The cases of interreligious conflicts studied in this thesis allow for a few observations on the level of religious peace and conflict in post-martial law Taiwan. To start with, I had to dig deep to find this small number of conflicts throughout the nation over the period of around 30 years. When talking about this topic to people that not have been directly involved with these disputes, many people seem to have heard about or been otherwise aware of these issues, but none has disrupted the Taiwanese society.
The dispute with the most news coverage and influence on politics has been the following dispute on whether the Guanyin statue must stay or leave the Da’an Forest Park in Taipei. Moreover, from the preliminary results of my research, it seems that no person has been killed in the name of religion since the end of martial law, probably even since the end of the Second World War. Political and other reasons have given ground for violence and murder in this time period, but not interreligious disputes.
Since the end of martial law, the interreligious conflict with the most violent extent is the 218 Event at Yu Shan Yan Luminary Temple in Chiayi that ended in a physical and verbal fight. In the religiously highly pluralistic society of Taiwan, people are generally able to coexist, without being bothered by the existence and adoration of other deities and religious with distinct truth claims. This goes to show a high level of interreligious peace in Taiwan, which is a beacon of light amongst the many news reports of intense, even deadly, interreligious conflicts over the entire world.
The seven interreligious conflicts in this thesis differentiate three types of reasons for interreligious conflicts in Taiwan. The first type revolves around a mutual worship of the same deity statue but with different practices that are perceived to respect the deity. This is combined with past unequal government policies and a more recent discrepancy on the temple leadership role. These differentiations were increasingly integrated into the religious attitude and in modern times created conflicts, as happened at Ziyun Temple on Bantian Yan and at Yu Shan Yan Luminary Temple. The second type is instigated by factors that are not necessarily religious at first. They seem to mainly be related to certain policies of the modern government that are perceived as unfair and which created an unequal situation between religious organizations, resulting in mutual protests between the religious groups.
This is exemplified by the dispute over the Taichung Mazu statue, the Guanyin statue in Da’an Park in Taipei, and the disaster relief in Siaolin Village. However, these disputes are still inherently religious, because of the religious teachings informing their different views on the betterment of society. The third and last type is when a New Religious Movement is formed based on a syncretic use of the orthodox religions, as seen in the critiques on Yiguandao and the True Buddha School. The new religion is perceived as challenging the traditional religion and its beliefs and practices are rejected.
Another way to divide these conflicts is based on what is objected against. Some religious groups object against the Other for not adhering to the orthodox practices needed to create a godly or “pure”
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society. This corresponds to Knitter’s fulfillment model in that the group sees their own religious teachings as the normative, best message and serves for the betterment of the wider society. In contrast, other religious groups object to the Other for being hindered in their own practice needed to uphold the divine status of their own community. In agreement to the mutuality model, this leaves room for other religions and merely asks for a limited space for your own religion, but reaches its limit when the Other enters that religious space. As expected, in these cases of conflicts, we have not encountered exclusivist voices as that would collide with the Taiwanese moral ethic against rejecting other religions per se. There are also no clear expressions along the lines of the acceptance model, but that is likely due to this thesis’ focus on religious conflicts.
Regarding the other aspects of religious groups’ power to interfere with the religious Other, the size of the overall religious tradition in Taiwan does not seem a decisive factor. Among the majority religions Buddhism is especially expressive while Daoism is relatively silent, whereas among the smaller religions Christianity is particularly vocal. More important is the place of the religious organization within the overall religion. “Activist” groups that are considered in the relatively extreme wings of the tradition tend to be more vocal towards other religions, whereas the umbrella religious associations tend to keep a distance towards publicly speaking or acting out against the religious Other. The religious groups involved with conflicts generally “young” in the sense that the organizations are established or have arrived in Taiwan after the arrival of the nationalist regime in Taiwan.
An equally twofold distinction can be made when considering the topic of the dispute. The majority of conflicts revolve around material objects, which, then, invariably are deity statues. The conflict around Siaolin Village is the exception in that it is not one statue that is the issue, but involves a combination of statues, inscriptions, and other visual objects. Deity statues are not only highly respected in the normative religious culture of Taiwan, as was most visibly a primary reason for opposition against the Guanyin statue in Da’an Park, but also are argued to have cultural significance—if deity statues are capable of only be seen as cultural objects without an inherent sacred spirit remains a topic for discussion. Involving concrete objects, these conflicts erupt at some point, after which interference by outsiders, most notably governmental or legal bodies, is needed to find a solution and create a modus vivendi. The remaining two conflicts involve doctrinal matters, as the relatively traditional groups disagree with the way the Other adopts and fuses their teachings into a syncretic “new” message.
