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NYT PD

64 Human interest frame

The American newspaper (NYT) paid more attention overall to people’s reactions and emotions, as it employed the human interest frame more frequently than its Chinese counterpart in its coverage of the Refugee Crisis (NYT-14.2%; PD – 4.7%). From NYT, examples of the human interest frame can be found in the many stories (of Syrian refugee children struggling to make a living, the saga of one girl named Hana, displaced from her home in Syria and now moving from one refugee camp to another, deprived of education.

Perspectives of European and American citizens on the Crisis are also portrayed through the human interest frame. For example, French residents at Calais volunteered to make a small library for the refugees, and others in Germany, Austria, and Sweden express that “We felt we had to do something… It’s a small thing but maybe it will help.” Meanwhile, Hungarian and Greek citizens are quoted, expressing their disapproval of the refugee influx and the EU quotas for accepting them. The repercussions of the Refugee Crisis in the United States are also illustrated through the NYT human interest stories, suggesting that “Americans have nothing to fear” of refugee families like those in the articles. Through the human interest frame, refugees are often given the opportunity to speak up for themselves, explaining why they had to leave their homes, and how they felt upon arriving in a new place. One family said, “we feel very welcomed, we went through hell to get here.”

American concerns are also prominently voiced through this frame. For example, one story focuses on Twin Falls, Idaho, where a small community debates whether to accept refugees or not. Especially after the Paris Attacks, more American voices were represented within the human interest frame, some expressing that they did not want to accept refugees to their home state, others urging fellow citizens to uphold American values and welcome immigration.

65 People’s Daily used the human interest frame much less than NYT in its coverage of the Refugee Crisis (4.7%). When the human interest frame was employed, the articles mainly portraying the stories of refugees rather than those of European citizens, Chinese nationals, or members from another group. The storytelling method of the PD human interest stories were similar to that of NYT, in that they both evoked sympathetic emotions towards the refugees.

“8-year-old Syrian boy Hamdan’s dream is to be a writer. But two years ago, when he was forced to drop out of school they had not yet learned to make sentences, along with his family removed to escape the war in Syria. Today, with his father Hamdan livelihood by selling fruit in the streets of Damascus, he only cares about money can sustain a person's life” (C-4).

As could be expected, the large majority of articles that used the human-interest frame in both newspapers portrayed refugees as individuals (81.4%) more often than as masses (18.6%).

Economic consequences frame

Furthermore, the Chinese newspaper was more concerned with economic issues related to the Crisis than the American newspaper, employing the economic consequences frame more frequently (NYT-7.5%; PD- 13.4%). In this way, journalists in China put a stronger “economic consequences” spin on the coverage of Syrian refugees in PD than their U.S. counterparts in NYT. In the Chinese coverage, the economic consequences frame shaped the stories about Chinese government meetings with the EU or European Commission. In this way, Chinese use of the economic consequences frame reflects the Chinese government’s stance on the conflict:

“When talking about the refugee crisis in Europe, Xi Jinping stressed that recent refugee problems in Europe caused widespread concern in the international community. The root causes of the current refugee problem lies in uneven development and instability in the

66 region, in addition to humanitarian aid for the refugees, but also to effectively address poverty and social stability, especially the elimination of the root causes of conflict in the countries of origin of refugees. China believes that relevant European countries to unite to address this major challenge, and properly handle relevant issues” (C-5).

In the U.S., the economic consequences frame was less common for stories focusing on policy, impacts, and all other topics. When the economic frame was employed (7.5%), it was mainly to frame and give context to the European point of view on the Crisis. For example, the frame was used to report on Greece, where once popular tourist islands are now overpopulated with refugees, which views the crisis as a burden but also as a possible economic opportunity for local citizens to make some profit selling life jackets and other supplies. The frame was also used to provide a more sympathetic view of Hungary and other Eastern European countries’ so-called

“harsh treatment” or cold welcome of the refugees, explaining that those regions were already struggling before the refugees arrived, with weak economies and high unemployment rates, therefore their ability to handle the crisis was diminished and their responsibility might be lessened accordingly.

Morality frame

The morality frame was used more often by NYT (8.7%) than PD (5.3%), and usually coincided with religion-related events such as the Pope’s visit to the U.S. in September and the holiday season in December. NYT also evoked the morality frame to view the crisis by drawing historical comparisons to WWII, including the persecution and displacement of Jews in Europe which culminated in the Holocaust – a dark shadow, very morally-tinged in the U.S. – as well as the U.S. discrimination and internment of Japanese-Americans during that same time period. The morality frame was also evoked in NYT through a discussion of American national values –

67 freedom, democracy, acceptance, tolerance, and diversity – in a morally inspiring or chastising tone, as seen in articles such as “The Statue of Liberty must be weeping.” In sum, the NYT morality frame was used in three ways: a historical angle (WWII), the religious angle (predominantly Christian), and the national values angle.

