)he not should cruel-DE/use stick at this one-CL
sh(h(u d( (((
time beat me
If Tang (1990)’s observation is right, (55)b is ungrammatical because temporal expressions must take a wider scope than ‘yuè.’
((((a( Zh(ngs(n m(ngti(n yu( z(o l(i yu(
h(o(
Zhangsan tomorrow more early come more good
‘The earlier Zhangsan comes tomorrow, the better.
b( (Zh(ngs(n yu( m(ngti(n z(o l(i yu(
h(o(
Zhangsan more tomorrow early come more good
‘Yuè’ may not appear between the negative form ‘bù’ and the VP.
((((a( Zu( sh(ngy( yu( m(i y(u j(ngy(n yu( b( r(ngy(
do business more not have experience more not easy zhu(n qi(n(
earn money
‘In business world, the less experienced one has, the more uneasy for him/her to earn money.’
b( (Zu( sh(ngy( yu( m(i y(u j(ngy(n b( yu(
do business more not have experience not more r(ngy( zhu(n qi(n(
easy earn money
‘Yuè’ may occur before or after b(( phrases and ‘bèi’ phrases.
((((a( N( yu( l(t(( r(nji( yu( b( b(
n( k(n
you more slovenly others more not ba you see z(i y(n l((
at eye in
‘The more slovenly you are, the more likely you will be slighted.’
b. N( yu( l(t(( r(nji( yu( b( n(
k(n b( z(i y(n l((
you more slovenly others more ba you see not at eye in
‘The more slovenly you are, the more likely you will be slighted.’
c( N( yu( l(t(( r(nji( b( n( yu(
b( k(n z(i y(n l((
you more slovenly others BA you more not see at eye in
‘The more slovenly you are, the more likely you will be slighted.’
((((a( N( yu( l(t(( ji( yu( (b(i(g(i(
r(n
you more slovenly then more BEI/give people k(n(b((q((
see-not-high
‘The more slovenly you are, the more likely you’ll be looked down upon.’
b( N( yu( l(t(( ji( (b(i(g(i( r(n yu(
you more slovenly then BEI/give people more k(n(b((q((
see-not-high
‘The more slovenly you are, the more likely you’ll be looked down upon.’
2.4 Dependency and selectional restrictions
2.4.1 yuè1 and yuè2 are mutually dependent
‘Yuè’ appear obligatorily in the yuè...yuè constructions. Yuè cannot be omitted or substituted partly by its classical equivalent yù.
((((a( N( yu( sh(ngq(( t( yu( g(ox(ng(
you more angry (s)he more happy
‘The angrier you are, the happier (s)he becomes.’
b( (N( sh(ngq(( t( yu( g(ox(ng(
you angry (s)he more happy
c( (N( yu( sh(ngq(( t( g(ox(ng(
you more angry (s)he happy
((((a( T( yu( d( yu( pi(oli(ng le(
(s)he more old more beautiful LE
‘As she gets older, she becomes more beautiful.’
b( T( y( d( y( pi(oli(ng le(
(s)he more old more beautiful LE
‘As she gets older, she becomes more beautiful.’
c( (T( yu( d( y( pi(oli(ng le(
(s)he more old more beautiful LE
d( (T( y( d( yu( pi(oli(ng le(
(s)he more old more beautiful LE
The distance between yuè1 and yuè2 is unbound, as sentences in (61) show.
((((a( [[(( yu( x(hu(n] de] r(n] [hu( yu(
z(o l(i](
I more like RC person will more early come
‘People who I like more will come earlier.’
b( [[[(( yu( x(hu(n] de] r(n] [(( ji(
ji(o [t(] [yu(
I more like RC person I then ask him/her more z(o l(i]](
early come
‘I ask those who I like more to come earlier.’
2.4.2. yuè and situation types
Smith(1991,1997) distinguishes five types of situation.7 They are state, activity, accomplishment. semelfactive, and achievement. Yuè1 but not yuè2 goes well with activities and semelfactives. Besides, none of them can occur in accomplishment and achievement situations.
