南澳溪流域的礦場治理政治：泰雅族人政治與環境的掙扎 - 政大學術集成

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(1)International Master’s Program of International Studies College of International Affairs National Chengchi University. Politics of Extractive Governance in Nan’ao River Basin:. 政治大 The Atayal People立 and Their Political-environmental Struggles ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Master’s Thesis. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Student: Cheng-Cheng Li Advisor: Dr. Chen-Shen Yen. January, 2018.

(2) Politics of Extractive Governance in Nan’ao River Basin: The Atayal People and Their Political-environmental Struggles. :. Student: Cheng-Cheng Li :. 立. Dr. Chen-Shen Yen 治政 Advisor: 大. y. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 er. io. sit. Nat. A Master’s Thesis. n. a l Master’s Program ini vInternational Studies Submitted to International Ch. n U engchi. National Chengchi University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Master of the Arts in International Affairs. 107 January 2018. 1.

(3) Table of Contents Acknowledgements Abstract CHAPTER 1- INTRODUCTION............................................................................... 1 1.1. MOTIVATION ............................................................................................. 1. 1.2. PURPOSE ..................................................................................................... 3. 1.3. RESEARCH QUESTIONS, HYPOTHESE .............................................. 8. 1.4. METHODOLOGY .................................................................................... 12. CHAPTER 2- THORETICAL FRAMWORK ........................................................ 23 2.1. OVERVIEW ............................................................................................... 23. 2.2. LITERATURE REVIEW .......................................................................... 25. 2.2.1. 政治大 EXTRACTIVE GOVERNANCE DISCOURSE .................................... 25 立 POLITICAL-ENVIRONMENTAL CONFLICTS AS PROBLEM OF. 學. ‧ 國. 2.2.2. GOVERNANCE .................................................................................................. 26 2.2.3. THE SUSTAINABLE JURUTI MODEL AND MULTI-. 2.3. ‧. INSTITUTIONAL GOVERNANCE PARTNERSHIP ...................................... 28 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ......................................................... 32. y. Nat. sit. CHAPTER 3- CONFIGURATION OF IDENTITY ............................................... 36 3.2. OVERVIEW OF NAN’AO RIVER BASIN ............................................. 38. 3.3. NAN’AO.......... 40. er. ATAYAL PEOPLE IN TAIWAN ............................................................... 36. io. 3.1. al. 3.4. n. v i n C h OF ATAYAL IDENTIY KLESAN: FORMATION e n g c h i U IN. RIVER ALLIANCE: POLITICAL ALLIANCE ABOVE THE LEVEL. OF COMMUNITY ................................................................................................. 42 3.5. GAGA: ATAYAL JUSTICE AND GOVERNANCE SYSTEM ............... 44. CHAPTER 4- THE PROLONGED COLONIZATION ......................................... 49 4.1. PLACE AND DISPLACEMENT: THE TRANSFORMATION OF. COLLECTIVITY .................................................................................................. 49 4.2 4.2.1. THE HISOTRY OF LAND POLICY AND DEVELOPMENT .............. 52 JAPANESE PERIOD (1895-1945): THE IMPLMENTATION OF. MODERN STATE SYSTEM .............................................................................. 52 4.2.2. CHINESE NATIONALIST PARTY RULING PERIEOD: A. BANKRUPT MOUNTAIN ECONOMY............................................................. 56. I.

(4) CHAPTER 5- UNDERSTANDING ATAYAL RESISTANCE TO EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRIES: THE MEMORIES OF THE ATAYAL PEOPLE .......................... 61 5.1. THE FIRST CONTACT OF THE MINING INDUSTRY ....................... 61. 5.2. DESIRABILITY OF INDUSTRIALIZATION AND THE. INEVITABLITY OF PROGRESS ........................................................................ 66 5.3. THE CONSERVATION FOREST IS NOT CONSERVED .................... 70. 5.4. LAND AND RESOURCE RIGHT: THE CONTEMPOARY LAND USE. IN NAN’AO RIVER BASIN.................................................................................. 73 CHAPTER 6- BEYOND EXTRACTIVE GOVERNANCE: THE EMERGENCE OF INDIGENOUS POLITICAL ONTOLOGIES .................................................. 82 6.1. INDIGENOUS POLITICAL ONTOLOGIES ......................................... 82. 6.2. PUBLIC GOVERNANCE: TOWARDS NEW POLITCAL. 政治大 THINKINKING ................................................................................................... ..88 立 6.2.1 CONTEMPORARY GROUP-SPECIFIC ENTITLEMENT. ‧ 國. 學. ACCOUNTS IN POLITICAL THEORY............................................................ 89 SELF-DETERMINATION AND SOVEREIGNTY .............................. 91. 6.2.3. IN SUMMARY ........................................................................................ 93. ‧. 6.2.2. CHAPTER 7- CONCLUSION ................................................................................. 94. y. Nat. io. sit. REFERENCES........................................................................................................... 96. n. al. er. APPENDICES .......................................................................................................... 102. Ch. engchi. II. i n U. v.

(5) INDEX OF TABLES TABLE 1- BASIC INFORMATION OF NAN’AO TOWNSHIP ................................................ 39 TABLE 2- THE RESOURCES MINED IN THE NAN’AO NORTH RIVER REGION .................. 64 TABLE 3- THE FIRST CONTACT OF THE EXTRACTIVE ACTIVITY .................................... 69 TABLE 4- THE TRADITIONAL NAMES RECORDED IN THE NAN’AO NORTH RIVER ......... 79. TABLE OF FIGURES FIGURE 1- THE DOCUMENTARY FORUM FOR PARTICIPATION, DIALOGUE AND COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT .................................................................................. 16 FIGURE 2- THE STRUCTURE OF INTERVIEWS ................................................................. 17. 政治大 ......................................................................................................... 19 立. FIGURE 3- HUNTERS SHARE STORIES OF ECOLOGY, AND CULTURAL WISDOM WITH THE RESEARCHER. FIGURE 4- FOCUS GROUP HELD IN THE PROCESS OF FIELDWORK ................................. 22. ‧ 國. 學. FIGURE 5- THE MODEL OF SOCIAL AND ENVIRONMENT VALUE GOVERNANCE ECOSYSTEM .......................................................................................................... 27. ‧. FIGURE 6- SUSTAINABLE JURUTI MODEL ...................................................................... 29 FIGURE 7- THE DISPERSAL OF ATAYAL PEOPLE ............................................................ 36. y. Nat. sit. FIGURE 8- THE LOCATION OF NAN’AO ADMINISTRATIVE AREA ................................... 39. er. io. FIGURE 9- ORIGINAL COMMUNITIES WERE RESETTLED TO THE RIVER MOUTH OF THE NAN’AO RIVER ..................................................................................................... 51. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. FIGURE 10- THE JAPANESE COLONIAL REMNANTS ....................................................... 56. engchi. FIGURE 11- SPACE WHERE WAS APPROPRIATED FORM INDIGENOUS CULTURES AND THEN ‘GIFTED BACK’ AS RESERVED LAND .......................................................... 60 FIGURE 12- THE NAN’AO NORTH RIVER AND THE MINE OCCUPIED AREA ................... 63 FIGURE 13- THE CURRENT SITUATION OF NAN’AO NORTH RIVER’S LANDSCAPE......... 68 FIGURE 14- TRADITIONAL TERRITORY RECOUNTED BY THE ELDERS ............................ 78 FIGURE 15- TRADITIONAL TERRITORY IS OVERLAPPED ENTIRELY WITH THE TWO MAJOR MINING FIELD .......................................................................................... 78. III.

