• 沒有找到結果。

Chapter 5. Conclusion

5.4 Closing Remarks

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

Western policies. Firstly, such state of affairs originated an opinion among foreign citizens that Russia distances herself from other members of global community, points out her exceptionalism and acts the Cold War-like. Secondly, the continuous translation of the related information irritates the target audience and results in the growing indifference to the position of the Russian Federation and its media.

Thematic versatility, including the coverage of less conflictive but still noteworthy topics could attract more viewers and readers and iron out the difficulties in apprehension by the overseas publics.

• To aim for linguistic multiplicability

At the moment of the study completion (the mid-year of 2017) Russian international media operate in 5-7 foreign languages in general. The expansion of linguistic services and translation of the broadcasting into more foreign languages could not only enlarge the target audience of the information sources’ users, but to develop a reputation of a user-friendly news outlets as well. In other words, cultural contiguity and eagerness to walk a mile in the viewers’ or readers’ shoes raises the chances for the thaw in attitudes towards Russia.

5.4 Closing Remarks

The best way to explain the significance of international image-building and the public diplomacy for the Russian Federation is to start from the basic simplistic approach. Being the largest country in the World situated both in Europe and Asia, Russia finds oneself on the crossroads of diverse cultures, values, and propositions for cooperation. To such extend, the country is in need to maintain peace with neighboring countries and to find a key approach to every partner.

Some claim, Russia gets involved into interstate communication in different regions, due to its expansionistic nature and craving for power. We see the whole story differently.

Multiculturalism and federalism are two pectorals of Russian statehood: from the both sides of the Ural Mountains live people, who devolved the authority to govern them to the federal Government.

As a consequence, the Government is under obligation to protect their interests, no matter where they live, in the European or Asian part of the state.

From geographic perspective, the distance between Moscow and Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky in the Russian Far East is enormous, so that many people from Eastern lands often travel to Northeast Asian countries and rarely, or even never, come to the capital. How could the executive branch of power protect interests of citizens of Eastern territories at its best? Obviously, it would try to integrate this regions into the communication with contingent countries, for it would

‧ 國

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

be easier for them to associate values and elaborate mutual expectations from the dialogue, not to speak about economic expediency of this kind of collaboration.

In light of this, the Russian Federation needs to pursue the reputation of a trustworthy partner in all parts of the World, because its leaders do not have the right to exercise any kind of policy in favor of one region and giving up on other. That is why today Russia is among states, which take the public diplomacy and image-building very seriously, and experience substantial material and moral losses, when the international image encounters difficulties.

The particular study has reached five research objectives:

1. conducted the historical analysis of the image of the Russian Federation since the collapse of the Soviet Union until the end of 2015;

2. identified the main features, shortcomings and advancements of Russia’s public diplomacy and outlined the scope of its functions;

3. summarized the contemporary public attitude towards Russia on the international arena, scrutinizing the international press and public opinion among the National Chengchi University fellows;

4. defined the spheres which provoke concern of foreign audiences;

5. offered the set of propositions for Russia’s successful image-building and a better understanding of her policy abroad.

The study was initially aimed at defining the most distinctive factors which form the image of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Three most influential features are following:

• Russian culture, history, and people, who set the tone for the further interaction with foreigners;

• the image of Russia’s political leaders, which nowadays receives international disapproval;

• Russian foreign policy image, which equals aggression and breach of international law from the global community perspective.

Answering to the main research question of the current study, the main problems which prevent the Russian Federation from the development of the positive impression among foreign audiences are listed below:

• actions of Russian leaders and political elite, which contravene with the expectations of their international counterparts;

• the lack of information about the country, in terms of the general public unawareness of Russian news sources;

‧ 國

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

• Russia’s foreign policy, which determinative and strong-minded character originated disapproval of international community;

• imperfect conditions of Russia’s public diplomacy and image-building policy.

As the international image of the country is associated with its foreign activities, the margins for the attitudes enhancement lie within the scope of the public diplomacy, particularly in its non-political realm, as expanded in the Section 5.3.

