，均不

S區F

仰自悶

nfT

F: Warum? Warum nicht Deutsch?

T: Nein!

F: Nein? (both laugh)

17: Transcribed exactly as it appears in the tape.

國

教學與研究第七期

Nicht Id3a:d3 I. . . nicht Id 3 a:d3 I . . .

/,

a:'lail，過來 I II;)'sail，過來 I. . .Ich

trinke那個. .

Was ist das,wei(3 du?

/php/f fexpression ofagreementj Dart?

Brauch nich' das gem?

Was is t das,denn?

Ahal . . . Tante so machen . .

So machen?

l',lh',ll I . . . neich . . . neich. . . Brauch nich' das gem?

Warum brauch nicht?

Ich brauch' nich' das.

Du brauchst nicht das?

Weisen so . . . das machen so machenl Hast du schon mal das gesehen?

/php/fMach das ja.

Mach das au/?

/php/Jf

Gutl一 -dann mach das aufl (brief pause) Pa(3 aufl (laugh) Nein^, das geht nicht^,

das geht nicht^, das geht nicht . . .

Ich一 -ich mach一 -machen sol一 -machen. . . mach. . . neinl

Nein,ne帥， nein,nein,neinl Du kannst das nicht selbst machenl

o

jal

o

jal 342

T F:

T: MeinBon一 -BONI (T=Ting-ting,the subject; F=father)

可明嘲

Several significant observations can be made of the above corpus. Firstly, code switch is much easier for the child than for the adult,a fact which canbejustified from the frequent, natural and unconscious shift of code between German and Chinese in the speech of the child. Switch of code happens most naturally，的 in ich trinke 那個， when

the snytax and lexicon of the two languages blend at the outset of a discourse,or only when the problem is brought to the surface of awareness; elsewhere，的 in the midst of a discourse, it is relatively low. Thirdly, the linguistic code (in this case, a second code), once triggered, moves on by itself一 -somethingwhich happens perhaps only with (bil扭﹒

gual) children who have come to acquire a language since early childhood. Fourthly, grammar and form are less 的lportant for the child than is the pragmatic need of getting meaning across. As such, inexact pronunciation of words (represented by misspellings, as *neich, perhaps for nein 'no' or for nach ‘after'; *weisen, for wissen ‘know', etc.), grammatical i1l-formedness of various types (as *weisen so . . . das machen so machen!.

reconstructed as wissen Sie，的 ist so . . . man kann das so machen!

‘

you know,it is so .

。ne can do it this way!), elliptical structures (as was das? for was ist das?

‘

What is it?';

brauch nich' das gem;戶， for brauchst du nicht das gern? ‘Don't you need it (gladly)?';

so machen 九 forkann man so machen? 'Can one do so?'; etc.),incorrect recognition and/or

application of the gender,number,or case of nouns (as *meine Bonbon!,for mein

Bon-bon! '(It's) my candy!) and inexact conjugation of verbs (as*ich mach一 -machen so人 for

ich mache so!

‘

I do it so!),and the like,all occur. But the function of communition,it must be noted however,i!; not hindered despite all such

“

mistakes"; anyone who knows German can easily understand the meaning as intended and expressed by the child.

As a conclusion to this section, the writer would like to make one further com-parison of the characteristics of the three stages in terms of language production on a stimulus-reponse (S-R) basis. The results,as then observed,are as follows:

Table I: Language response in terms of stimulus

S=L

,

^S=L²

_S=。

I st stage: ***L

,

**L

,

***L

,

2nd stage: **L

,

^**L2 **L

,

3rd stage: *L2 ***L2 **L₂

S=(1anguage) Stimulus, L

,

=first language (Mandarin Chinese),

L2=second language (German), ~nostimulus, *=sometimes (ca.30%)

**=usually (ca.70%), ***=almost always (more than 90%)

τbetabulated results require a little explanation: starting from upper-left representation of

“

***L

,

^", ^{it means,}during the first stage,when the stimulus was given in the first language

(S=L" i.e., when someone said something to the child in Chinese), the response was almost always made also in the first language. Horizontally,when the stimulus was given in

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隘』

臨斗~ii 正姐插窗司主

9 1'[

9. Liou 6 M V A.k/A.s. C C G G

10. Cheng 5 M T A.k. C G/C G G 4

11. Chian 4 F V A.k. G G G G

12. Huang 7 M T J.k./Am.s. C C/J E/C C 2

13. Yii 9 M V E.s. G/C/K G/K/E G/E ^?

14. Chiang! 5 M T C.k/A.k. C C C C

15.αliang

2

3 F T A.k C C C C

16. Hsii 3 M V C C C C

17. Chen' 12 F T A:k/A.s. C G G G 8

18. Tseng 8 F T A.k/A.s. C G G G 6

19. Chen'\ 4 F T C C C C

20. Chen"2 2 F T C C C C

Ting-ting 4 F T A.k. C C G C 2

Abbreviations: LD=language dominance, CLl=contact language 1, CL2=c6ntact lan-guage 2, TDL=total dominating language, V(.)=Vienna, M=male, F=female, T=Taiwan, A.k.=Austrian kindergarten, A.s.=Austrian (primary) school, E.s.=English school, Am.s.=

American school, C.k.=Chinese kindergarten (in Taiwan), J.k.=Japanese kindergarten (in Japan), C=Chinese, G=Gerrtlan, E=English, J=Japanese, K=Korean, /=and,“-" means in the column of “School attended" that the child had so far attende no school,and in the column of “Length of stay 阻 V." that,as the child was born in Vienna,it had stayed there since then. 1βwer-casenumerals indicate children of the same family. Asterisk (吋

indicates that the child is a half-blood. In “C/G", “G/C", and the like,ordering of the elements is significant.