7 Vendler (1967) was the first to classify verbs according to their situational types. It is argued that a larger unit such as the whole verbal phrase or the whole sentence rather than the verb alone is relevant in terms of situational types (Dowty (1979), Smith (1991, 1997), Hsiao (1992, 1993, 1995), and Tsao and Hsiao (2002), among others.)
2.4.2.1 States
Both yuè1 and yuè2 may modify scalar states, which can be modified by degree adverb h(n ‘very’ as well. (62) illustrates this point.
((((a( P(nggu( yu( [ti(n] yu( [h(och(](
apple more sweet more delicious
‘The sweeter an apple is, the more delicious it is.’
b( Zh( ge p(nggu( h(n [ti(n](
this CL apple very sweet
‘This apple is very sweet.’
c( Zh( ge p(nggu( h(n [h(och(](
this CL apple very delicious ‘This apple is very delicious
Some modal verb phrases are also scalar and might be modified by yuè.
(((( Zh(ngs(n h(n k(n(ng hu( r(xu(n(
Zhangsan very possible will enter-selection
‘Zhangsan is very likely to be selected.’
((((a( Yu( k(n(ng r(xu(n de r(n yu(
j(nzh(ng(
more possible enter-selection RC person more nervous
‘The more likely for a person to be selected, the more nervous (s)he becomes.’
b( Yu( n(l( de r(n yu( k(n(ng
hu( ch(ngg(ng(
more (work)-hard RC person more possible will succeed
‘People who work harder are more likely to succeed,’
Like the degree adverb h(n and the comparative marker jiào, yuè may not modify a reduplicated predicate. Compare (65) and (66).
((((a( N( ji(n f(ngzi h(n ji((
that CL house very old
‘That house is very old.’
b( N( ji(n f(ngzi b( zh( ji(n ji((
that CL house than this CL old
‘That house is older than this one.’
c( N( ji(n f(ngzi ji(ji( de(
that CL house old-old DE
‘That house is quite old.’
d( (N( ji(n f(ngzi h(n ji(ji( de(
that CL house very old-old DE
e( (N( ji(n f(ngzi b( zh( ji(n ji(ji( de(
that CL house than this CL old-old DE
((((a( F(ngzi yu( ji( yu( n(n zh(ngl((
house more old more difficult clear
‘The older the house is, the more difficult it is to clear it.’
b( (F(ngzi yu( ji(ji( de yu( n(n zh(ngl((
house more old-old DE more difficult clear
Semantically, the reduplicated form of a predicate is not scalar any more though its base form is. Reduplication has the effect of making an adverb absolute rather than ralative.
The feature ‘scalar’ seems to be relative, however. There are states which can be modified by yuè but not by . For example, yào ‘want’ and huì ‘will’ may take yuè as its adjunct but cannot take h(n ‘very.’
((((a( N( yu( b( r(ng (( q( ((n (( yu(
y(o q((
you more not let me go play I more want go
b( Yu( k(n n(l( de r(n yu(
hu( ch(ngg(ng(
more willing (work)-hard RC person more will succeed
‘People who are more willing to work hard are more likely to succeed.’
((((a( ((( h(n y(o q( ((n(
I very want go play
‘I want to play very much.’
b( (Zh(ngs(n h(n hu( ch(ngg(ng(
Zhangsan very will succeed
‘*Zhangsan will succeed very much.’
((((a( Yu( sh( h(o p(ngy(u yu( g(i h(xi(ng b(ngm(ng(
more be good friend more should each-other help
‘The better friends they are, the more necessary for them to help each other.’
b( (Zh(ngs(n g(n ((s( h(n sh( h(o p(ngy(u(
Zhangsan and Lisi very be good friend 2.4.2.2 Activities
Unlike h(n ‘very,’ yuè may be followed by quantifiable activities. Yuè1 can modify quantifiable activities and semelfactives even though yuè2 cannot. Compare (70)b, c and d.