The chances for change exist, however, the leaders of the Russian Federation still stay firm on the principles of the foreign policy, thus one could place hopes on citizen and people-to-people exchange, for cultural aspect proved to be influential in the public diplomacy realization.

The topic of the paper is very significant and could be developed into a more detailed study.

Through the lens of the limitations of the particular work mentioned in Chapter 1 and encountered during the research process, there are some suggestions for the possible future analysis:

• to enrich theoretical basis with the publications of international scholarly and official documents issued during and after 2017;

• to expand empirical basis adding interviews with Russian officials responsible for creation, implementation, and evaluation of the public diplomacy;

• to enlarge the target audience of the sociological survey and to edit the questionnaire in accordance to the changed circumstances within the Russian Federation and on the international arena;

• to try to overcome linguistic barriers and to use sources in different languages, in addition to English and Chinese, with the help of external experts and translators;

• to conduct comparative analysis, juxtaposing the empirical evidences of the current study with the ones collected in the future.

Finally, we would like to express our hope that the public diplomacy would develop and gain significance within the foreign policy of the Russian Federation, regardless of the conditions of international relations. Indisputably, when traditional diplomacy fails to drive the matters from the dead-lock, the public diplomacy could be handy at preserving connections with the ‘outer space’. Nonetheless, the PD is originally designed to be a long-standing approach to interstate communication, demanding strong ties with foreign citizens, that is why overuse of the momentary initiatives within it would not be beneficial to an international actor. The experience of many countries prove, strategic thinking is vital for the construction of a state image and for the realization of its interests in a globalized World.

‧ 國

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

References

Official Documents

Alexander Gorchakov Public Diplomacy Fund Charter, the. (2013, February 5). Retrieved March 9, 2017, from

http://gorchakovfund.ru/upload/iblock/69c/69c95363c73daf2ea08a230313f75559.p df

Commission on Development of Public Diplomacy and Support of Russian Nationals Abroad Statute. (2012). Retrieved March 9, 2017, from

https://oprf.ru/ru/about/structure/structurenews/newsitem/19608

Complementary Agreement between the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on the Eastern Section of the China-Russia Boundary (Dopolnitel'noye soglasheniye mezhdu Rossiyskoy Federatsiyey i Kitayskoy Narodnoy Respublikoy o rossiysko-kitayskoy granize na yeyo vostochnoy chasti). (2004, October 14). Retrieved March 1, 2017, from http://russia.bestpravo.com/fed2004/data03/tex14451.htm

Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. (2016, November 30). Retrieved January 03, 2017, from

http://www.mid.ru/foreign_policy/news/-/asset_publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/2542248?p_p_id=101_INSTANCE_c KNonkJE02Bw&%3B_101_INSTANCE_cKNonkJE02Bw_languageId=en_GB Kontseptsiya vneshney politiki Rossiyskoy Federatsii (The Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian

Federation). (2008, July 15). Retrieved November 22, 2016, from http://kremlin.ru/acts/news/785

Kontseptsiya vneshney politiki Rossiyskoy Federatsii (The Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation). (2013, February 12). Retrieved November 22, 2016, from http://www.scrf.gov.ru/documents/2/25.html

Nichol, J. (2009). Russia-Georgia Conflict in August 2008: Context and Implications for U.S.

Interests (RL34618, 7-5700) (The United States of America, Congressional Research Service). Retrieved February 9, 2017, from https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34618.pdf.

President of Russia. (2012, May 7). Ukaz o merah po realizatsii vneshnepoliticheskogo kursa Rossiyskoy Federatsii (Decree for Realization of the Russian Federation Foreign Policy Course). Retrieved January 03, 2017, from http://www.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/15256

President of Russia. (2014, March 18). Address by President of the Russian Federation. Retrieved February 10, 2017, from http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/20603

Promoting Green and Inclusive Growth in Canada. (2016). Paris: OECD Publishing.

