1. Introduction
1.1 Cases for the Study
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Such divergences showed that international political agreements do not equate the views taken by organisational actors. Furthermore, organisational actors have increasingly been expected to implement pro-climate policies while receiving limited opportunity to take part in the formation process. As a result, corporations have turned to the growing number of public relations tools to express their respective positions (Anderson, 2009; Cacciatore, Scheufele, & Iyengar, 2016; Wickman, 2014). The importance of understanding
organisations’ climate change positions has grown. However, current research provides limited insight into organisations’ views on climate change. The current study aims to add to this body of knowledge by exploring how national organisational actors in different socio-political and economic systems communicate their positions on climate change.
1.1 Cases for the Study
A vital premise of the 1998 Kyoto Protocol was that of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR) (Torvanger, 1998; United Nations, 2011). It recognised that while all nations should take climate actions, some have higher historical responsibilities and
capabilities. The literature furthermore recognised that the different socio-political realities of different nations might affect organisations’ actions (Fligstein & McAdam, 2012; Kluttz &
Fligstein, 2016; van Gorp, 2007). To better understand the impacts of political settings on organisations’ climate change positions, the researcher chose the three national cases of China, South Africa, and the US for their different socio-political and economic systems as well as for their different approaches to the international climate change debate.
1.1.1 Socio-political characteristics. The three nations have developed different
political systems to address their governance needs. As of 2019, China’s leadership identified as a unitary political system ("China’s legislative system," 2019; World Bank, 2019a). The system is characterised by a robust legal system and subject to the guidance of the
Communist Party of China (CPC), the Politburo and the General Secretary of the CPC, Xi
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Jinping. The Republic of South Africa defined itself as a multi-party representative
parliamentary democratic republic. Under this system, eligible voters elect political parties to parliament to serve for five-year cycles. The US identifies as the Federal Republic. The President of the United States and the House of Representatives are indirectly elected through the Electoral College in general elections every four years. The following discussion
elaborates.
China’s socio-political context. China has undergone significant political and
economic changes over the last 40 years. Although China adopted its first constitution in 1954, it replaced it three times in 1975, 1978 and 1982. The most recent constitution was adopted in 1982 under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping. It was founded on selected principles from Marxist-Leninism, socialism and Maoism. The constitution focused on developing an institutional foundation to promote the national goals of power, affluence and stability (Leonard, 2012; Vogel, 2011; Wright, 2011; Xi, 2014b).
A core part of the 1982 Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was to lay a strong institutional foundation. Notably, the 1982 Constitution of the PRC brought back the positions of President and Vice President. While the move did separate the powers of the presidency from that of the CPC, it established a clearly defined institution to house the executive powers for the PRC ("China’s legislative system," 2019; Kabashima & White III, 2014; Leonard, 2012). To aid the executive in its decision making, the 1982 constitution identified the 3000-seat National People’s Congress (NPC)1 as the highest organ of state authority (Kabashima & White III, 2014). The NPC would have the duty to elect and hold the State Council responsible, as well as to provide oversight for the Supreme People’s Court and
1 The NPC consists of 8-political parties and various social interest groups, including the Revolutionary Committee of the Kuomintang (中國國民黨革命委員會 or 民革), the China Democratic League (中國民主同 盟 or 民盟), the China Democratic National Construction Association (中國民主建國會 or 民建), the China Association for Promoting Democracy (中國民主促進會 or 民進), the Chinese Peasants' and Workers'
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the Supreme People’s Procuratorate ("China’s legislative system," 2019). Also, the NPC would debate and vote on all major national policy decisions and confirm the positions of the President and Vice-president. When the NPC is not in session, the NPC standing committee would assume these same functions.
Another focus of the 1982 Constitution of the PRC, and later amendments, was to promote stability through the rule of law. In practice, researchers and observers noted that the power remains centralised with the CPC and the Politburo ("China’s legislative system,"
2019; Kabashima & White III, 2014; Leonard, 2012). The leading members of the CPC also tend to assume the positions of the President and Vice-president of the PRC. Furthermore, the CPC exercises indirect control by setting the national legal agenda through 5-year and 10-year plans as well as making constitutional amendments. Through five constitutional
amendments and related policy documents, the CPC has mostly liberalised China’s trade but also strengthened the rule of law and the centrality of the CPC ("Constitution of the PRC,"
2018). Specifically, the first amendment permitted limited corporate privatisation and rights to transfer property. A 2004 amendment further permitted the ownership of private property and human rights ("Constitution of the PRC," 2018). However, the 2004 and 2018
amendments strengthened legal codes. The National Intelligence Law of the PRC (2018) was one example which required corporate actors to assist the State in issues of national security.