(6) List of Abbreviation KMT: Kuomintang SEVGE: Social and Environment Value Governance Ecosystem ICMM: International Council of Mining and Metals ELTI: Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative COA: Council of Agriculture CSOs: Civil Society Organizations. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. IV. i n U. v.

(7) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. “Indigenous peoples have been engaged in the political struggle to defend themselves and their resources against encroaching politically centralized societies for at least the past six thousand years John H. Bodly. V.

(8) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper is the product of a wide collaboration. The fruition of this project owes a great deal to the generosity with Atayal people from 2016~2017. I would like to thank participants in the community, as well as the comments that improved the quality of the thesis. My research has both shaped and been shaped by the Atayal community in Nan’ao. The community members invited and inspired me to conduct the research to the highest quality. My experience was possible through a wide. 政治大. collaboration and participation of schools, community members, and government. 立. officials. The Atayal leaders gave inspiration with their words, wisdom and guidance.. ‧ 國. 學. Yukan Wilang, Balai, Asaw Yukan, Hayung Badu, and Badu Wumin are all my mentors. During the research, I have done countless field trips alongside the mentors,. ‧. putting our footprints on the treacherous ravines, broken mining sites and the. y. Nat. er. io. sit. abandoned communities due to the colonial policy. Those mentors never stopped thinking of the environmental and cultural crisis and never too tired to keep the. n. al. wisdom of the culture flowing.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. In addition, I have been blessed with an ideal graduate committee. Dr. Yen, Chen-Shen at each and every stage of my Master’s Degree, provided truly exemplary supervisory support and a profoundly inspiring model of a deeply engaged and ethical academic praxis. I also want to extend my gratitude to my committee members Dr. Kuan, Da-Wei and Dr. Shih Cheng-Feng both of whom offered graceful criticism, key insights, as well as crucial encouragement in the writing.. VI.

(9) To Hu, Hui-Hsuan and her family who always believed in me. My academic journey would not have been possible without their devotion and support. For Hu’s parents, who possessed great intelligence combined with an immeasurable spiritual strength. For lively and sustaining discussions, I would like to thank Lok, Ray-Chan, Zhang, Chang, Hao-Chuan, Honore Johnson, and Elyse Mark. I can not go through the bleakest of times with their persistence and unending support.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. VII. i n U. v.

(10) 1 9 1. 7. ~ 2. 5. ‧. 7. 5. 3. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. 2. 學. 5. ‧ 國. 立. 政治 :大. Ch. engchi. VIII. i n U. v.

(11) ABSTRACT Political-environmental conflicts related to extractive industries in Taiwan tend to be conceptualized as problems of governance. These conflicts are generated from ill-designed policies that manage the distribution of revenues from extractive industries, formal political participation, transparency and employment opportunities for the indigenous community. The governance approach, however, does not take into account the history of marginalization and resistance of indigenous groups, or the. 政治大. permanence of colonial patterns of domination in Taiwan. The main argument of this. 立. paper is that the political-environmental conflicts related to extractive activities do not. ‧ 國. 學. derive from problems of ‘governance’, but more significantly, they emerge as a consequence of divergences that transcend the current institutional framework. The. ‧. different political ontologies among state, corporate, and the indigenous community. y. Nat. er. io. sit. over land revealed, each party operates within institutional parameters and sociocultural systems which have nothing in common. This argument will be developed in. al. n. v i n C h territorial struggles the case study of the Atayal people’s e n g c h i U in Nan’ao, Taiwan.. Key words: Atayal people, governance, extractive activity, political ontology, conflict. IX.

(12) CHAPTER 1- INTRODUCTION 1.1 MOTIVATION Many people know little of Taiwan’s amazing geography and believe it to be mysterious, wild, and mostly uninhabited. As a young kid, my father exposed me river tracing, the sport of hiking up and through river valleys to seek the river’s source. I was eager to explore and conquer the rivers and mountains in order to prove. 政治大 club leader. I had once heard of a place called the Nan’ao River Basin, known as the 立. my technical climbing ability and even served as my undergraduate’s mountaineering. ‧ 國. 學. Amazon of Taiwan for its wide network of rivers, diverse Indigenous cultures, and vibrant ecology.. ‧. sit. y. Nat. On one journey, I came upon an enormous waterfall that I was not able to pass.. io. al. er. My team therefore hired an experienced indigenous hunter, but he would not give us. v. n. the simple directions I craved. He insisted on showing us the story of this river and. Ch. engchi. i n U. the meaning of bypassing the waterfall. Yukan Wilang, who later became my mentor changed my understanding of the human-land relationship. The experience inspired me to further research the current struggles of Taiwan’s indigenous people, the politics of extractive governance, sovereignty, and colonialist political theory.. The demand for indigenous society’s self-determination has become a universally- political theme, ranging from the Maoris of New Zealand, to indigenous peoples in Taiwan, and to the Hawaiian independence movement. In each of these instances, the indigenous peoples are struggling to achieve a higher degree of. 1.

(13) economic, political, and legal autonomy within a suppressing colonialist system. This urgently-needed research is critical for the global society. The impact of this research is significant because it challenges not only the dominance of western philosophy, but its nature and pedagogy. In order to realize these impacts, we must further improve dialogue and collaboration between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples, as well as among nations.. As I went deeper into my research, I discovered the rivers I knew were not the. 政治大. idyllic Amazon of Taiwan but the guarded lands of the Atayal people. In 1911, the. 立. colonial governments succeeded in nationalizing most of the mountains into state. ‧ 國. 學. property. In the past 60 years, governments, mining companies, and powerful local elites have been appropriating collectively-owned resources from their rightful. ‧. owners. These spatial, cultural, and ideological transformations have largely aided the. y. Nat. er. io. sit. mining projects and further exacerbated poverty, damage on the environment, and the dispossession of indigenous people.. n. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. As my research continued, the community that I was enveloped in began to invite me in as one of their own. Because of my academic background, I became not just a researcher but an incorporated source of information for the local community members. I committed myself to be part of the indigenous society where colonization is the lived reality. Together, we are facing an intractable political dilemma. It urges me to pursue a higher degree, learn from broader communities and strengthen the much-needed networks.. 2.

(14) Land does not just matter in Taiwan but in all nations because lands traditionally owned by local communities are a common resource. Respect for the land's traditional stewards has inspired me to advocate in international indigenous legal issues, indigenous politics, and public policy initiatives. Issues of development are of common concern to all because they put humankind at risk. How societies choose to understand the struggles of indigenous people will be the foundation for the future.. 1.2 PURPOSE. 治政 The primary purposes in this research are very simple. 大First of all, this thesis 立. aspires to reveal the results of a collective voice by the community members who. ‧ 國. 學. contribute to, sacrifice for, protest against decades of the mining development in the. ‧. Nan’ao river basin. From the published and unpublished data, face-to-face interviews,. sit. y. Nat. all the information proved their unshakable commitment, relentless dedication and. n. al. er. io. persistent struggle, facing with the mega development. This struggle should have been. i n U. v. seen, and uncovered to the public. Secondly, this research would like to increase the. Ch. engchi. possibility of greater engagement, deliberative dialogue, and wide-ranging collaboration between indigenous people and the public because I always believe that through those mechanism and forum, we can improve the bleak situation brighter together!. INTRODUCTION “We (Atayal people) didn't pay too much attention when the bulldozer came into our land because we think he's just tidying up the land. We didn't expect them (miner) to dig harder and wider. They even blew up the mountains at. 3.