“Rossotrudnichestvo” Statute. (2008, September 6). Retrieved March 9, 2017, from http://rs.gov.ru/uploads/document/file/4/polozhenie_ukaza_no1315.pdf

Russian International Affairs Council Charter, the. (2011, March 3). Retrieved March 08, 2017, from http://russiancouncil.ru/about-us/ustav_RSMD/

Russia's Position towards Conflicts and Crises Zones in Europe. (n.d.). Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. Retrieved February 06, 2017, from http://www.mid.ru/pozicia-rossii-po-konfliktam-i-problemnym-zonam-v-evrope-

situacia-na-balkanah-kosovskoe-uregulirovanie-kiprskoe-uregulirovanie-migracionnyj-krizis-i-dr.-

United Nations. (2013, December 12). United Nations Mission to Investigate Allegations of the Use of Chemical Weapons in the Syrian Arab Republic (Rep.). Retrieved February 22, 2017, from https://unoda-web.s3.amazonaws.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/report.pdf.

United Nations General Assembly. (2014). Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on 27 March 2014 Territorial integrity of Ukraine (No. A/RES/68/262). Retrieved February 10, 2017, from

http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/68/262

United Nations Secretary General. (2009). Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Abkhazia, Georgia, pursuant to Security Council resolution 1839 (2008) (Rep. No.

S/2009/69). United Nations Security Council. Retrieved February 9, 2017, from

https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/223/52/PDF/N0922352.pdf?OpenElement.

United States of America, Central Intelligence Agency (USA CIA). (2008). The World Factbook. Georgia. Retrieved February 9, 2017, from

file:///C:/Users/asus/AppData/Local/Temp/Rar$EXa0.056/factbook/print/gg.html US Department of Homeland Security and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence.

(2016, October 7). Joint Statement from the Department Of Homeland Security and Office of the Director of National Intelligence on Election Security [Press release].

Retrieved March 29, 2017, from https://www.dhs.gov/news/2016/10/07/joint-statement-department-homeland-security-and-office-director-national Relations. In A. Pike (Ed.), Brands and Branding Geographies (pp. 289-301). Edward Elgar Publishing.

Ajzen, I., & Fishbein, M. (1980). Understanding attitudes and predicting social behavior.

Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Badie, B., Berg-Schlosser, D., & Morlino, L. (2011). International encyclopedia of political science (Vol. 1). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications.

Belousova, Y. (2015). Genezis obraza i yego funktsionirovaniye v mediaprostranstve (The Image Genesis and Its Functioning in Media Sphere). Litres.

‧ 國

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

Boulding, K. E. (1956). The image; knowledge in life and society. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Buhmann, A. (2016). Measuring country image: Theory, method, and effects. Switzerland:

Springer.

Chernykh, A. (2014). Mir sovremiennih media (The World of Contemporary Media). Litres.

Conley Tyler, M., & Beyerinck, C. (2016). Citizen Diplomacy. In C. M. Constantinou, P. Kerr, &

P. Sharp (Eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Diplomacy (pp. 521-529). Los Angeles:

SAGE.

Davies, J., & Kaufman, E. (2003). Second Track/citizens' Diplomacy: Concepts and Techniques for Conflict Transformation. Rowman & Littlefield.

Davison, W. P. (1973). International and World Public Opinion. In I. de Sola Pool (Ed.), Handbook of Communication (pp. 871-886). Chicago: Rand McNally College Publishing.

DeLuca, K. M. (2012). Image Politics: The New Rhetoric of Environmental Activism (Essential Coaching Skills and Knowledge). Routledge.

Dinnie, K. (2008). Nation branding: Concepts, issues, practice. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann.

Doyle, P. (1992). Branding. In M. J. Baker (Ed.), The Marketing Book (Second ed.). Oxford:

Butterworth-Heinemann.

Ellul, J. (1973). Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes (K. Kellen & J. Lerner, Trans.).

Vintage.

Emerson, Adyin, Noutcheva, Tocci, Vahl, & Youngs. (2005). The Reluctant Debutant [Pamphlet]., Center for European Policy Studies.