This law has been cited as a reason for the US adding Huawei Technologies Co. Ltd. to its Entity List of threats to the US telecommunications industry (Lyu & Lee, 2019). Thus, China’s political freedom did not necessarily increase. Figure 1.1 shows that overall liberalisation has decreased in recent years.
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Figure 1.1 Freedom House Aggregate Scores for China, South Africa and the US
The most recent amendment to Constitution was at the 5th session of the 13th National Congress of the CPC. It brought three significant changes that further cemented CPC and State authority. First, the NPC allowed the first constitutional reference to the CPC ("Constitution of the PRC," 2018). This insertion further legitimised the CPC as the only legal, political party in China (Gill, 2017; Womack, 2017). Second, the revision removed the term limits for both the president and vice-president ("Constitution of the PRC," 2018). In practice, this assures the continuation of Xi Jinping and future leaders of the CPC as the presidents of China. Third, the constitution was amended to include both Hu Jintao’s Scientific Outlook on Development and Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, or Xi-Thought ("Constitution of the PRC," 2018; "Full text of resolution on CPC Central Committee report," 2017). Foundationally, Xi-Thought acknowledged that
‘socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era and the principal contradiction in Chinese society has evolved into one between unbalanced and inadequate development and
17 17 17 16 15 14
2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
Year
China South Africa US
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Committee report," 2017). The result has been a stronger top-down legal model that acknowledges the importance of a science-driven approach to social and technological modernisation.
South Africa’s socio-political context. As with China, South Africa underwent
dramatic political change. Between 1948 and 1994, South Africa’s apartheid policy was the cornerstone of all social, political and economic policy. The apartheid policy had functioned on the separation of racial groups (Bodley, 2008; Deegan, 2011). Seekings and Nattrass (2008) explained that the South African Apartheid government used the term African to refer to native, Bantu, or Black South Africans, Indian for people from India, White for people descendant from European origin and Coloured for people who do not fit the previous categories. This oversimplified colour-system was used to further the socio-economic policies that unfairly advantaged the White minority population. This apartheid heritage resulted in deep economic, social and educational imbalances that continued to dominate political discourse after democratisation (Anand, Kothari, & Kumar, 2016).
When Apartheid officially ended in 1994, South Africa’s first democratically elected government promised to address this inequality. As a first step, the 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa was adopted under the leadership of South Africa’s first
democratically elected president, Nelson Mandela, and the African National Congress (ANC) (Deegan, 2011). Chapter 1, act 1 of the founding provisions, immediately established the values of South Africa as being non-racial and non-sexist, with everyone subject to the same law (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996). To further enforce equality, chapter 2 adopted the Bill of Rights and founded the South African Human Rights Commission to investigate rights violations. Figure 1.1 (see page 5) shows that these changes had an overall positive effect on freedom levels. However, it has seen a decline under former South African President, Jacob Zuma.
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Aside from social equality, the constitution also enacted a representative
parliamentary democracy, based partially on the British system (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996). Chapter 4 of the Constitution established Parliament, which consisted of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces. Both houses would
participate in the law-making process, with the National Assembly electing the President and overseeing executive action. The President may serve for two five-year cycles. The members of both houses are, however, chosen by their parties, with the political parties elected in the national general election every 5-years. The proportional representation system allows for multiple parties to be present in Parliament (Deegan, 2011; Venter & Landsberg, 2006). On legal matters, the Constitutional Court ensures serves as the final arbiter (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996).
As of 2019, 13 of South Africa’s political parties shares the 400 upper parliamentary seats. The African National Congress (ANC) holds 230 seats and has the authority to push most legislation through unilaterally (Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa, 2019). ANC policies are, challenged by the opposition parties which collectively hold 170 seats. Dominant issues before the Parliament as of 2019, include the amendment of the South African Constitution to allow for land-seizures without compensation, high unemployment, climate action and addressing a slowing economy (Climate Change Bill, 2018; Hall, 2017).
These proposals are aimed at addressing inequality
Socio-political context of the US. Of the three nations in the study, the US has the
oldest constitution. With the main text entering into force in 1789, 27 amendments have since added protections for liberty, justice, rights, powers of government authority, the Bill of Rights and clarifications on government processes and procedures (Edling, Edling, & Press, 2003; Kabashima & White III, 2014). At the core, the US constitution intended to incorporate
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the interests of all former colonial US States to ensure a single nation that safeguarded individual freedoms, protection against foreign influence and a stable central government.