(15) night. That's time when we found the problem is significant. At first we didn't care, because we didn't know anyone would destroy the land like this”.1 In Taiwan, the number of social movements related to political-environmental impacts linked to the extractive activities has increased remarkably in recent decades. At the international level, the International Council on Minerals and Metals (ICMM) view these conflicts as problems of governance: emerging as a result of ill-designed policies in place for the distribution of revenues, formal political participation, transparency, and employment rate. In the other words, the international organizations. 政治大. consider the conflict originates because few communities benefit economically from. 立. resource extraction, few are consulted in decision-making processes and most are. ‧ 國. 學. under-represented in employment in the industries that exploit their traditional. ‧. territory.. y. Nat. io. sit. The governance approach, however, does not take into account the history of. n. al. er. marginalization and resistance, and the permanence of colonial patterns of. Ch. i n U. v. domination. They attribute their marginalization to their colonial and postcolonial. engchi. experiences of being forcibly and coercively assimilated into the colonial and postcolonial state. The succeeding regimes shared the same policies with regard to indigenous peoples: to assimilate and to integrate them into the national body politics. As a consequence, most policy proposals are biased, reinforcing the current extractive governance by assuming that all conflicts can be managed and solved within the boundaries of the political economy of extraction. However, the collective voice of. 1. Interview conducted by the author with YK on July 09, 2017. 4.

(16) Nan’ao villages perceive large-scale mining as detrimental to their indigenous way of life and environment.. Extractive governance indicates the institutional configuration that justify and legitimize extractivism2. Actors in the system are political actors involved in making decisions that affect the collective social and environmental value. (Coumans, 2011) Extractivism is connected to important development projects. But most profoundly, this political economy expresses the permanence of a colonial model of accumulation. 政治大. based on dispossession, exploitation, and discrimination. Forest, water, and mineral. 立. resources continue to be the primary target of rapidly expanding investments and. ‧ 國. 學. ‘development’ projects that leads to the dispossession of the local communities. “The reckless pursuit of progress are the basic cause of the continuing destruction of. ‧. indigenous peoples” (Bodley, 1975).. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. The long term effects of colonialism have been not just lead to the land. i n U. v. dispossession; it rather encompasses the dispossession of self-sufficient economy,. Ch. engchi. egalitarian societies, diet, education, high level of unemployment rate. In addition, the imposition of identities which the state enforces on the people. This is the state makes an identity which attach them to major developmental goals. By conducting this strategy, the state not just denies indigenous ontologies but also creates the local faction and conflict within the communities. Indigenous peoples express a different political ontology because their worldviews or cosmologies contain a different. 2. Extractivism is the process of extracting natural resources from the Earth to sell on the world market. It exists in an economy that depends primarily on the extraction or removal of natural resources that are considered valuable for exportation worldwide. 5.

(17) conceptualization of the relation between human beings and the natural environment. For the Atayal people of Nan’ao, land itself embodies culture, relationships, ecosystem, social organization and law. People lived in a reciprocal relationship with the land: they nurtured the land through following the words of ancestors and through proper observance to the nature. The land in return through healthy reproduction of natural species essential for survival. In addition to bearing the imprint of ancestral norms: gaga, Atayal identity is marked by their sense of place.. 政治大. This paper responds to these issues, broadening understanding of the dynamics. 立. and the foundations of indigenous peoples’ resistance to extractive activities. It. ‧ 國. 學. suggests that many political-environmental conflict that involve indigenous peoples do not derive from problems of ‘governance’, but more profoundly, the deviation that. ‧. transcend the current governance approaches and express different political. y. Nat. er. io. sit. ontologies. As the conceptual differences over land partly revealed, the two parties operate within institutional parameters and socio-cultural systems which have nothing. al. n. v i n C h Indigenous andU in common. “The contention between e n g c h i non-Indigenous rests in fact on paradigmatic contradictions of which the poles are, priori, logically irreconcilable” (Salee, 1995). The premises of extractivism model undermines and marginalizes indigenous identities, socioeconomic organization and political practices.. This argument is developed firstly by analyzing through the literature review. The study looks into extractive governance discourse and the increase in politicalenvironmental discontent, and the probe into the Model of Social and Environmental Value Governance Ecosystem and the Sustainable Juruti Model that explain these. 6.

(18) conflicts as problem of ‘governance.’ In the third and fourth chapter, the study is to trace the nexus between states, mining corporations and communities during the development of mega extractive projects under the framework of contested development and internal colonization. Looking into the colonialist theory, we know that the internal colonialism places the critical role to understand the conundrum. I begin by briefly describing indigenous societies that encounter to colonization, providing a background to the overall situation of Atayal peoples. The article subsequently focuses on the case of the Taiwan, Nan’ao and the Atayal territorial. 治政 struggles in the Nan’ao River basin in order to explain 大 how important political立 ‧ 國. 學. environmental struggles are located beyond the extractive governance.. In the fifth chapter, the evolution of resistance to large-scale mining in Nan’ao,. ‧. Taiwan manifests increased local-level opposition to mining. Fifty years ago,. y. Nat. er. io. sit. communities were more likely to be receptive. Now, potentially affected community members are increasingly opposing mining activity before it starts to continue.. al. n. v i n C h and locally elected However, even as community members e n g c h i U officials urgently. articulate reasons for opposing mining activity that include protection of local-level security and future economic development. Mining industry associations, governments and mining companies increasingly assert positive local development outcomes associated with mining, while emphasizing the need for increased locallevel benefit sharing.. Finally, the article critically assesses the governance perspective and explores the meaning and potential of indigenous political ontologies. As important as it is to. 7.

(19) understand how modern state, especially liberal political theory is implicated in the jurisdiction of colonialism, it is even more important to determine whether this complex tradition of thought might provide space for the contemporary aspirations of indigenous peoples. Typically, these have included claims for the return of traditional lands, the preservation of culture, and the right as well as the means to exercise effective self-government. Indigenous peoples’ claim to prior and continued sovereignty over their territories question the source and legitimacy of state authority.. 1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS, HYPOTHESE 政治. 大. 立. The Atayal people have protested throughout the Nan’ao River basin against the. ‧ 國. 學. establishment of mines and cement factories on traditional indigenous territory for. ‧. more than 60 years. External development interests destroy the local environment and. sit. y. Nat. deprive local people of the resources on which they previously depended. However,. n. al. er. io. transformations largely aid mining projects and further exacerbate poverty, inequality,. i n U. v. and the exploitation of Atayal people. In order to comprehend the embedded historical. Ch. engchi. and political developmental issues, my research set out to explore the embedded colonial history that Atayal peoples confront when faced with mega-resource extraction. This happens in spite of international charters, domestic legislation, and indigenous social movements.. I further questioned that sovereignty is by no means an uncontested concept even within dominant political theory. The nineteenth-century idea of sovereignty may have run its course; it is not natural, nor fully legitimate. It reflects a certain understanding of power and authority, rooted in a particular, historically determined. 8.

(20) configuration of social relations and public space. As socio-historical conditions change, does sovereignty remain a satisfactory political objective? A paradox exists between the actual practices of indigenous nations’ sovereignty and our modern yet outdated concept of state sovereignty. Underlying this problem are the complex issues of translating between cultures. It is research that exposes us to different sets of values, concepts of space, and relationships with land, subjectivity between nations, and competing theories. This research delves into macro and micro level as well as the historical pattern of the extractive development.. 立. 政治大. Macro level: Inter-national policy toward the land. ‧ 國. 學. 1. How does state and development institutions make the land ‘empty’ through the. ‧. legal and political manoeuver?. y. Nat. er. io. sit. 2. Why the collaborations among governments and corporations can not enhance social well-being of the indigenous community through good governance?. n. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 3. Why is the firm-centered Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR3) cannot be expected to bring about long-term, transformative change needed to address multiactor and system wide issue?. HYPOTHESIS:. 3. CSR is the continuing commitment by business to behave ethically and contribute to economic. development while improving the quality of life if the workforce and their families as well as of the local community and society at large.. 9.