Fawn, R., & White, S. (2002). Russia after communism. London: F. Cass.

Ferrari, A. (2016). Putin's Russia: Really Back? Ledizioni.

Fortner, R. S. (1994). Public diplomacy and international politics: The symbolic constructs of summits and international radio news. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Galumov, E. A. (2005). Imidg protiv imidga (Image vs. Image). Moscow: Izvestiya.

Handelman, S. (2014). People-to-people diplomacy in Israel and Palestine: The Minds of Peace experiment. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge.

Hare, P. W. (2015). Making diplomacy work: Intelligent innovation for the modern world. Los Angeles: CQ Press.

Hocking, B. (2005). Rethinking the 'New' Public Diplomacy. In J. Melissen (Ed.), The New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations (pp. 28-43). Palgrave Macmillan.

Kaczmarski, M. (2015). Russia-China Relations in the Post-Crisis International Order. Routledge.

Kaneva, N. (2011). Branding post-communist nations: Marketizing national identities in the "new"

Europe. New York: Routledge.

‧ 國

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

Kaplan, M. A. (1957). System and process in international politics. New York: John Wiley & Sons.

Kelley, J. R. (2009). Between «Take-offs» and «Crash Landings»: Situational Aspects of Public Diplomacy. In N. Snow & P. M. Taylor (Eds.), Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy (pp. 72-85). New York: Routledge.

Kerr, P., & Wiseman, G. (2013). Diplomacy in a globalizing world: theories and practices. New York: Oxford University Press, USA.

Kiselev, I., & Smirnova, A. (2006). Dinamika obraza gosudarstva v mezhdunarodnikh otnosheniyakh (Dynamics of State Image in International Relations). Saint-Petersburg: Saint-Petersburg State University.

Kondo, S. (2015). Wielding Soft Power: The Key Stages of Transmission and Reception (D. L.

McConnell, Ed.). In Y. Watanabe (Ed.), Soft Power Superpowers: Cultural and National Assets of Japan and the United States (pp. 191-206). Routledge.

Kovacevic, A. (2009). The Impact of the Russia–Ukraine Gas Crisis in South Eastern Europe (NG 29). Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. Retrieved February 10, 2017, from

https://www.oxfordenergy.org/wpcms/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/NG29- TheImpactoftheRussiaUkrainianCrisisinSouthEasternEurope-AleksandarKovacevic-2009.pdf.

Kunczik, M. (1990). Images of nations and international public relations. Bonn: FES, Media and Communication Dep.

Mackenzie, R. (2006). When stars and stripes met hammer and sickle: The Chautauqua Conferences on U.S.-Soviet relations, 1985-1989. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press.

Malone, G. (1988). Political Advocacy and Cultural Communication: Organizing the Nation's Public Diplomacy. University Press of America.

Moilanen, T., & Rainisto, S. K. (2008). How to Brand Nations, Cities and Destinations: A Planning Book for Place Branding. Palgrave Macmillan.

Mortensen, M. (2015). Journalism and eyewitness images: Digital media, participation, and conflict. New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.

Nakamura, K. H. (2010). U. S. Public Diplomacy: Background and Current Issues. DIANE Publishing.

Nikolayeva, Y., & Bogolyubova, N. (2014). Mezhkul'turnaya kommunikatsiya i mezhdunarodniy kulturniy obmen (Intercultural Communication and International Cultural Exchange).

Litres.

Nort, D. (2010). Ponimanie processa jekonomicheskih izmenenij (Understanding the Process of Economic Change). Moscow: HSE Publishing House.

Nye, J. S. (2004). Soft power: The means to success in world politics. New York: Public Affairs.

Nye, J. S. (2011). The future of power. New York: Public Affairs.

‧ 國

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

Pamment, J. (2012). New public diplomacy in the 21st century: A comparative study of policy and practice. London: Routledge.

Parsons, T. (1971). The system of modern societies. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Potter, E. H. (2009). Branding Canada: Projecting Canada's Soft Power Through Public Diplomacy.

McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP.