In this endeavour, the US established a Federal Presidential Democracy with a separation of powers (Edling et al., 2003; Kabashima & White III, 2014). The executive branch (The White House) houses the president, which is elected indirectly through the Electoral College for a maximum of two 4-year terms (Kabashima & White III, 2014; Trent
& Friedenberg, 2011). The US President is the Commander in Chief of the US Army, the Navy and, when needed, State Militias. The executive power of the President further allows him to preside over national trade, including the making of treaties and the appointment of people to public office. The Legislative branch, or Congress, consists of the House of Representatives and the Senate. Congress holds the sole right to legislate and oversee the Executive. Finally, the Judicial branch houses the legal system. Overseeing all the Federal courts, the Judicial branch ensures the implementation of laws and the interpretation of the Constitution (Edling et al., 2003; Kabashima & White III, 2014).
The US emphasis on freedom is reflected in the Bill of Rights (Edling et al., 2003).
Notably, amendments 1 to 10 of the US Constitution collectively adds freedoms to US citizens, including the right to free speech. These rights reflect a national civic culture of citizen engagement on issues of social and political importance (Benford, 1993; Gamson &
Modigliani, 1989; Giddens, 2011; Putnam, 1995). Figure 1.1 (see p. 5) shows that the US has the highest freedom scores between the three nations under study. This regard for freedom was also reflected in US foreign policy. Following World War II, the US has been highly engaged in international diplomacy to promote democracy and human rights (Gilpin, 2001;
Kabashima & White III, 2014). In recent years, this trend has relaxed as foreign policy priorities shifted to terrorism, trade imbalance and climate change (Davenport, 2014; Jasparro
& Taylor, 2008).
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Nationally, the US developed a two-party system. Initially, this system was dominated by elitism, where party bosses and those with the financial controlled political candidates (Trent & Friedenberg, 2011). The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2014 attempted to resolve this by favouring party caucuses. In practice, this gave political candidates access to unlimited small donations from third-party funds, as opposed to Federal funding. These funds shifted power to lobbies, political action committees and online micro-donations from
individuals. Former US president, Barrack Obama, managed to raise about 500 million US$ through online micro-donations alone (Trent & Friedenberg, 2011). This change exposed candidates to a broader diversity of interest groups and contributed to a rise in bipartisan policies, including on oil pipelines, arctic oil drilling, fracking, health care policy, EPA emission regulations and climate change (Gilson, 2017; Nisbet & Kotcher, 2009;
Obama, 2017). Party debates often fail, causing a bill to become stalled, subjected to executive veto or gets overturned when power shifts. As of the 2016 election, Republicans held both the Legislature and the Executive branches (2016) but have lost the House of Representatives to Democrats in 2018 (Politico, 2018).
1.1.2 Socio-economic characteristics. The three nations have also achieved various
levels of economic development. China and South Africa are both classifiable as developing economies. China’s economy, however, has industrialised and is in the process of having its focus redefined by the CPC. By comparison, South Africa’s economic growth has remained limited, and its socio-economic considerations have worsened in recent years. The US economy, however, has remained strong and growing.
China’s socio-economic context. The 1982 Constitution of the PRC provided the
legal framework for liberal economic policies. Domestically, China refers to its economy as being part of a system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and international observers continue to see it as an emerging market economy (World Bank, 2019a). Importantly, China
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shifted away from self-reliance and permitted limited direct investment and cooperative projects. That permitted an influx of foreign-owned technologies. The constitutional amendment of 1988 further encouraged a private economic sector, further reinforced in a 2004 amendment that allowed private property ("Constitution of the PRC," 2018; Koleski, 2017; World Bank, 2019a). These changes resulted in strong economic growth from foreign-owned factories and thriving exports.
China also encouraged its domestic industry. First, it encouraged rural farm owners to develop private enterprises ("Constitution of the PRC," 2018; Koleski, 2017; World Bank, 2019a). This move encouraged larger and more efficient farms. More recently, the focus shifted to developing a high-technology industry with recognisable brands. This move resulted in both private and state-owned Chinese enterprises, such as Huawei and the
Sinopec, manufacturing smartphones and solar energy panels for export markets. At its peak in the 1990s, China’s GDP growth reached 15%. This growth rate has since fallen to about 6.5% in 2018, but the GDP per capita has steadily grown to its current 7,755US$ per capita (constant 2010 US$) (see Figure 1.2).