Remaining more below the surface without erupting in specific conflicts, therefore it is difficult to determine a start and end to these frictions. Moreover, in post-martial law Taiwan, the government keeps its distance to such theological issues and is not able to interfere with these frictions.
Opportunities for future research include the following three directions. The first is the acquiring of additional information of the cases discussed in this thesis, in order to create an even deeper understanding than this thesis allowed for. When reading through the hundreds of news articles, nearly
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every report showed a new factor, view point or emphasis that further complicated the story as it was experienced by the participants. For the two cases that have been studied in-depth, additional standpoints that have influenced the narrative could be found in the literature published later on by the participants themselves, to reflect on the issues. The other five cases of interreligious conflict of which I have only given a brief account deserve to be investigated more systematized. Interviews with the people that have been involved or observations on how the group now deals with the passed conflict could add more dimension to the more recent cases. However, for the disputes that happened a longer time ago, as with the two main case studies in this thesis, news articles and other sources from the time give the most comprehensive understanding possible.
Another direction is to apply the concept of tolerance to other religious issues in the Taiwanese society. This includes conflicts between religious organizations and the secular government. I have noted the role of the government as the legislator in the conflicts between religious groups, but not necessarily how the government used their own secular or liberal ideology for the betterment of society and to interfere with religious groups and the response of these groups to the ideologies promoted by the government. This could also take into account the confrontation of religions with the wider secular society. I have mentioned some instances where religionists felt that religion is not valued enough in the wider society, but a remaining topic in the modern Taiwanese society is how the religious groups handle modern secular topics such as marriage equality and ideologies such as atheism and non-religion.
Moreover, the different levels, sections, and roles of the government deserve to be investigated systematically. Throughout the case studies, a variety of roles acted and strategies followed by the government have been presented as they manifested themselves. A religion-state perspective on these cases of conflict provides more space for the views of the government on interreligious issues.
The third way to explore interreligious tolerance in Taiwan is by examining what does not have to be tolerated, because it is accepted. This thesis was focused on the second border of religious tolerance, between rejection and tolerance, but of at least as much interest is the first border, between tolerance and agreement. An interesting way to explore this in the context of religious organizations in Taiwan would be by examining the potential for interreligious cooperation. Which aspects of the other religion are accepted, in such a way that it can lead to a partnership? The first border becomes visible when this cooperation expires; what is the extent of this mutual validation, and what reasons are given for ending the partnership? The latter situation requires tolerance of some sort to keep the peace. One example is the Taiwan Conference on Religion and Peace (中華民國宗教與和平協進會, Zhonghua Minguo Zongjiao yu Heping Xiejinhui). Besides symposia and other activities to strengthen the bonds between religious groups, this organization also organizes yearly interfaith camps for university students with the aim to combat misunderstandings about other religions and to nurture friendships between young people of different religious backgrounds. After seventeen camps, it would be interesting to see how these camps are organized and how these interfaith friendships are promoted, as well as the extent of this collaboration and what issues have given ground to the end of the friendships or cooperation.
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However, such cases show that the boundaries between cooperation and conflicts are not always as clear. For instance, the dispute at Siaolin Village started as humanitarian service with the intention to respect the Other’s religion, although this is exactly what brought about a perceived disrespect for their religious practices and so an infringement of their religious freedom. The other way around, the conflict over the Guanyin statue at Yu Shan Yan Luminary Temple has given ground for the nuns to invest more in cultivating friendly relations with local religionists. Exactly because it is based on an interplay of reasons for the acceptance of and objection to the religious Other, interreligious tolerance is a complex matter though necessary for coexistence and interactions with people from religions distinct from the own. Through investigating cases of interreligious conflicts, this thesis has aimed to give a start for understanding the level of tolerance within the generally peaceful interreligious relations in Taiwan.
