七、結論
過去這十幾年來，台灣學界或報章雜誌經常出現有人預言，民 粹政治的時代即將來臨，並且民粹主義勢必結合台灣國族主義而得到 快速的發展，將導致台灣民主發展受到嚴重阻礙。這種觀點的經驗基 礎，主要建立在每逢選舉時，特別是幾次總統大選，候選人都會利用 國家認同的議題，進行全面的選舉動員，造成整個社會對立的形勢突 然升高。然而，本文的研究發現，民粹式的國族主義，其實被教育的 因素有效地切割，並限制它的效用。因此，經驗事實（fact）與學者的感 受（perception），實際存在一段差距。
有些人或許會認為，台灣社會高教育、具有自由民主傾向的人並 不多。但是，Erikson、Mackuen與Stimson（2002）三人在「總體政治」
（The Macro Polity）這本書中就提到，選民個人可以是非理性的，但在 集體民意的層次上，卻是充滿理性的表現。造成選民整體理性表現的 原因，不是因為所有選民都具有良好的政治判斷能力，而是只要這群 人中有一部分的人消息靈通、政治知識充沛、對政治充滿興趣，他們 就足夠決定集體民意的走向。至於其他大多數對政治不具興趣的人，
他們的意見其實是會相互抵銷的，並不會對整體民意的走向具有任何 的影響力。
最近幾年，美國政治學界也在辯論，美國社會是否已經漸漸走向 兩極化的現象？但經驗的事實卻告訴我們，美國政治菁英的確出現對 立的現象，但這股對立的態勢並沒有延伸到一般選民之中（Fiorina and Abrams, 2008）。Baker（2005）也依據World Values Surveys的資料，發現 二十年來絕對主義者（absolutists），的確在社會各個階層快速上升，這 是一般人所感覺到美國社會，正面臨價值對立其背後主要的因素。然 而，大家都忽略絕對主義者與相對主義者（relativists）之間，其實存在 很多地方是有共識的。因此，他們之間的差異，並未大到可以被劃分 為兩個對立，而且不可化解的敵對陣營。
台灣民主化過程真正出現的問題，應該是民主品質不良的問題。
台灣朝野無止境的惡鬥，以及施政品質無法提升，讓台灣大多數的群 眾漸漸對政治感到失望，產生一種政治的無力感（disaffected）或疏離感
（alienation）的現象。但是，如果台灣民眾能將這股對政治現狀的不滿 與失望，經由選舉機制的轉化，或許可能成為推動台灣民主深化不可 或缺的力量。Welzel與Inglehart（2008）就指出，民主的產生需要政治菁 英對民主遊戲規則做出承諾，但一般民眾對民主提出的需求與批判，
則是民主不斷深化與鞏固不可缺少的因素。
當然，針對本文的研究方法與推論過程仍有爭議的空間，例如調 查對象的代表性、資料蒐集的正確性，以及使用的研究方法是否適用 民粹主義的研究等。但從經驗的層次出發，由民眾的身上蒐集資料並
進行經驗的分析，不也開啟另一條思考台灣民粹主義問題的新方向。
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