(21) The large mining companies are protected by its economic capacity and national legal status. Development institutions tried many forms of interventions: agrarian reforms, resettlement programs, National Forestry Survey Project, privatization of land. The implementation of many of these interventions was mixed.. Common perception is held by the governments and corporations that extractive activity can enhance the social well-being of the Atayal people by offering the job, promoting national economic development. Nevertheless, the research voiced concern. 政治大. over their claim. From the research finding, the study asserts that if the main aim of a. 立. development institution is to alleviate poverty, it is clear that the issues of land tenure. ‧ 國. 學. and land titling in the context of indigenous peoples cannot be overlooked. Those land rights are the significant instruments to take people out of poverty and a major source. ‧. of economic growth for the indigenous peoples.. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. The study will reconstruct the cycle: state permissiveness, mining concession, to. i n U. v. the massive development. In the state permissiveness, the research analyzes national. Ch. engchi. legal and institutional framework. State’s perception of the ‘empty land’ legitimizes the successive governments to concede the lands to mining company, granting the mining company to establish itself even in the conserved forest in order to explore deposits. Eventually, the land is under the massive development that has negative impacts culturally and environmentally to the Atayal people.. Micro level: the community perspectives toward the ‘good governance’. 1. How do small relatively powerless Atayal groups fare in negotiations with miners. 10.

(22) and the state? 2. How does the Atayal people perceive that the mining field is entirely overlapped within their traditional territory?. HYPOTHESIS:. A major paradox here is that private property rights is not extended to aboriginal owners of property because this property is held under community common property regimes that make negotiation for land use more administratively complex rather than individualized title.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. According to the report of International Council of Mining and Metals (ICMM) and the Bureau of Mine (R.O.C), both institution claims that to improve the. ‧. governance, it is essential to improve the mechanism of political participation and. y. Nat. er. io. sit. transparency. However, the Atayal of Nan’ao traditional value of reciprocity, communalism and collective action play the critical role to refute the statement.. n. al. Ch. engchi. Historical Pattern of the Colonization:. i n U. v. Many indigenous writers have questioned whether sovereignty is an appropriate concept with which to represent the forms of indigenous governance and relation to the land. Underlying this problem are the complex issues of cross-cultural translation. From land deprivation on the colonialism, nationalization of the lands, collective relocation of the Atayal people to the introduction of the neo-liberalism, the demands of return the lands, declaring that “Indigenous people have the right of selfdetermination for their own future over the territory”. The Research question:. 11.

(23) Sovereignty is by no mean an uncontested concept even within current political theory: does it apply only to state? Or can it be applied to peoples pre-existing and independently-governed indigenous people who exercise their sovereignty along with modern state government?. These are the key questions are what this study poses. To answer these questions, this study probes into the cases of indigenous communities in the Nan’ao. The case study is based on interviews with key informant and focus group discussions that the. 政治大. authors held during their field visits between 2016 and 2017, as well as an analysis of. 立. published and unpublished documents. The case study illustrates the dynamics. ‧ 國. 學. between and among the corporates and state, and examines how Atayal people in Nan’ao are affected by extractive activities.. ‧ er. io. sit. y. Nat. 1.4 METHODOLOGY. Deconstructing the situations of Atayal people in Nan’ao requires a rich. al. n. v i n interdisciplinary methodology. ItCwill situating a grassroots Atayal oral culture h einvolve ngchi U with distinctive ontology and epistemology grounded in critical theory, discourse analysis and qualitative methodology.. Participatory Action Research. Action research is as part of a “community of practice” or research concurrent with action. This thesis’ aim is through cooperation and collaboration to promote change and offer possible solution. The collaborative approach involves multiple stakeholders from different sectors and a mix of incentives embedded in different. 12.

(24) policy instruments. The approach require researcher to engage with locals to share knowledge as well as stand in front of the public to tell the stories, uncover struggles and convey the collective voice. The research is also the process by which groups of people work on real issues, carrying real responsibility in real conditions. The critical point of the action research is ‘intervening.’ Intervening take actions researcher to be involved the process of being proactive. Ghraham Smith describes this approach as a necessary approach when faced with crisis conditions” (Smith, 1999). By making. 政治大 real, intimate image to the 立 public and local communities. The combination of. the documentary into the research, it connects the visual art to practice, bringing more. ‧ 國. 學. academic research and documentary as part of the action research achieves several goals. First, it successfully advances cultural crisis and environmental damage caused. ‧. by the mining industry in the indigenous community. Second, it is a resource for. y. Nat. io. sit. building public understanding of issues and empathy among viewers who otherwise. er. might not relate to the critical situations. Third, it builds community participation in. al. n. v i n CWe issues that impact people’s lives. to have the face-to-face information h earenable gchi U sharing, discussion, and action when we are working on the project. “Community engaged scholarship can thus be viewed as an anti-oppressive, anti-hierarchical research approach that shifts power relations away from an authoritative expert”. (Wiebe, 2015). Furthermore, it draws community attention to the toxic impact of the extractive activity. For me, the participatory approaches offer a convening point for communities to come together with each other, and with issue leaders, to build solution.. 13.

(25) Documentary. Number of Audiences. Location. Date. Number of Audiences: Around 120. New. 11/26th/. City. Taipei. 2017. Government. City. Forum New Taipei. 立. 政治大. Post-Discussion on the Taipei premiere. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Researcher on the stage shared the stories and the struggles of the local communities with the public. Hiking Notes. Number of Audiences: Around 30. Taipei. 12/19th 2017. 14.

(26) The research shows the documentary in various forum, striving to reach larger audiences. The research cooperates with the organization Hiking Notes, attempting to get the. 政治大. attention from the outdoor sport lovers.. 立. Number of Audiences: Around 40. movement:. io. sit. y. Nat. Protest. ‧. Boulevard. ‧ 國. Ketagalan. n. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Researcher delivered the speech about the mining issue.. 12/21st/ 2017. 學. Indigenous. Taipei. er. Indigenous. 15.

(27) Holding the sign No One is An Outsider with documentary director Ben Chang Nan’ao. Number of Audiences: Around 130. Communities. 立. Ilan,. 12/30th/. Nan’ao. 2017. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. The Post-Discussion led by the local community members. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Film Showing gathered numerous people together to discuss about the issues of mining.. Figure 1- The Documentary Forum for Participation, Dialogue and Community Engagement (Source: Data Collected by the Author). In-depth Interviews. 16.

(28) In the thesis, the study conducts in-depth interviews by speaking with participants in a one-on-one setting. When initiating conversations with potential interviewees, the researcher presented personal credentials which included academic affiliations. Sometimes the study’s approaches the interview with a predetermined list of questions or topics for discussion but the study allows the conversation to evolve based on how the participant responds. “Interviewing is a powerful way of helping people to make explicit things that have hitherto been implicit to articulate their perceptions, feelings and understandings” (Arksey and Knight, 1999). 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Figure 2- The Structure of Interviews. Unstructured Interviews:. When the study conducts the unstructured interview, participants feel they are taking part in a conversation or discussion rather than in a formal question. The Atayal people is the oral-based culture. They pass their memory through storytelling, singing and narrating. Therefore, conducting unstructured interview has the advantage. 17.

