Hong Kong (香港) and Macau (澳門) are two Chinese territories that have an extended history of European influence and political control which has significantly isolated them from sociopolitical and economic changes in mainland China (中國大陸). Macau, the smaller of the two territories with a population of 552 thousand, has been under Portuguese influence for over four hundred years and was traditionally known as a trading port in the vast Portuguese global trade network (Macau Census and Statistic Bureau 2011, Clayton 2009). On the other hand, Hong Kong was settled by the British much later in the 1800's and was acquired from the Qing dynasty following the Opium wars through a series of unequal treaties such as the Treaty of Nanjing. The colony originally consisted of only Hong Kong Island (香港 島), but later annexations added the Kowloon Peninsula (九龍半島), and the New Territories (新界) to the colony respectively (Hoe and Roebuck 1999).
By mid-2013 Hong Kong had a total population of 7.184 million residents (Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department 2013).
Following the 1979 Chinese economic reform and the 1997-99 handovers of Hong Kong and Macau, the Special Administrative Regions (SARs)
experienced massive inflows of mainland Chinese in the forms of tourists,
legal dependent spouses and children seeking public welfare. This group dubbed the SARs' “new immigrants”, were at an educational disadvantage to their local counterparts. Unlike prior immigration to the colonies (now
SARs), some of the most recent immigrants and visitors are members of China's new middle class, and are more affluent than previous generations.
Recent Hong Kong media frequently popularizes stories about mainland Chinese women entering Hong Kong to give birth and take advantage of social welfare and educational services. It is undeniable that education is of paramount importance to Chinese families, sometimes making investments comparable to real estate (Marginson 2012). Some parents of elementary and secondary school aged children pay costly fees to send their children to secondary schools in Hong Kong and even go so far to have their young children commute daily across the border at Lo Wu (羅湖) to attend school in Hong Kong (edu.ce.cn 2013, BBC 2013).
Higher Education in the SARs
In the realm of higher education, rapid growth of mainland Chinese students entering universities in Hong Kong and Macau as well as expansion of universities by the construction of new campuses located in adjacent mainland cities of Shenzhen (深圳) and Zhuhai (珠海) leaves significant implications of social and educational change in the SARs as well as mainland China. Traditionally, elite Chinese students traveled and even immigrated to the United States, Canada, Australia or Europe to receive a Western education (Li 2005). In addition to statistics given by SAR schools, there is evidence everywhere suggesting that a newly forming breed of
mainland Chinese students are flocking to the SARs as a culturally similar, yet western-inspired alternative to conventional study abroad. Chinese students have a history of being drivers of social change in China (Yee 1999). Some of the most influential figures in modern Chinese history, Dr.
Sun Yat-Sen and Deng Xiaoping, were educated overseas to later return to China and be leaders in sociopolitical movements. It is expected that this new group of mainland students will be drivers of a new social phenomenon that will determine the fate of the role of the SARs as access points to
education within a more integrated China.
Mainland graduate students currently make up the majority of post-graduate students in Hong Kong SAR. Hong Kong universities receive overwhelming numbers of post-graduate applications from mainland students every year. Currently, 99 percent of Chinese University of Hong Kong and 80 percent of City University of Hong Kong's post-graduate finance and economics programs are comprised of students from mainland China (South China Morning Post 2013). As local student bodies are shrinking and unable to sustain expansion of the universities, particularly graduate institutes must turn to the mainland to attract a new vast student body that is in high demand of a western-style, English degree.
In the case of Chinese university of Hong Kong which is a public university, the school was invited by the Shenzhen city government to build an
additional campus opening in 2014 in Shenzhen to accommodate extra demand on the mainland side (CUHK 2013).1Among privately funded institutions, Hong Kong Baptist University collaborated with Beijing
1 Directly informed by the Chief executive of admissions at Chinese University of Hong Kong.
Normal University to create a new campus in Zhuhai called United International College (UIC). Graduates from UIC receive degrees from Hong Kong Baptist University directly as they use the same curriculum (UIC 2013). University of Macau (UM) has endeavored on the largest expansion project of the three. UM's new campus is situated on Zhuhai's Hengqin island, on a plot of land that was leased to Macau SAR by the Beijing central government. The new campus is to open in 2014 and be twenty times the size of the old campus, accommodating 10,000 new
students. The Macau government invested MOP1.2 billion (US$150 million) to lease the land for 40 years and implement Macau law on the territory (UM 2013).All these new campuses are an acknowledgment of mainland
students' interest in the education systems in the SARs. It is reasonable to believe that this expansion is also beneficial to Shenzhen and Zhuhai in addition to the SAR schools themselves, hence groundbreaking
collaborations between the mainland and the SARs.
Literature Review
New Wave of Chinese Immigrants to the SARs
The topic of Chinese migration has historically been quite a popular one among social scientists and even economists (Charney, Yeoh, Tong 2003).