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Figure 1.2 Carbon Emissions by GDP and Country
Sources. CO2 emissions data collected from Muntean, M., Guizzardi, D., Schaaf, E., Crippa, M., Solazzo, E., Olivier, J. G. J., & Vignati, E. (2018). Fossil CO2 emissions of all world countries - 2018 Report, EUR 29433 EN, Publication Office of the European Union, Luxembourg, 2018, ISBN 978-92-79-97240-9, doi:10.2760/30158,
0 10,000 20,000 30,000 40,000 50,000 60,000
0 5 10 15 20 25
1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2018
GDP per capita (constant 2010 US$)
CO2Tons per Capita
China CO2 Emissions per Capita SA CO2 Emissions per Capita US CO2 Emissions per Capita China GDP per Capita SA GDP per Capita US GDP per Capita
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China’s rapid economic growth had societal consequences. The World Bank (2019a) notes that China had reached all its UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015.
However, its economic growth contributed to inequality. By 2017, the World Bank (2017) measured China’s GINI coefficient at .42, with over 373.1 million people still living below the $5.50 a day international poverty line. However, this inequality has fallen from .44 since the previous measurement, and the World Bank predicted that China (2019a) would eliminate absolute poverty by 2020. Second, China initially encouraged economic growth by linking it to the political success of party officials (Finamore, 2018; Liu & Chen, 2012). As a result, China also saw a sharp rise in pollution and GHG emissions. By 2005, China’s absolute emissions exceeded that of the US, with two-thirds from its energy and manufacturing sectors (World Resources Institute, 2017). China’s GHG emissions per Capita tripled to about 7.72 metric tons per person. The rise in emissions was marked by a notable a rise in air pollution, with some Chinese cities reporting PM2.5 levels as high as 121 (Finamore, 2018; Leonard, 2012; Wright, 2011; Yang & Zhang, 2011). As more industrial actors shifted their attention to the countryside, reports of illegal and corrupt land-seizures, severe health issues, water and soil pollution, and loss of farming and fishing grounds increased (Coonan, 2006, 2009;
Duncan, 2015; Leonard, 2012; Womack, 2017; Wright, 2011; Yang & Zhang, 2011).
Between 1996 and 2012, limited available data suggested as many as 180,000 mass protests per year with at least 980 directly attributable to environmental concerns (Leonard, 2012; T.
Yang & Zhang, 2011).
Through the governance policy of Xi-Thought and the 13th Five-Year Plan, China is attempting to address both the social and environmental imbalances of its economic growth (Aglietta & Bai, 2016; Gosens, Kåberger, & Wang, 2017; World Bank, 2019a). These have included stricter laws, dedicated environmental courts, allowing NGOs to sue over polluters and harsher punishments, including jail time, fines and public shaming (Leonard, 2012; Mi,
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2016; The Supreme People's Court of the PRC, 2015; Zinda et al., 2017). Policy-level solutions have also lowered the growth outlook to 6.5% in search for a ‘moderately
prosperous society’ society by 2020 and shifted the economic focus to renewables (Aglietta
& Bai, 2016; Gosens et al., 2017). More recently, even a 6.5% growth rate has come into question as the US-initiated trade war continues to negatively affect China economic outlook (Li, He, & Lin, 2018; Liu, 2018).
South Africa’s socio-economic context. After democratising in 1994, the South
African economy was released from much of the international economic sanctions brought on by Apartheid (Clark & Worger, 2016; South African Market Insights, 2018). Political leaders subsequently opened the economy to global investment but was met with varying levels of success. Early efforts saw GDP growth rates as high as 10% (South African Market Insights, 2018; World Bank, 2018a). However, this growth was unstable and short-lived due to two factors. First, the increased foreign direct investment exposed unprepared corporations to international market volatility. During the 2008 monetary crisis, South Africa’s economic growth fell into the negatives, before slowing to an average of 1.3% per year and slumping into recession in 2018 (South African Market Insights, 2018; World Bank, 2018b). Second, inadequately prepared corporations were exposed to international competition. Notably, the textile industry suffered closures due to cheaper Asian imports (South African Market Insights, 2018).
Twenty-five years after democratisation, President Cyril Ramapoza (2019) admitted that South Africa still faces the same issues as it had in 1994. Table 1.2 shows that since 1990, South Africa’s GDP per capita has remained mostly stagnant and dwarfed by the US and Chinese economies (World Bank, 2018; World Resource Institute, 2017). The economic stagnation continues to contribute to high unemployment. As of 2019, data from the World Bank (2019b) shows a 27% unemployment, with 52% of the youth unemployed (Trading
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Economics, 2019). Furthermore, the gap between rich and poor has increased. As of 2018, the World Bank put South Africa’s Gini coefficient at .69, up from .60 before 1994 (World
Economics, 2019). Furthermore, the gap between rich and poor has increased. As of 2018, the World Bank put South Africa’s Gini coefficient at .69, up from .60 before 1994 (World