((((a( Zh(ngs(n ch(ngch(ng d( l(nqi((
Zhangsan often play basketball
‘Zhangsan plays basketball frequently.’
b( (Zh(ngs(n h(n d( l(nqi((
Zhangsan very play basketball
c( Zh(ngs(n l(nqi( yu( d( yu( h(o(
Zhangsan basketball more play more good
‘The more frequently Zhangsan plays the basketball, the better he plays it.’
d( (Zh(ngs(n l(nqi( yu( h(o yu( d((
Zhangsan basketball more good more play 2.4.2.3 Accomplishments and Acheivements
Neither yuè1, yuè2, nor may modify accomplishments or acheivements8. It is a
8 One of the reviewers pointed out that ‘yuè...yuè...’ is compatible with achievements like shu(i suì
‘break to pieces’ and accomplishments like x( g(nj(ng ‘wash clean’, as shown in (i)a and (i)b.
(i(a( B(izi shu(i de yu( su( yu( n(n q(ngs(o(
Cup break DE more fragmentary more hard clean ‘The more pieces a cup is broken into, the harder it is to clean them up.’
b( Y(f( x( de yu( g(nj(ng yu( h(o(
Clothes wash DE more clean more good ‘The cleaner clothes are washed, the better.’
The above sentences, however, are not counterexamples for our generalization. Though the VC constructions shu(i su( and x( g(nj(ng are an achievement and accomplishment respectively, suì and g(njìng are gradable states. Yuè can modify the gradable complement part of a V(-de-)C construction as in (i)a and (i)b, but cannot modify a bounded VC construction, as shown in (ii)a,b.
(ii(a( (B(izi yu( shu(i su( yu( n(n q(ngs(o(
Cup more break fragmentary more hard clean
natural consequence because accomplishments and acheivements are bounded and thus not gradable.
((((a( (N( l(n((n yu( xi((((n yu( y(u sh(ji(n zh(nb(i k(osh((
you thesis more write-finish more have time prepare exam b( (N( yu( y(u sh(ji(n l(n((n yu(
xi((((n(
you more have time thesis more write-finish
‘The more pieces a cup is broken into, the harder it is to clean them up.’
b( (Y(f( yu( x( g(nj(ng yu( h(o(
Clothes more wash clean more good ‘The cleaner clothes are washed, the better.’
c( (N( l(n((n h(n xi((((n le(
you thesis very write-finish LE
((((a( (T( yu( s( yu( y(u m(ng(
(s)he more die more have fame
b( (T( yu( y(u m(ng yu( s((
(s)he more have fame more die c( (T( h(n s( le(
(s)he very die LE
‘*(S)he is very dead.’
Yuè does not modify the VPs with adjuncts or complements of quantity or frequency.
Compare (73) and (74).
((((a( Zh(ngs(n b(y( y( ni(n le(
Zhangsan graduate one year LE
‘Zhangsan has graduated for one year.’
b( Zh(ngs(n yu( z(o b(y( yu( h(o(
Zhangsan more early graduate more good
‘The earlier Zhangsan graduates the better.’
c( (Zh(ngs(n yu( z(o y( ni(n b(y(
yu( h(o(
Zhangsan more early one year graduate more good ((((a( (( t(n g(ngq(n t(n s(n ni(n le(
I play piano play three year LE
‘I have been playing the piano for three years.’
b( ((ngq(n (( yu( t(n yu( y(u x(ngq((
piano I more play more have interest
‘The longer I play the piano, the more interested I get in it.’
c( (((ngq(n (( yu( t(n s(n ni(n yu(
y(u x(ngq((
piano I more play three year more have interest
Likewise, because a verb phrase with quantity or frequency adjuncts or complement has a fixed point in the scale of quantity or frequency, it is not gradable and cannot take yuè as an adjunct. Therefore, it is natural that yuè and the quantity or frequency adjuncts or complements are mutually exclusive.
To sum up, yuè1 may modify scalar states and quantifiable activities, while yuè2 modifies scalar states only. We might generalize that yuè1 appear before ‘quantifiable’
unbounded situations. States and activities/semelfactives are unbounded while achievements and accomplishments are bounded. Bounded situations are not quantifiable because they contain information of the quantity inherently. A nongradable state is homogeneous, not scalar, and for that reason it is not quantifiable.
2.5 Summary
Summarizing the sections above, the characteristics of the yuè...yuè... constructions are:
The constructions are Topic-Comment constructions, with yuè1 in the topic portion and yuè2 in the comment part.
Yuè is an adjunct of a predicate.