(29) to realize the perspectives of elders, hunters and women who are the integral part of the research. The story is not simply telling a story. These old and new stories contribute to a collective story in which every Atayal person has a place.. Linda Smith describes “Stories are ways of passing down the beliefs and values of a culture in the hope that the new generations will treasure them and pass the story down further. The story and the story teller both serve to connect the past with the future, one generation with the other, the land with the people and the people with. 政治大. story” (Smith, 1999). However, in order to have more complete picture about the. 立. story. The research applies conversational follow-up questions which is able to elicit. ‧ 國. 學. greater details, especially regarding the policy-oriented questions since most of the first answers are not completed. The follow-up questions also expand the researcher’s. ‧. understanding and the interviewee’s responses, and to seek clarification, reasons, and. y. Nat. er. io. sit. recommendations. The interview contains with questions about past, present, and future community perspectives in extractive activity in their traditional territory. Such. al. n. v i n approaches fit well with the oralC traditions which are still a reality in day-today Atayal heng chi U lives.. 18.

(30) (1) Researcher and hunters stayed. (2) Hunter share Atayal migration story. together beside the fire, sharing the. to researcher.. stories.. 政治大. Figure 3- Hunters share stories of ecology, and cultural wisdom with the researcher.. 立. (Source: Data Collected by the Author). ‧ 國. 學. Focused Incident:. ‧ sit. y. Nat. The research will focus on a specific event, namely on the memories and history. n. al. er. io. of the mining development. I will invite the respondents to tell stories of the. v. developmental history. Individual feedback and memories become focus of the focus. Ch. engchi. i n U. incident. In addition, the research will record the testimony. It is the form through which the voice of a ‘witness’ is accorded space and protection.. Semi-structured Interview:. Semi-structured interviews were conducted using an interview guide comprised of an ordered list of topics and questions. The introduction and conclusion of each interview focused on policy of the extractive governance. The approach offers the broader view on the public policy. The community leaders included democratic-. 19.

(31) elected politician, community- and trans-community-acknowledged leaders, and cultural educators. The leaders who were interviewed reflect both political and geographical diversity. In addition, the participants in the field research presented a diversity in their interactions with more than one cultural and sovereign governmental settings.. Participant Observant:. As a researcher and also a participant in the action, I will not just observe others. 治政 but to gain first-hand experience in the setting. Observation, 大 consist of the research 立 taking descriptive notes of what is happening, and give an insight into the broader. ‧ 國. 學. picture. The research framework require researcher to become a participant observer,. ‧. which I am taking part in the situation in order to be involved and further understand. sit. n. al. er. io. Focus Group:. y. Nat. the social struggles.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. In a focus group, the researcher engages a small group of participants in a conversation which is designed to generate data relevant to the research question. Each focus group contains from 5 to 10 informants. Geographical knowledge of the traditional territory familiar to the experienced hunters in the focus groups repeatedly proved to be of great value. This research uses them in studies that examine the mining development and Atayal ontology. I want to generates interaction between members who are able to to get a more objective and macro view of the investigation, so as to add the breadth and depth of the information.. 20.

(32) In particular, the goal of the focus group is to remember the traditional naming system and the name of the Nan’ao River basin. In politics, the oral-base knowledge of Atayal people precludes authentic interpretations from the Atayal perspectives because it conflicts with the notion of modern state. Despite, the oral-knowledge has sustained Atayal belief systems for millenniums. However, naming project of Atayal people can be seen in struggles over the geographical names of some of the mountains and significant sites which were renamed randomly after colonial rule. The purpose of focus group is about retaining as much control over meanings as possible. By ‘naming. 治政大there are realities which can the world’ people name their realities. For communities, 立 ‧ 國. 學. only be found in the indigenous language; the concepts which are self-evident in the. indigenous language can never be captured by another language. “Brazilian educators. ‧. Paulo Freire whose saying, ‘name the word, name the world’, has been applied in the. sit. y. Nat. indigenous context to literally rename the landscape” (Smith, 1999). This is the. n. al. er. io. concept tells us we should apply the original indigenous names.. Ch. engchi. (1) Inviting elders to explain and tell the Atayal naming story, system, and. v. (2) Collecting the traditional name of the landscape. worldview. i n U. 21.

(33) Figure 4- Focus Group Held in the Process of Fieldwork (Source: Data Collected by the Author). The qualitative research methods in all enhance my understanding of the cases, strengthening the framework. By researching through the analysis, it will appeal to evaluator a more compelling evidence base for project assessments and judgments. Finally, the analytic approach must focus in the relationships among combinations of potential causal conditions within the case.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 22. i n U. v.

(34) CHAPTER 2- THORETICAL FRAMWORK 2.1 OVERVIEW During the 1960s, the changes of the social economy in Taiwan and the change of mountain economic policy is the background of institutional exploitation. The Nationalist government took advantage of developing the mountain resources, and therefore, started to make a series law amendment. “The government began to. 政治大 individuals” (Kuan, 2016). Policies of privatization, reduction of public expenditures, 立 privatize Indigenous Reserved Land by surveying, dividing, and entitling the lands to. ‧ 國. 學. tax benefits for extractive industries, converted Taiwan into business-friendly institutional environment. The extractive activity that exploited Nan’ao River basin. ‧. where were once considered restricted.. sit. y. Nat. io. al. er. Land is essential to indigenous development, but it also has the potential to. v. n. create conflicts of interest between indigenous peoples and the state. Therefore, even. Ch. engchi. i n U. the series of indigenous movement during 1980s and 1990s to present, the governmental policy was largely devoid of recognition of indigenous land rights (Lin, 2008). There are two essential policies that affect the mining industry. Since the mineral shortage of the mine in the Western part of Taiwan in1990s. The implementation of Eastward Industrial Shift Policy, the major mining companies moved to the East coast. The contribution of extractive industries to the whole economy is understood as crucial. However, as a time moves forward, according to the 2013 Minerals Year Book Taiwan, “After several decades of mining, nearly all. 23.

(35) recoverable coal, metallic minerals, and talc have been depleted. The output of the mining industry, which accounted for a very small part of Taiwan’s economy, was less than 1% of total industrial production.” (Tse, 2013). Many political-environmental conflicts show the resistance to the processes of dispossession deployed by extractive industries: the dispossession of resources such as water or lands or the dispossession of health, and the protests over the perceived real value of mining activity, specifically when people lobby for what the believe to. 政治大. be more equitable economic compensation. In Nan’ao, the most significant protests. 立. that has surfaced to date was in 1970s, in which Nan’ao Atayal peoples opposed not. ‧ 國. 學. the specific projects but overall environmental damage. The protest invite the officials from Bureau of Mine (R.O.C) and Forestry Bureau (R.O.C) to explain the situation of. ‧. the mine. But there is no positive response from the governmental Bureaus as well as. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. mine companies.. i n U. v. The purpose of this research is to analyze the Atayal political ontology and the. Ch. engchi. experiences of Atayal indigenous peoples in Nan’ao Taiwan and their attempt to guard the land belonging to their communities through a collective public policy making. This research situates their efforts in the broader contexts of “contested development” and “theory of internal colonialism.” The application of the two theories to the local level shows that the case does represent an expression of contested development goals, and ongoing internal colonialism.. 24.

(36) 2.2 LITERATURE REVIEW 2.2.1 EXTRACTIVE GOVERNANCE DISCOURSE The ideological foundations of extractive governance discourse put emphasis on a liberal view of insertion to market principles and focus on results and consumer services, reduction of the state apparatus, and outsourcing, privatizing, and publicprivate partnerships to produce public goods and services in contrast to bureaucratic practices that focus more on processes and departmental management. The. 政治大. governance discourse also entails some extent of depolitization of decision-making. 立. processes, thereby reducing the importance of state factors, as well as increased need. ‧ 國. 學. for the state to share its authority with private actors and communities. (Abdala, 2011). ‧. In this regard, it seems difficult to reconcile how Corporate Social Responsibility. sit. y. Nat. (CSR) might provide firms with a strategic response to the risks that systemic. n. al. er. io. dynamics present by addressing governance gaps around key issues: revenue. i n U. v. distribution, transparency, all areas in which they would be in conflict of interests. Ch. engchi. with the locals. CSR policy and practice have been shaped by a political economic context in which neoliberalism forms the dominant economic imagination. While industry actors have been more successful in applying technical solutions to address environmental problems in the mining industry, they have had considerably less success in the community development and governance. The positive impact of social investments is severely constrained by the companies’ own motives for community development, particularly when projects are driven by short-term expediencies rather than the long-term development needs of a community.. 25.