Very interesting observations can be. made of the above data. First is the existence of two contact languages of the bilingual children. A contact language is defined here as the one by which the bridge of communication is built. Like a lingua franca, a contact language makes it possible for speakers of partia1ly different linguistic background to communicate with one another. Specifically here, “CLl" (contact language 1) refers to the language by which the child establishes contact with the parents (and the parents only),whereas “CL2" (contact language 2) refers to the one by which the child establishes linguistic contact with people other than the parents一 -withschoolmates,friends, play-mates,etc.,and even among brothers and sisters.

348 教學與研究第七期

『嘲司國

咱

As is seen in the data, the distinction between two contact languages is not only beneficial but necessary for discussion. The contact languages for these two different communicative situations一 -one with the parents and the other with others一 -are for many children different, and therefore there is the need of establishing two contact lan-guages.

A second necessity is the establishing of a so-called

“

total dominate language" (TDL) of the bilingual child. This is done in reaction to the consideration that,even when the child uses two (or more) linguistic codes in its contact with the already set up two diι

ferent categories of subjects (i.e., parents and not-parents)--in other words,even when the child has an “almost equal command" of the two (or more) languagesinvolved一 -one

of the languages will still tend to dominate the other(s) in terms of the very competence of the child. 18This means,simply put,that the child,despite an almost equal command of two or more systems,still,by and large,commands one of them at best.The concept of a totally dominating language is therefore also necessary. Still next is the language domin-ance of the parents, which has been found closely correlated to the language command of the child (see 4.2 below).

A few examples will make the writer's point clear. Subject No.2,Hsiao,a 9-year~ld

boy,for instance, speaks sometimes German and sometimes English to his parents,but almost always German to others (even to Chinese children). Therefore,his CLl=German and English (in shown order), and CL2=German, though he commands, by and large, German better than English. The parents of the child (whom the writer knows well) are both Chinese, the father being from Hongkong and the mother from Taiwan. The father has as his mother tongue Cantonese but has attended English schools (both in Hongkong and elsewhere) for a long time and therefore speaks English well enough. The mother has Mandarin Chinese as a mother tongue but has also for some reason come to speak English pretty well. And, when the two got married, they came to use Mandarin Chinese as a contact language between husband and wife. Therefore, the dominating language of the parents is (Mandarin) Chinese. The couple has moved from Taiwan to Austria for a long time and the child was born there in Vienna. For some reasons,however,the child was first sent, not as normally to the Austrian kindergarten (which is called actually kin

18. Ambilinguals, those who are equally conversant in all domains of language use in two languages, are very rare.

old)), but to the English School in Vienna,where the child acquired the language in its early childhood. Later on, the child was sent to the Austrian primary school,where he began to have more intensive contact with German (though he, being born in Vienna, had been exposed to the language long enough before that). German, then, became a full-fledged system in him. Chinese,though still the contact language between the parents, was much subdued in the speech of the child; he speaks it only occasionally with his

parents一 -and in an obviously foreign accent--but most of the cases either in German

or in English,which both the parents also command.

Another typical case of full acquisition of the second language (German) with sub-d uesub-d sub-development of the first (Chinese) is the case of subject No. 11,Chian,a 4-year-old girl,born also in Vienna,who had by the time of investigation attended Austrian kinder-garten for three years and had come to master German as though it were her native tongue.

A tape-recording of the language of both subjects (Hsiao and Chian, as described above) has been gathered by the author on a social occasion of Chinese families in Vienna, appearing on which were also many of the other subjects in Table 2 (namely,subjects nos. 7, 8, 12, 14, 15, 19, 20, and the little daughter of the author). The children were playing, laughing and tracing in a flock while their parents were chatting. One finds how close the speech of subjects nos. 2 and 11 comes to native speech(i.e.,the Vienna variety of German: see Chapter 2),when one listens to the tapes gathered. (Owing to the scope of the paper, it will not be possible to include a section on the presentation and discussion of the material.Anyone who is interested in it may ask personally for it from the author.)

The most complicated case of bilingualism一 -mu1tilingualsim， more precisely 一is

perhaps the case with subject no. 13,Yii,a 9-year-old boy,who was also born in Vienna but whose case is much more interesting and revealing than all the others. The parents of the child are of different native language and nationality: the father is a Chinese from Taiwan and the mother is Korean. And, interestingly enough--as the author has been told--the husband and wife seemed to have no contact language at the time when they fell in love and got married (!). The two got to know each other some fifteen years ago in Germany, when they came from Taiwan and Korea respectively to study th

國

350 ^{教學與研究第七期}

of Korean as a mother tongue was reinforced by an additional factor of the mother of the wife (an elderly lady who understood only Korean and who came over to stay with the family soon after the birth of the child.) The child,then,acquired the native tongue of the mother as the first language,although the father,who did not (and does not still) under-stand Korean, could talk to his child only in Chinese, German, or English, which the child evidently did not understand (or understood only very little) and which did not develop in him until much later. “Very often," said the father, “we just did not know what language to use while we all were sitting in the living room." Furthermore,as one finds in the data,the child had attended only the British School in Vienna by the time of

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