Yuè can only be used to express proportional proposition consisting of two variables, not more than two.
Yuè1 and yuè2 are mutually dependent, and the distance between yuè1 and yuè2 are unbound.
Yuè1 modifies quantifiable unbounded situations including scalar states and quantifiable activities/semelfactives, but yuè2 modifies scalar states.
3. The ‘xedii...tödii...’ Construction in Mongolian
The correlative construction ‘xedii...tödii...’ in Mongolian has some striking similarities with its counterparts in other languages such as Latin and Chinese.
3.1 The semantics of the ‘xedii...tödii...’ constructions
The ‘xedii...tödii...’ construction has two readings. Like the ‘èè’
construction, it can express a link between two variables, as (75) illustrates. In this case, however, the value of the dependent variable Y always equals to that of the independent variable X, as shown in (75)b.
(75)a. xedii ix bol tödii sain.
how-much many TOPIC that-much good
‘The more the better.’
b( y ( x
sain
Unlike the ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction, it might express an equivalence between two fixed values on two scales, as shown in (76).9
(76)a. Bat xedii nas-tai bol, bi tödii nas-tai.
Bat how-much age -with if I that-much age-with
‘My age is the same as Bat's.’
b. Bat xedii calin av-dag bol tödii Bat how-much salary take-PRESENT TOPIC that-much tögrög zarcuul-dag.
money spend-PRESENT
‘Bat spends all the money he earns.’
‘Quanto...tanto’ in Latin has the variable reading and the constant reading, too. The sentence (77)a yields a variable reading in which the degree of someone’s grief increases as the duration of deliberation increases. (77)b yields a constant reading where the height attained equals to downfall suffered.
((((a( Quanto in pectore hane rem meo magis
how-much in heart this matter my more voluto, tanto mi aegritudo auctior est in (I)ponder that-much me grief greater is in animo.
spirit
‘The more I turn this matter over in my mind, the greater the grief is in my soul.’ (Michaelis (1992): (1))
b( Sed non statuendo felicitati modum(((( quanto altius
but not setting success imit how-much higher elatus erat tanto foedius conruit.
Lifted (he)was that-much worse (he)fell
‘But by not setting a limit to his success, to the extent that he {M. Atilius]
had risen high, he fell badly.’ (Michaelis (1992): (2))
9 du(sh(o(((du(sh(o(z(nme(((z(
nme(n(me(((
(i(a( Zh(ngs(n ju(n du(sh(o( ((s( ji( ju(n du(sh(o(
Zhangsan donate how-much Lisi then donate how-much
‘The amount of money which Zhangsan donated is the same as that donated by Lisi.’
b( Y(o z(nme sh(uhu(( xi(n (z(nme(n(me( z(i(
want how harvest first how/that-method plant
‘Pay as much effort as the harvest you wish to get.’
Michaelis (1992:175) schematized the difference between the two readings of the proportional correlative constructions as (78). Mongolian ‘xedii...tödii’ constructions can be schematized as such, too. Note that both Latin quanto and Mongolian xedii mean ‘how much’, while tanto and tödii mean ‘that much’. The “how much...that much...” construcion is a special case of the proportional correlative construction in general. If a=1 and b=0 in (12), then y always equals to x, as shown in (75)b and (78)a. In that case, the ration between x and y is 1. When we assign a fixed value to x in (75)b, we get the constant reading (78)b. Therefore, it is a natural consequence that the “how much...that much...”
type proportional correlative constructions have two readings.
((((
(a) (b)
(Michaelis (1992:175), figure 2) A
B
A
B
3.2 The types of the ‘xedii...tödii...’ constructions
Like their counterpart in Chinese, the ‘xedii...tödii...’ constructions may consist of two parts, one subordinate clause and one main clause, with the marker xedii ‘how much’ and tödii ‘that much’ in the clause respectively, as (79) and (80) exemplify.10
(79) margaash ta xedii ert ir-vel, tödii sain.
tomorrow you how-much early come-if that-much good
‘Tomorrow the earlier you come, the better.’
