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CHAPTER 7- CONCLUSION
Most conceptualizations of political-environmental conflicts present them as problems of governance related to the distribution of rents, transparency, the formal political system and the employment rate. Politics are entrenched within policies because there is no discussion about the political and economic foundations on which extractive governance is constructed.
I suggest that important political-environmental conflicts that involve indigenous peoples are not simply a problem of ill-designed policies; they rather emerge because of the permanence of a colonial pattern of domination that denies indigenous
ontologies. Atayal of Nan’ao is a clear example of this. As an event embedded in the long history of coloniality and the legal and ontological violence exerted against indigenous peoples. This argument is informed by an analysis of openly violent and subtly violent laws, policies and discourses against indigenous peoples from the beginning of the modern state until today.
Conflicts such as the case of Nan’ao remind us of the importance of recognizing and valuing indigenous political ontologies. The implication of this is the
transformation of the state and its political economy in order to accept indigenous peoples as nations with territorial rights, and the right to ensure ecological
sustainability in their territory. This process implies a new political imagination. The current political setting suggests that indigenous peoples are merely ethnic minorities to be included within current governance structures. A new political imagination
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would suggest that indigenous peoples are indigenous nations, and that their land holdings are bound by territorial rights and sovereignty. Such a view interprets opposition to extractive activities as a decision to preserve cultures and the
environment, not a move underpinned by economic or political formal participation.
To reach this new political framework, it involves more than assertions and counter-assertions of rights. We should also focus as much on these processes as it does on the languages of rights. From the research finding, the study proposes that these relations should be based on principles of mutual recognition, mutual respect, sharing and mutual responsibility. A just relationship between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples is one involve dialogue, which must occur under conditions that are acceptable to both parties.
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APPENDIX I: Interview Outline
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APPENDIX II: Background the Interviewees Conducted in
this Paper
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Ecological Knowledge) LS Around 80 Male Atayal Art Craft
men
Chinyue Community
KM Around 30 Male Constructor Wuta
Community HW Around 80 Male Farmer (He is also
trapper and hunter, mastering on the Atayal Ecological, historical
Knowledge)
Biho Community
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APPENDIX III: Index of Tables
Table 1- Basic information of Nan’ao Township
Total Area No. of Villages No. of households Population
740,6520km2 7 1830 5940
Table 2- The Resources Mined in the Nan’ao North River Region (Source: the Annals of Suao Twonship)
Name of the Mine
Distribution Utility Notes Limestone Mainly distributed
in Dabai
In addition to Nan’ao, Dong’ao and
Wulaukeng upstream and other areas nearby produce pure white crystalline grains for Taiwan. The marble has high economic value.
Talc The deposit is on
The annual output of Su’ao quarry is over 5,000 metric tons, and the reserves have the great amount of the mineral.
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Table 3- The First Contact of the Extractive Activity (Source: Data Collected by Author)
Informant BL Informant AS Informant YK
When I was 18, the mitten crabs came up from the estuary every May and June. No matter where you cast the net, there were always tons to catch. But after the mining started, when they purify the stones, the water quality got worse. There were fewer microrganism and the mitten crabs did not have enough to eat.
I came back from the military service in 1976.
It was at that moment I realized the North River had become muddy, like the color of limestone.
I recall that the mine was built in 1979. At that time, some of us had gone to catch crabs, but to our surprise, the river was polluted. When we went back to the community, we finally noticed the pollution was because people were digging for the minerals in the mountains behind our homeland.
Table 4- The Traditional Names Recorded in the Nan’ao North River (Source: Data Collected by Author)
Name Meaning Historical context of the name
Dain Htui Dain indicates climbing up. Htui means the entrance.
Whenever hunter goes to a place, they will pay attention to the geographical environment. Hunter marks the the location so that they can inform to other hunter and pass down to the future generations. The meaning of the Dain Htui describes the geographical environment where is precipitous and there is no other entrance to climb the
mountain, except this one.
Mica
The north side of Nan’ao mountain ridge has great amount of deposit, but even though in recent years, the chemical synthesis mica has good quality but low market price. Hence, mining activities are mostly stopped
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Gong Yading Yading means the mountain contain rich mine. Because of the quality and shape of the mine, the mountain looks bold.
The rocky terrain where hunter is difficult to enter. Even if you enter this area, there is no clear route to go through.
Rgyax Raka Rgyax refers to mountain in Atayal language. Raka means the highest point of the mountain.
The mountain is very high. You can see far away.
Gong Gaming Gaming refer to tree roots.
The river is named gaming because the forest is dense and the roots are so many.
Wilan umaw Wilan umaw is the person who has stayed in the region for long time.
Community people used to earn money by gathering and collecting yellow Rotang palm and sell to merchants. Wilan umaw lived there for a long time and found a whole area of yellow Potang palm. Later, the tribe knew that he collected the palm to make money. Everyone called this area by his name.
Gong Mniywaw Mniywaw means the shape of the
mountain looks like a leopard cat.
Because of the treacherous ravine, and the climate environment is different to other section of the river, hunter who travels to this region feels unsafe.
Gong Bonbon The sound of the waterfall
The hunter heard the enormous sound while they were chasing the Formosan Sambar dear. They got closer to the cliff, they found out the sound was produced by the giant waterfall.
gong Du’mun Du’mun is the rest station where people smoke over there.
Hunters often pass by here, and will take tobacco to smoke. They can rest and exchange information.
Slayang Cyaping Cyapin is the plant which is also the favorite food of masked palm civet.
Because this place grows a lot of this kind of plant, wild animals like to appear there. Hence, many hunters often come there to set the trap.
Gong Per’li Per’li means a piece of wood for fishing material and the material for trapping.
Usually hunting or trapping require only certain types of wood. In Per’li, hunters can acquire different types of woods for different
purposes at one time. Thus, this river become famous.
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APPENDIX IV: Table of Figures
Documentary Forum
Number of Audiences Location Date
New Taipei City
Government
Number of Audiences: Around 120
Post-Discussion on the Taipei premiere
Researcher on the stage shared the stories and the struggles of the local communities with the public.
New Taipei City
11/26th/ 2017
Hiking Notes Number of Audiences: Around 30 Taipei 12/19th 2017
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The research shows the documentary in various forum, striving to reach larger audiences. The research cooperates
The research shows the documentary in various forum, striving to reach larger audiences. The research cooperates