(37) 2.2.2 POLITICAL-ENVIRONMENTAL CONFLICTS AS PROBLEM OF GOVERNANCE Some authors explain how good institutions are crucial to solve social discontent. They suggest to create the mechanism for equitable mining revenue allocation and productive spending (Abdala, 2011; Boon 2011); other scholars emphasize the relation between power and institutional change, questioning the government’s ability to act as a credible judge and regulator of the environmental. 政治大. performance of mining operations and to manage mining revenue (Cameron, 2011).. 立. Usually, as local conflicts have intensified, mining companies and their associations. ‧ 國. 學. have urgently emphasized the need for local-level ‘benefit sharing’ and communitylevel development projects at their mine sites within a context of CSR. The global. ‧. mining industry is actively promoting a positive association between mining and. y. Nat. er. io. sit. development, by emphasizing the provision of jobs, taxes, and royalties. The corporates even seek the ways to assure greater dispersal of funds and programs at the. al. n. v i n C h and development’ local level. They push to link ‘mining’ e n g c h i U in public discourse and to refute the reports of high-profile environment disasters by asserting positive associations between mining and sustainability.. 26.

(38) 立. 政治大. Figure 5- The Model of Social and Environment Value Governance Ecosystem. ‧ 國. 學. (Source: Governance Ecosystems: CSR in the Latin American Mining Sector). ‧. We can see the proposal that Sagebien and Lindsay have introduced and they describe. er. io. collective governance. The newly-invented model present:. al. v i n C hgoal as the hub of the A collectively defined central e n g c h i U system: that is, the creation, n. 1.. sit. y. Nat. a dynamic systems-level model that can help managers better understand and plan for. enhancement and protection of social and environmental value; 2.. The firm as just one of many role-bound actors embedded in the complex. political system of confining and/ or synergistic interests; 3.. CSR programs and strategies as just one of the mechanisms available to ‘govern’. this system, with other mechanisms available to other actors in the collective governance of the system; 4.. System-wide relationships between actors and interactions of system dynamics. that can either disable or enable multi-actor, multi-mechanism governance efforts.. 27.

(39) Sagebien and Lindsay present that the model of governance in a multi-actor system which can not have as the center or hub of the system. Instead, the shared and aligned aims of all actors are what, realistically, either contribute toward or detract from the attainment of a collectively defined social and environmental value, a notion that lies much beyond what traditional firm-centered stakeholder model. Thus the SEVGE model envision a more balanced view of CSR stakeholder relations; it places at the hub of the system social and environmental value, encircled by multiple actors—of which the firm represents only one. Each actor has the leverage and close. 治政大 specific role-bound relationship with each other and with the hub mainly through 立 ‧ 國. 學. tools and mechanisms.. SEVGE model as an attempt to capture the ‘prisoner’s dilemma’ dynamics that. ‧. mining and other resource industry multi-actor governance systems are facing. It. y. Nat. er. io. sit. highlights the rapid process of institutional learning that is taking place by a multitude of actors, concurrently and at a phenomenal rate, in order to even conceive of an. al. n. v i n C halso believe the model optimum collective strategy. They e n g c h i U can create an equilibrium where all parties cooperate and can thus achieve optimum systemic collective benefits (Julia and Lindsay, 2011). 2.2.3. THE SUSTAINABLE JURUTI MODEL AND MULTI-. INSTITUTIONAL GOVERNANCE PARTNERSHIP Other scholars concern about the government’s ability to act as a credible judge and regulator of the environmental performance of mining operations and to manage mining revenue. For many scholars who revolve around the political-environmental. 28.

(40) conflicts could be solved simply by reinforcing or modernizing the institutional design related to political participation, and increase of employment rate. Those authors who focus on political participation assert that political-environmental conflicts are due to the absence of a party system or dialog channels through which contradictory social visions are mediated. This problem would be worsened in a context of institutional weakness and lack of state territorial consolidation, institutional capacities, long-term policies and consolidated political actors. They suggest, therefore, to address the normative and institutional lag related to the formal political system.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Figure 6- Sustainable Juruti Model (Source: Governance Ecosystems: CSR in the Latin American Mining Sector). Therefore, they propose the multi-actor models of long-term and broad-based development and collective governance over resources are being actively sought. Fabio Abdala’s article ‘Sustainable Juruti Model: Pluralist Governance, Mining, and. 29.

(41) Local Development in the Amazon Region,’ present on such model. The Sustainable Juruti model is based on a multi-institutional governance partnership aimed at providing mutual benefits for companies, communities, and local government. Its components include the Sustainable Juruti council, a permanent forum for dialog and collective action among the parties, considering a long-term agenda; sustainability indicators used to monitor the development of Juruti and to provide the Council with accurate and valid information; and the Sustainable Juruti Fund, a vehicle through which to finance the activities prioritized by the Council to mobilize the resources. 治政 needed to generate an endowment fund for present and大 future generation. 立 ‧ 國. 學. The Sustainable Juruti model was designed based on three assumptions to guide the construction of a local development agenda,. ‧. The concept of social coordination spaces, thus allowing for broad and. sit. y. Nat. 1.. 2.. al. n. future.. er. io. democratic participation of the community in building the agenda toward a common. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. A focus on local territory, which considers the host city as a generators of. development in the region 3.. A dialog with reality, which shapes the agenda in view of the local demands,. regional public policies, and contextualizes the agenda within global and business initiatives focused on sustainability.. Abdala claims that economic and socio-environmental impacts of the mining development can be solved through the promotion of the Sustainable Juruti model. This model would be a strategy to generate mutual benefits for all social, public, and. 30.

(42) private sector stakeholders. Through the Sustainable Juruti Council, it was possible to start a partnership involving the community, the government, and the private sector as a process for cooperation and for seeking joint solution.. Apart from the two models, in the international level, ICMM emphasize the role of rent distribution in generating social conflicts. ICMM argues that weak governments do not manage revenues from mining well enough to ensure national development and do not ensure sufficient social investment or benefit sharing,. 政治大. particularly at the local level where mines frequently have to deal with social conflict,. 立. asserting that ‘governance weakness’ is the basis of many of the most heated local. ‧ 國. 學. criticisms against (or issues faced by) the companies (ICMM, 2010). Furthermore, ICMM and mining companies emphasize the financial contributions of mining. ‧. operations to development through taxes and royalties. They express concerns that. y. Nat. er. io. sit. these revenues are not well managed as a result of weak and corrupt governance: “there are a number of well-documented challenges associated with translating. al. n. v i n C hToo often, for example, mineral wealth into national wealth. e n g c h i U mining revenues have been squandered by governing elites or exacerbated corruption” (ICMM, 2010).. As the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI)- perhaps a more respected although very limited voluntary code concerned with the full disclosure of corporate payments- notes: “Good governance is a precondition for converting large revenues from extractive industries into economic growth and poverty reduction. When transparency and accountability are weak, the extractive industries may instead contribute to poverty, corruption, and conflict – the so called resource curse” (ELTI,. 31.