(80) güilt-iin uraldaan-d xedii xurdan güi-vel, running-GEN race-DAT how-much fast run-if tödii ix shagnal av-na.
that-much big prize take-FUTURE
‘In running races the faster one runs, the bigger prize (s)he will get.’
Again, the constructions might be sentences with complex NP as subjects, with xedii in
10 The word order in Mongolian is SOV. The Mongolian data in this paper were collected by the author during 1992–1993.
the subject and tödii in the predicate part.
(81) xedii targan max tödii amttai.
how-much fat meat that-much delicious
‘The fatter a piece of meat is, the more delicious it is.’
(82) xedii oroitoj ir-sen xün-d tödii how-much be-late come-PAST person-DAT that-much bag xool onoo-gd-son.
small food distribute-PASSIVE-PAST
‘The later a man came, the less food was given (to him).’
In the third type of the ‘xedii...tödii...’ constructions, xedii appears in the topic portion and todii appears in the comment part of a sentence, as (83), (84) and (85) illustrate.
(83) xedii targan maxan-d bol bi tödii durtai.
how-much fat meat-DAT TOPIC I that-much like
‘The fatter a piece of meat is, the more I like it.’
(84) bi xedii targan max-iig bol tödii idex durtai.
I how-much fat meat-ACC TOPIC that-much eat like
‘The fatter a piece of meat is, the more I like to eat.’
(85) xedii sain nom bol tödii olon how-much good book TOPIC that-much many xün unshi-na.
person read-FUTURE
‘The better a book is, the more people will read it.’
To sum up, xedii and tödii can appear in a conditional and consequence clauses, subject and predicate as well as topic and comment respectively. It is interesting that
‘yuè1...yuè2’ in Mandarin Chinese and ‘lú...lú...’ in Southern Min have the same distributions (Hsiao 1993; Tsao and Hsiao 2002; Section 2 above). We have generalized that yuè1 and lú1 occur in the topic portion while yuè2 and lú2 appear in the comment part of a sentence. Now let's look at the Mongolian case. According to Hammar (1983), bol is a topic and contrast marker as well as a conditional marker. We find that the subject-predicate type sentences (81) and (82) may be analyzed as topic-comment type sentences as (81') and (82'). If we analyze conditional clauses as topics, then we can get the same generalization as we have in Chinese and say that xedii occurs in topic and tödii appears in comment part.
(81') xedii targan max bol tödii amttai.
how-much fat meat TOPIC that-much delicious (82') xedii oroitoj ir-sen xün-d bol
how-much be-late come-PAST person-DAT TOPIC
tödii bag xool onoo-gd-son.
that-much small food distribute-PASSIVE-PAST
3.3 Summary
Summarizing the observations above, xedii appears in a topic while tödii occurs in the comment part of the sentence.
As far as meaning is concerned, like ‘quanto...tanto’ in Latin, the’xedii...todii...’
construction has two kinds of readings, a variable reading and a constant reading. In the variable reading, the part with xedii contains an independent variable X while the part with todii contains a dependent variable Y. When the degree of X increases the degree of Y increases proportionally. In the constant reading, the degree of Y equals to the degree of X.
4. Concluding remarks
We have shown that Chinese and Mongolian proportional constructions share some syntactic features.
Like Chinese ‘yuè...yuè...’ and ‘lú...lú...’ constructions, the first marker of the Mongolian proportional correlative construction ‘xedii...tödii...’ appears in a topic while the second marker occurs in the comment part of the sentence.
However, the Mongolian ‘xedii...tödii...’ construction is closer to Latin ‘quanto...tanto’
construction semantically. Both of them have a variable reading and a constant reading. We might call them “how many...that many...” type proportional correlative constructions. In this type of construcions, the value of dependent variable y always equals to that of independent variable x. On the other hand, Mandarin ‘yuè...yuè...’ construction and Taiwanese ‘lú...lú...’ ocnstruction, like English ‘the more...the more...’ construction, have only a variable reading. We might call them “the more...the more...’ type proportional correlative constructions. In this type of constructions, the ration between independent variable x and dependent variable y is not specified. As a result, they do not develop a constant reading as the “how many...that many...” type constructions do.
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Su-ying HSIAO
Institiute of Linguistics (Preparatory Office) Academia Sinica