Saunders, R. A. (2016). Popular geopolitics and nation branding in the post-Soviet realm. London:

Routledge Taylor & Francis Group.

Scher, P. W. (2014). The Right to Remain Cultural: Is Culture a Right in the Neoliberal Caribbean?

In D. Kapchan (Ed.), Cultural Heritage in Transit: Intangible Rights as Human Rights.

University of Pennsylvania Press.

Schoen, D. E., & Kaylan, M. (2014). The Russia-China axis: the new cold war and America's crisis of leadership. New York: Encounter Books.

Sharp, P. (2009). Diplomatic theory of international relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Shoemaker, P. J. et al. (2012). Comparing News on Foreign and International Affairs. In F. Esser, T. Hanitzsch (Ed.), The Handbook of Comparative Communication Research (pp.

341-352). Routledge.

Simons, G. (2016). Euromaidan and the Geopolitical Struggle for Influence on Ukraine via New Media. In M. Suslov & M. Bassin (Eds.), Eurasia 2.0: Russian Geopolitics in the Age of New Media (pp. 275-294). Lexington Books.

Snyder, J. (2013). The United States and the challenge of public diplomacy. NY, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.

Sussman, G. (2010). Branding democracy: U.S. regime change in post-Soviet Eastern Europe.

New York: Peter Lang.

Szondi, G. (2009). Central European Public Diplomacy - a Transitional Perspective on National Reputation Management. In P. Taylor & N. Snow (Eds.), The Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy (pp. 292-313). New York: Routledge.

Tsygankov, P. A. (1994). Politicheskaya siciologiya mezhdunarodnykh otnosheniy (Political Sociology of International Relations). Moscow: Radiks.

Tsygankov, A. P. (2012). Russia and the West from Alexander to Putin Honor in International Relations (pp. 28-39). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Van Herpen, M. H. (2014). Putin’s Wars: The Rise of Russia’s New Imperialism. Rowman &

Littlefield.

Waltz, K. N. (1959). Man, the state, and war: A theoretical analysis. New York: Columbia University Press.

Wilson, J. L. (2015). Strategic partners Russian-Chinese relations in the post-Soviet era. Routledge.

Wolfsfeld, G. (2011). Making Sense of Media and Politics: five principles in political communication. New York: Routledge.

approaches to public diplomacy: The connective mindshift. New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.

吳非, & 胡逢瑛. (2016). 俄羅斯的【軟實力】與【公共外交】在國際環境中的啓示. In 俄羅 斯公共外交與地緣政治 (pp. 35-87). 臺北市: 獨立作家.

Periodicals

Anholt, S. (2013). Beyond the Nation Brand: The Role of Image and Identity in International Relations. Exchange: The Journal of Public Diplomacy, 2(1), 6-12.

Ayvazyan, L. (2010, July). The Country Image and International Relations: 21st Century ENvironment. 21st Century, 1(7), 36-51.

Bentzen, N., & Anosovs, E. (2015). Minsk peace agreement: still to be consolidated on the ground (Rep. No. PE 548.991). European Parliamentary Research Service, 1-6. Retrieved February 11, 2017, from http://www.europarl.europa.eu/EPRS/EPRS-Briefing-548991-Minsk-peace-summit-FINAL.pdf

Bobylo, A. M. (2013). "Myagkaya sila" v mezhdunarodnoy politike: Osobennosti natsional'nikh strategiy («Soft Power» in International Policy: Peculiarities of National Strategies).

Buryat State University Herald, 14, 129-135. Retrieved from

http://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/myagkaya-sila-v-mezhdunarodnoy-politike-osobennosti-natsionalnyh-strategiy

Brzezinski, Z. (1994). The Premature Partnership. Foreign Affairs, 73(2), 67-82. Retrieved February 1, 2017, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/20045920

Budnitskiy, S. (2013). A Lavish Welcome: Russia’s $21.5 billion APEC Meeting and `the Potemkin Village´ Malaise. Public Diplomacy Magazine, (10), 50-53.