(43) 2015). It also generates conflicts and a negative perception of authorities. From the national level, the Bureau of Mine want to facilitate good governance by enact the Mining Act which can reflect nowadays human right. The Bureau claims by enhancing the political participation, and transparency of the mining companies to the public, the struggles of the Atayal people can be mitigated.. To summarize, political-environmental conflict tends to be hypothesize as problems emanating from inadequacies in the political system, inappropriate. 政治大. distribution of revenues, a lack of transparency and insufficiency of employment, all. 立. of what are seen as being products of an institutional problem or a problem of. ‧ 國. 學. ‘governance’. Fixation on these hypothesis, however, explicitly or implicitly deny structural analysis and deeper understandings of the colonial phenomena.. ‧ y er. io. sit. Nat. 2.3 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES. “The central issue is that private companies and neo-liberal states are based on. al. n. v i n an ontology of economicC growth, political discourse that post-development U h e na g i h c scholars have long seen as hegemonic” (Simon, 2012).. The state’s hegemonic and narrow definition of development is predicated on neoliberal theory that well-being is best advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurship within an institutional framework that privileges private property rights, the free market, and minimum state intervention (Harvey, 2007) Such an evolutionary notion of development struggles to engage with the notions of interculturality that reflect indigenous aspirations and ways of life. At one level, such. 32.

(44) alternate indigenous views represent an unacceptable challenge to the currently dominant neoliberal status quo “that seeks to bring all human action into the domain of the market” (Harvey, 2007). At another level, such aspirations challenge the foundational principle of internal-colonialism whose logic is the absolute authority and land expropriation. The indigenous ‘problem’ continues and now the state is looking to eliminate this ‘problem’ through a policy framework of extractive governance.. 政治大. Using the notion of ‘contested development’, Jon Altman identifies a continuing. 立. tension between the neoliberal state and indigenous actors. He argues that at the. ‧ 國. 學. current historical moment relations between indigenous people and mining companies are arguably less tense, in part because the corporate sector is more. ‧. responsive to indigenous demands than the unyielding state and in part because. y. Nat. er. io. sit. mining is so profitable that corporate’s responsiveness is of direct commercial benefit. Analytically, the triangulated power relations between the state, mining. al. n. v i n C h that Jon AltmanUuses to frame this chapter corporations, and indigenous people engchi. might opposition to indigenous interests. The relationship between the state and mining corporations has always been structural and strong (Altman, 2012).. The relationship between the state and indigenous people, on the other hand, has historically been fraught and remains so because the logic of internal-colonial society is based on the twin imperatives of gaining access to indigenous land and assimilating indigenous people. This is reflected in the Taiwan’s reluctance to. 33.

(45) properly empower, grant, and endow indigenous people with effective political and resource rights.. As systems of internal colonization’ of indigenous peoples and the arts of resistance by indigenous peoples change over times, they periodically give rise in the dominant societies to the sort of questions. These questions arise much more frequently in indigenous societies, where colonization is the lived reality (Tully, 2000) James Tully refers to internal colonization in the following four points:. 1.. 治政 The territory of indigenous people has been nationalized 大 without their consent. 立. 2. Their territory is governed within the modern-state system.. ‧ 國. 學. 3. Forcing indigenous population to small reserves, carrying out the series of. ‧. resettlement policies, opening them to capitalist development (agriculture, fishing,. y. sit. Nat. forestry, mining, and other forms of resources extraction). al. n. treaty-making. er. io. 4. usurpation and appropriation have often been preceded or accompanied by. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. This form of colonization is ‘internal’ as opposed to ‘external’ because the colonizing society is built on the territories of the formerly free, independent but now colonized, peoples. The colonizing or imperial society exercise exclusive jurisdiction over them and their territories. Although they comply and adapt, many more times they refuse to surrender their freedom of self-determination over their territories and the way of governance under their customary law and worldview within the system as a whole as best they can. James Tully emphasize the essence of internal colonization is not the appropriation of labor, or depopulation, or even the. 34.

(46) appropriation of self-government (usurpation). Rather, it is the act to appropriate their land, resources because the land is the foundation of their society (Tully, 2000). The problematic, unresolved contradiction and constant provocation at the foundation of internal colonization, therefore, is that the dominant society coexists on and exercises exclusive jurisdiction over the territories and jurisdictions that the indigenous peoples refuse to surrender. That is, the ongoing process of political resistance and struggles.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 35. i n U. v.

(47) CHAPTER 3- CONFIGURATION OF IDENTITY 3.1 ATAYAL PEOPLE IN TAIWAN The Atayal people reside in the North of Taiwan’s Central Mountain Range. Making up the most widely distributed and third most numerous of Taiwan’s 16 officially recognized indigenous groups with 82,500 members, Atayals represent 16% of Taiwan’s Austronesian population. In different dialects, the term “Tayal” has. 政治大 applied to both the Atayal sub-tribe and the Sedek sub-tribe. Anthropological studies 立. different pronunciations, such as Atayal, Tayal, Tayen or Tayan. “Tayal” has long been. ‧ 國. 學. based on linguistic and archaeological evidence as well as creation myths and oral histories indicate that Atayal people have lived in Taiwan for more than 5,000 years. ‧. (Bellwood, 1991).. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Figure 7- The Dispersal of Atayal People (Source: Digital Museum of Taiwan Indigenous People). 36.

(48) As is often the case with the naming of “other” peoples, the word Atayal simply means human in Atayal language. The classification of groups is based on Japanese anthropologists according to observed linguistic similarities, shared cultural practices, oral histories, and geographic distribution. In the past, due to their unique facial tattooing custom, other ethnic groups easily recognized the Atayal as an “ethnic group.” However, the Atayal ethnic group” consists of many groups with different languages, diverse customs and multiple identities. To provide an example, in the late 2000s, two groups that had previously been classified as part of the Atayal tribe. 治政 achieved separate tribal identity status as the Truku and大 Seediq (Simon, 2007). 立 ‧ 國. 學. However, the newly-classified Truku and Seedip are still recognized as having significant linguistic, cultural and historical connections with the Atayal.. ‧. Generally speaking, the Atayal regional groups or dialect groups usually call. y. Nat. er. io. sit. themselves by the name of their pan-tribal alliance (Qutux hbun). The pan-tribal alliance is composed of several communities which are formed on the basis of river. al. n. v i n C hor worship group (Qutux baisn, region, myth of origin place, e n g c h i U gaga). The worship. group is a group of related people participating in the same ritual, obeying the same custom laws and taboos and treating the group as their main social organization and source of identity. Qutux means “one,” which implies “united as one and grouped under an agreement.”. Some of the more well-known cultural characteristics of Atayal people had been successfully outlawed by the Japanese colonial government and remain out of practice. 37.

(49) in the contemporary Taiwan. Atayal people traditionally engaged in subsistence-based swidden cultivation, hunting, gathering and fishing which are also in crisis.. 3.2 OVERVIEW OF NAN’AO RIVER BASIN Nan’ao River basin has gained the reputation of the Amazon in Taiwan because anthropologist Yang Nan-Jun who compliments this region as Amazon owing to its richness in ecology, vibrant indigenous cultures, abundant precipitation and wide spread of the river (Chen, 1999). Nan’ao county stretches down the middle of. 治政 Taiwan’s eastern coast. It is verdant, marked by high, thickly 大 forested mountains and 立 rocky shores. A thin alluvial plain is now where the seven communities located.. ‧ 國. 學. Nan’ao river flow east across the country just like many rivers that have cut deep. ‧. channels into the mountains of granite and marble. It is an area categorized as a. sit. y. Nat. ‘biodiversity hotspot’ and has valuable mineral deposits. Nan’ao township is located. n. al. er. io. in the northeast region of Taiwan and is the most southern township in Yilan. Its. i n U. v. location is at longitude 121° E and latitude 24°N. Its side borders with Shiu Lin. Ch. engchi. township in Yilan, its northern side borders Su’ao township, its western side borders Datong township and its eastern side faces the Pacific Ocean.. The Nan’ao Atayal, an eastern branch of the Atayal has the population of about 6,000 people, Genealogically the Nan’ao Atayal consist of the members of three subtribes of the Atayal, namely: Ts’ole, Squliq, Seediq. Nan’ao’s total land area is set aside in a multi-tired system of protected regions that include national park, natural reserves, conservation land, wildlife refuges and wildlife habitats. Much of this run across the traditional territory of the Atayal people. From an Atayal People’s. 38.