Before the death of Aylan Kurdi, the morality frame was most evident through evocations of the Holocaust, bringing up painful memories of masses boarded onto trains and treated as less-than-human, thereby placing the Syrian Refugees Crisis on a similar level of anguish and atrocity.

However, September saw the greatest number of NYT articles employing the morality frame, following the death of Aylan Kurdi and the Pope’s visit to the United States and speech at the UN. During the days immediately following Aylan’s death, from September 3 to 12, the morality frame focused on the morally appropriate ways for the media to report on his death, and also asserted that the photograph forced Western nations to “confront the consequence of a collective failure to help migrants fleeing the Middle East and Africa to Europe in search of hope,

opportunity and safety” (B-6).

Regarding the Pope’s visit, NYT articles employed the morality frame to place the Syrian Refugee Crisis on the agenda of issues morally responsible citizens ought to care about. While none of these articles about Pope Francis analyzed the Crisis in great detail, all of the articles featuring Pope Francis mentioned refugees at least once, suggesting that the Crisis and possible solutions are a matter of universal moral concern. The Pope is repeatedly described to have urged for “particular attention to immigrants and refugees as a primary responsibility of the church” in his speeches.

In November and December, approaching the holiday season in the U.S. that includes Hanukah and Christmas among others, there was also a surge in the use of the morality frame in

68 NYT. Several stories made a comparison between Syrian refugees and Jesus’ family,

highlighting that Jesus, Joseph and Mary were also refugees fleeing from a tyrant ruler. Another article (12/1) says “Jesus was a refugee, and they are meeting with someone who has taken a mean stance on refugees” and asks “how can you preach Jesus, a refugee, on Sunday, then deal with a refugee-basher (Trump) on Monday?” One Texas governor was criticized for not

accepting Syrian Refugees, using a bible verse as a reference and Christian morals as a frame (12/5).

Around this time in December 2015, discussions of religion entered into the U.S. political discourse on the Refugee Crisis, as some Republican politicians expressed that they would only permit ‘Christian refugees’ to seek asylum in the U.S. This triggered a flurry of stories using the morality frame to remind readers once more that “Jesus was a refugee” (12/16) and that “refugee children of all faiths deserve our compassion” (12/17).

Stories which used the religion-oriented morality frame typically moved from a religious focus to encourage larger, universal values, such as resisting the urge to categorize people and thus dehumanize them, “for it is that very impulse that fueled the insanity and violence

perpetrated” (11/22). Many of these “moral” tenets are described as American national values.

Another article in December urged “we need to be alert to 'pseudo-inefficiency' - that leads us to act in was contrary to our values” as Americans (12/6). Therefore, the coverage of the Refugee Crisis, as portrayed through the morality frame, was also an occasion for reflection and

resurgence of national values. One letter framed the crisis as a larger reflection of national values, writing that it “has made me think as a Canadian about who we are as a country and what we value as people” (9/5). Germany is praised by one contributor for demonstrating “moral leadership” (9/12). American values are put in the limelight after a flurry of Republican

69 politicians declared that they must ban the entrance of Syrian Refugees. Other examples include citizens pressuring American governors to “treat refugees as members of their own families” and encouraging Americans to not let “Paris attacks diminish our sense of humanity and

responsibility” (11/22).

The use of “national values” to evoke the morality frame is prevalent in People’s Daily coverage as well, along with a moral code of “universal values.” Therefore, PD uses national values rather than religious values to use the morality frame. For example, one rare opinion piece

“Open Era, Open Heart” presents the following moral lesson:

British poet Milton said, "the construction of spiritual heaven, also built a hell." Some people cannot find the key to open the mind; it is plagued by its fall, The Closing of the crux. People cannot remain self-enclosed; it is more difficult to seek happiness in the spirit of isolation. Today, the possession of information, to make new knowledge, to initiate activities, it is easier than ever. However, opening your heart takes active

consciousness and courage. Allan Bloom in "Closing of the American Mind," indicates,

"the self is the soul of modern alternatives." Perhaps, with the changing times, it is also time to re-examine the self.” (C-6)

Therefore, in the Chinese newspaper, the morality frame occurred in the context not of religious morals, but a context of communist values such as unity and cooperation, or of philosophical ‘rights and wrongs’.

Attribution of responsibility frame

NYT and PD used the responsibility frame at inverse times over the six-month period, emphasizing how different Chinese and U.S. reactions were in relation to significant

70 international events. In September, following the death of Aylan Kurdi, the Syrian Refugee Crisis became a prominent political issue in the public eye. During that time, NYT saw a huge spike in articles that employed the responsibility frame, seeking to identify a culprit for the innocent child’s death. China, on the other hand, saw a significant decrease in articles using the responsibility frame during that same period of time.

Figures 4 + 5 Framing distribution by NYT and PD over six months, x2 (6, 624) = 73, p < .0001

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