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Glossary
10,000 People Protect Guanyin; 萬人護觀音, Wan Ren Hu Guanyin
10,000 People Revere Guanyin; 萬人瞻仰觀音, Wan Ren Zhanyang Guanyin Bantian Yan; 半天岩, “Rock Halfway to Heaven”
Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei (BOLCC); 靈糧堂, Ling Liang Tang
Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC); 中國佛教會, Zhongguo Fojiao Hui Central News Agency; 中央社, Zhongyang She
China Times; 中國時報, Zhongguo Shibao
Chinese Baptist Convention (CBC); 中華基督教浸信會聯會, Zhonghua Jidujiao Jinxinhui Lianhui Chinese Buddhist Temple Association (CBTA); 中華佛寺協會, Zhonghua Fosi Xiehui
Chinese Regional Bishops’ Conference (CRBC); 天主教會臺灣地區主教團, Tianzhujiao Zhongguo Jiaotuan
Christian Tribune; 基督教論壇, Jidujiao Luntan Chung Tai Shan; 中台山, Zhong Tai Shan
Da’an Harbor Mazu Theme Park; 大安港媽祖主題園區, Da’an Gang Mazu Zhuti Yuanqu
Daoist Association of the Republic of China (DARC); 中華民國道教會, Zhonghua Minguo Daojiao Hui Daxiong Abode; 大雄精舍, Daxiong Jingshe
Dharma Drum Mountain (DDM); 法鼓山, Fa Gu Shan Fo Guang Shan; 佛光山, “Buddha Light Mountain”
giam a; 岩仔, yanzi
Grace Baptist Church; 懷恩堂, Huai En Tang
Great Love Community; 大愛小林社區, Da Ai Xiaolin Shequ Guanyin Must Not Leave; 觀音不要走, Guanyin Bu Yao Zou hu jiao; 護教, “save Buddhism”
Jenn Lann Temple; 鎮瀾宮, Zhen Lan Gong Jin Jiaoyi; 金交椅, “Golden Seat”
Law on Religious Groups; 宗教團體法, Zongjiao Tuanti Fa
Law Regulating Temples and Shrines (LRTS); 監督寺廟條理, Jiandu Simiao Tiaoli Luminary Buddhist Institute; 香光尼僧團, Xiangguang Nisengtuan
Luminary Temple; 香光寺, Xiangguang Si
National Association of Yiguandao (NAYGD); 一貫道總會, Yiguandao Zonghui
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No. 7 Public Park Bamboo Forest Meditation Area Association (Bamboo Forest Association); 七號公園竹 林禪意區促進會, Qi Hao Gongyuan Zhulin Chanyiqu Cujinhui
Presbyterian Church in Taiwan; 臺灣基督長老敎會, Taiwan Jiduj Zhanglao Jiaohui Rukai people; 魯凱族, Lukai zu
Siaolin Village; 小林村, Siaolin Cun
Sit-in Hunger Strike to Protect Guanyin; 靜坐絕食護觀音, Jingzuo Jueshi Hu Guanyin spirit medium; 乩童, jitong
Taiwan Mazu Fellowship; 台灣媽祖聯誼會, Taiwan Mazu Lianyihui temple management committee; 管理委員會, guanli weiyuanhui temple, Buddhist; 寺, si
temple, folk religionist; 廟, miao
Top City Transform Alliance; 高點城市轉化聯盟, Gaodian Chengshi Zhuanhua Lianmeng True Buddha School; 真佛宗, Zhen Fo Zong
Tzu Chi Foundation (Tzu Chi); 慈濟基金會, Ciji Jijinhui United Daily News; 聯合報, Lianhe Bao
United Evening News; 聯合晚報, Lianhe Wanbao Venerable Mother; 無極老母, Wuji Laomu
World Buddhists Sit-In Day; 世界佛教徒靜坐日, Shijie Fojiaotu Jingzuo Ri worshippers meeting; 信徒大會, xintu dahui
xue; 穴, “spot”
Yu Shan Yan; 玉山岩, “Rock of Mount Yu”
Ziyun Temple; 紫雲寺, “Purple Mountain Temple”
People
Ceng Chunhe (曾春和)
Chao Hwei, Venerable (昭慧法師) Cheng Yen, Master (證嚴法師) Ching Liang, Venerable (凈良法師) Chow Lien-hwa, Reverend (周聯華牧師) Chow Nathaniel, Pastor (周神助牧師) He Mingzhe (何明哲)
Hsing Yun, Venerable (星雲法師) Hu Chih-chiang (胡志強)
Huang Ke-Hsien (黃克先)
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Huang Ta-chou (黃大洲)
Huiguang, Venerable (會光法師) Jian’an, Venerable (見岸法師) Jianlun, Venerable (見侖法師) Jing-yao, Venerable (凈耀法師) Lee Feng-mao (李豐楙)
Lin Cheng-chieh (林正杰) Lin Chia-lung (林佳龍) Lin Jiangxi (林江溪) Lin Pen-Hsuan (林本炫) Lu Sheng-yen, Master (盧勝彥) Ming-jia, Venerable (明迦法師) Mingkuang, Venerable (明光法師) Qiu Huijun (邱慧君)
Tianyi, Venerable (天乙法師) Tsai Yuan-lin (蔡源林)
Wu Yin, Venerable (悟因法師) Wuming, Elder (悟明長老) Xiao Wenchuan (蕭文傳) Xinzhi, Venerable (心志法師) Yichun, Venerable (乙純法師) Zhou Baiya (周柏雅)
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