(50) perspective, “the river is a giver of life, it sets social organization and conveys movement.4” The environment has enabled Atayal peoples to develop enduring relationships to the river.. Table 1- Basic information of Nan’ao Township. Total Area. No. of Villages. No. of households. Population. 740,6520km2. 7. 1830. 5940. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Figure 8- The Location of Nan’ao Administrative Area (Source of Map: Google Earth). 4. Interview conducted by the author with HW on July 12, 2016. 39.

(51) 3.3 KLESAN: FORMATION OF ATAYAL IDENTIY IN NAN’AO The Atayal people articulate their sense of identity through their distinct way of life, especially through culture and place. Atayal of Nan’ao is the most Eastern group of the Atayal dispersal. According to the elders, Nan’ao Atayal migrated from the Pinsbkan, nowadays Nantou to this current location. An elder from the Piyahow community recounted:. 政治大. “I am not that old, it’s how I am perceived. We were originally from Nantou, a. 立. place we call Pinsbkan. When our ancestors were living there, the leader said. ‧ 國. 學. there were too many people living there. So, they were told. You should go and find a more suitable place to live. You walk along the river, then climb the ridge. 5. When you find a good place, you should bring life into it.”. ‧. sit. y. Nat. From the narration of the elders, we know not just the origin of the Atayal people. io. al. er. but the migrating spatial pattern is follow the river and mountain ridge. The culture. v. n. researcher Heitay Bayang classify two category of migration pattern (Heitay, 2002).. Ch. engchi. i n U. The first is the small-scale migration which refers to the settlement move within the river basin. The other category is the large-scale migration which indicate the migration is to cross from one river basin to the other river basin. The reason for the large-scale migration is lack of land for shifting cultivation (Heitay, 2002). The largescale migration is the beginning the new identity formation.. According to the languages, customs and origin of the legend, Wei, Hwei-Lin and Utsurikawa Nenozo classified the Atayal families into sub-ethnic group of 5. Interview conducted by the author with HW on September 12, 2017. 40.

(52) Seqoleq, Tse’ole’ and Seediq. These subgroups had moved into the Nan’ao River basin since 260 years ago, crossing Mt. Nanhu to Nan’ao River basin. During the late 17th century, they crossed the Central Mountain Ranges into the wilderness of the East. The original settlement of the Nan’ao Atayal was in mountains of more than one thousand meters along the upper and middle valleys of the Hoping River. The Seqoleq settled in the main portion of the area, living on the mountain ridge. The Ts’ole are found in marginal area, inhabiting along the river terrace. The Seedip is the latest group who migrated to Nan’ao River basin, having the least population and. 治政大 into the Nan’ao River smaller territory . Because the subgroups of Atayal migrated 立 6. ‧ 國. 學. basin in different times, the communities’ linguistic variation is significant.7. The name Klesan is name collective name for the Atayal in Nan’ao. Through the. ‧. anthropology work of Li, Yi-Yuan, he reported Klesan is the self-claimed name. y. Nat. er. io. sit. which delineates Krajas (Crossing). We can understand this term through their migration pattern for the reason that they crossed from the West to the East (Li,. al. n. v i n C hand most-told version 1963). Yet, there is the other saying e n g c h i U by the elders. Atayal subgroup of Gogan called Atayal of Nan’ao: Klesan. Japanese colonialists continued to use the name. Eventually, Atayal of Nan’ao called themselves Klesan8. No matter how all the various sources reflect that the Atayal people who settled in Nan’ao river basin had established the concept of ‘We’ group identity.. 6. Interview conducted by the author with DK on September 09, 2016. Interview conducted by the author with LS on February 22, 2016. 8 Interview conducted by the author with AS on February 22, 2016. 41. 7.

(53) 3.4 RIVER ALLIANCE: POLITICAL ALLIANCE ABOVE THE LEVEL OF COMMUNITY Through internal development and inter- and intra-ethnic contacts, some communities settled down and established on the nowadays Heping river (和平溪), including the followings pyahaw, knyang, kngayan, kbubu, klmwan, kmuyaw, and bbukeykay. The seven communities are collectively called Nan’ao upper communities. There are 8 communities spreading on the Nan’ao South river and. 政治大. Tnbunan river area which are tlangan(buta) tpihan, thawan(tblax), krgyah, ryohen,. 立. gugut, kinuh, and haga-paris. Those communities are called lower Nan’ao. ‧ 國. 學. communities. (Li, 1963). ‧. After long-history of mixed living, they have established the concept of ‘We. sit. y. Nat. group’. “Qutux llyung” were created for distribution of fishing and hunting ground. n. al. er. io. and for joint defensive purpose. “Qutux llyung” refer as the river alliance. The. i n U. v. research of Mabuchi Toichi shows that the Atayal draw the boundary of a tribe based. Ch. engchi. on the area a river basin. The river alliance was the political organizations among 15 communities in Nan’ao. The river alliance settles disputes that can not be managed by the single community on the river territory.. The political organization of the Atayal communities has the following functions: (1) to negotiate and conclude peace accords with neighboring tribes (2) to maintain lasting peace and unity within the rivers (3) to settle disputes of any form with other communities among tribal leaders in a particular river area under the customary laws and have failed to reach a desirable settlement (4) to go to war. 42.

(54) together against outside opponent. From the book The Movement and Distribution of Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, Mabuchi Toichi articulates: “The upstream, midstream and downstream of a river are occupied by several tribal alliances, respectively. The main branch of a river is the territory of a tribal alliance. A tribal alliance may be composed of a group of people belonging to the same system. It, however, can also be seen that people from different systems occupy the same branch of a river. Or, a group of people from other systems can join a tribal alliance by following some procedures. Also, we often observe that a tribal alliance displays various cultural features of different systems. Or, people still have the ‘consciousness’ of foreign systems to a certain level. Vice-versa,. 政治大 cases, a group of people 立might move to other branches of rivers and organize a people of the same system may not belong to the same tribal alliance. In some. new tribal alliance. After around 5 or 6 generations, those informants who are 50. ‧ 國. 學. to 60 years old in different tribal alliances still remember that they were ever in the same system. However, the relationship between these tribal alliances is. ‧. weaker. At the same time, the interaction between these tribal alliances is. y. Nat. unstable and easily broken. Sometimes, they become enemies and fight for the. sit. hunting fields. Moreover, they kill each other and hunt for heads. Therefore, in. al. er. io. regard to the Atayal characteristics, the territory of a tribal alliance where it is. n. defined by a river basin is more important and obvious than the commonality of. Ch. the origin (Mabuchi, 1941)”.. engchi. i n U. v. In the Mabuchi’s analysis of river alliance, the genealogy and the kinship do not play the major role on the alliance. Instead, it is the identity that attached to the river basin which based on the sense of collective safety and survival. As a result, Wang, Mei-Hsia argues that the idea of ‘region’ could replace that of the classification of systems based on genealogy (Wang, 2008). It becomes a key concept to understand Atayal social characteristics. As a result, Wei, Hwei-Lin proposed another classification in Taiwan, he interprets the river basin where the Atayal tribes are. 43.