Burlinova, N. (2014). Russia’s Public Diplomacy: the Practice and Problems in Making . Vestnik Analitiki, 3(57), 28-35. Retrieved January 4, 2017, from http://www.isoa.ru/docs/vestnik_2014-357.pdf

Buzan, B., Albert, M. (2010). Differentiation: A sociological approach to international relations theory. European Journal of International Relations, 16(3), 315-337.

doi:10.1177/1354066109350064

Chikharev, I. A. (2011, Spring). "Umnaya moshch" v arsenale mirovoy politiki (Smart Power in the Service of International Politics). International Trends, 9(1), 25th ser., 93-98.

Retrieved December 3, 2016, from http://www.intertrends.ru/twenty-fifth/011.htm Cull, N. J. (2016). Engaging foreign publics in the age of Trump and Putin: Three implications of

2016 for public diplomacy. Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 12(4), 243-246.

doi:10.1057/s41254-016-0052-4

Davidson, W. D., & Montville, J. V. (1981, Winter). Foreign Policy According to Freud. Foreign Policy, (45), 145-157. doi:10.2307/1148317

Ellison, B. J. (2011). Russian Grand Strategy in the South Ossetia War. Demokratizatsiya, 19(4), 343-366. Retrieved February 9, 2017, from

https://www2.gwu.edu/~ieresgwu/assets/docs/demokratizatsiya%20archive/GWAS HU_DEMO_19_4/0367216M621448T3/0367216M621448T3.pdf.

Fedoroff, N. (2010). 21st Century Science Diplomacy. Public Diplomacy Magazine, (3), 15-17.

Friedman, B. (2015). Putin’s Russia in the Middle East. Review. Bustan: The Middle East Book Review, 6(1-2), 92-119. Retrieved February 22, 2017, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5325/bustan.6.1-2.0092

Golubchikov, O. (2017). From a sports mega-event to a regional mega-project: the Sochi winter Olympics and the return of geography in state development priorities. International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics, 1-19. doi:10.1080/19406940.2016.1272620 Gordin, V., & Trabskaya, J. (2013). The role of gastronomic brands in tourist destination

promotion: The case of St. Petersburg. Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 9(3), 189-201. doi:10.1057/pb.2013.23

Gregory, B. (2011). American Public Diplomacy: Enduring Characteristics, Elusive Transformation. The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, 6(3), 351-372.

doi:10.1163/187119111x583941

Hudson, V. (2015). ‘Forced to Friendship’? Russian (Mis-)Understandings of Soft Power and the Implications for Audience Attraction in Ukraine. Politics, 35 (3-4), 330-346.

doi:10.1111/1467-9256.12106

Jansen, S. C. (2008). Designer nations: Neo-liberal nation branding – Brand Estonia. Social Identities, 14(1), 121-142. doi:10.1080/13504630701848721

Jentzsch, G. (2009). What are the main causes of conflict in South Ossetia and how can they best be addressed to promote lasting peace? The BSIS Journal of International Studies, 6.

Retrieved February 9, 2017, from

https://www.kent.ac.uk/brussels/documents/journal/2009/Greg%20Jentzsch%20-%

20What%20are%20the%20main%20causes%20of%20conflict%20in%20South%2 0Ossetia%20and%20how%20can%20they%20best%20be%20addressed%20to%20 promote%20lasting%20peace.pdf.

Kalinin, O. I. (2015). Political image of Russia in China's Mass Media: towards the question of sentiment analysis in connection with the events in Ukraine. Political Linguistics Journal, 1(51), 98-103. Retrieved January 7, 2017, from http://politlinguist.ru/materials/pl/51.pdf

Kemming, J. D., & Humborg, C. (2010). Democracy and nation brand(ing): Friends or foes? Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 6(3), 183-197. doi:10.1057/pb.2010.19

Kiseleva, Y. (2015). Russia's Soft Power Discourse: Identity, Status and the Attraction of Power.

Kiseleva, Y. (2015). Russia's Soft Power Discourse: Identity, Status and the Attraction of Power.

相關文件