Books about Chinese students studying in the US and Europe and then returning to China are relatively common (Li 2005). There are even works found on waves of immigration from the mainland into Hong Kong and Macau, and their different roles in society and in the local economy.
However, all original residents of Hong Kong and Macau have direct ancestry to those in the mainland. The closest academic work that
investigates a similar topic to this research is analysis of mainland Chinese immigrant women who give birth in Hong Kong and/or married Hong Kong men and remained in the mainland to wait for residency permits to be
granted, in addition to recent migrants who entered the territories after the 1997 and 1999 handovers (Newendorp 2008) These post-handover migrants are dubbed the “new immigrants”. Authors such as Pong and Tsang have outlined the circumstances of new immigrant children which made up 47 percent of newly registered immigrants between 1987-1997 and their academic success and integration into Hong Kong society vis-a-vis
socioeconomic circumstances (Pong and Tsang 2009). However, there is still virtually no comprehensive research on post-handover mainland Chinese students studying in Hong Kong or Macau SAR universities, as this is a result of relatively recent policy reform and social change.
A comprehensive study conducted by Newendorp (2008) gives vast insight to the life of mainland Chinese women who recently immigrated to post-handover Hong Kong or are married to Hong Kong men and are in the process of waiting for their Hong Kong permanent resident cards (Hong Kong ID). Newendorp's book describes in detail the relatively poor and disadvantaged lifestyle of the new immigrants in Hong Kong's low-income residential blocks in Sham Shui Po (深水埗). The book also describes the prominence of family reunions as a motivator of immigrating to Hong Kong, in addition to taking advantage of educational and social services.
Newendorp's study does not only contain comprehensive interviews with female new immigrants and Hong Kong social workers, but also clearly
outlines the mainland immigrants' perceptions of Hong Kong prior to
immigrating and reactions after relocating. The role of Hong Kong media in personifying the modern image of a typical mainlander in Hong Kong is most profound and its origins can be traced back to the 1960's according to the author (Newendorp 2008). Newendorp's study is a very useful reference to this study to gain insight on the circumstances of mainland Chinese (new immigrants) residing in Hong Kong prior to the arrival of the post-handover mainland students.
Determinants of Adaptability
Despite a lack of research specifically analyzing the post-handover mainland students as a group, there is various literature covering subjects such as adaptability of newcomers, and more specifically migrant students. One theme that was observed among such studies is the correlation of
adaptability with language acquisition. Authors such as Fletcher and Stren (1989), Esser (2006), Dalton-Puffer (1997) and Brown (1980) all discuss topics of language acquisition, adaptation, and how they affect students or language learners in new social contexts. Fletcher and Stren (1989)
conducted a general survey of foreign students in a Canadian university to determine the correlation between language accusation and adaptation with students' social network of Canadian students, in which they found that this relationship to be positively correlated. Esser (2006) also focused on the topic of language acquisition and migrants' integration into society by attributing four main factors to language acquisition upon migration. The factors were: motivation, access, efficiency and cost of this investment. This will help explain why some students in certain territories opted to learn the local languages, while others did not.
Dalton-Puffer (1997) analyzed Austrian students' perception of differing English accents and concluded that a major factor that determined
preferences was familiarity, mainly through media consumption and/or prior travel experience abroad. Brown (1980) created an optimal model for second language acquisition, but more importantly designated steps in an
acculturation process that language learners go through such as culture shock. Analyzing how this acculturation process will unfold for mainland students in the culturally familiar SARs was most insightful. Findings from all these researchers' studies can be easily brought back to the case of
mainland students studying in the SARs and used as supporting evidence to trends found within the students' adaptability. The dynamics of language and social interactions are more complicated in Hong Kong and Macau given the geopolitical relationship between mainland China, a predominantly
Mandarin-speaking country, and the Cantonese-speaking SARs which have English-medium education systems and complicate concepts found in
conventional studies of language acquisition and adaptation to host societies.
There are a few studies in a Hong Kong context that discuss language policy and changes in education within a Hong Kong context. Adamson and Lai (1997) and Law (1997) all discuss changes in language curricula within Hong Kong before and after the 1997 handover that promoted the status of Mandarin. Their research indicates a series of changes that occurred on an institutional and policy level, although did not relate that to how it may affect social adaptability of mainland students studying in Hong Kong and their language learning behaviors. The previously mentioned authors that studied language acquisition mentioned the presence of social distance between the migrant group or learner group and the host society. This then
brings us to question the impact of language learning on the social distance and overall experience of mainland students in the SARs.
Possibly the most referenced author in the theory of social distance is Schumann (1976), who developed a model of social distance in the context of language acquisition. Social distance is defined as “The perceived or desired degree of remoteness between a member of one social group and the members of another, as evidenced in the level of intimacy tolerated between them”(Oxford Dictionary Press 2014). Karakayali (2009) explains that social distance is defined and utilized by social scientists in four dimensions, affective, normative, interactive and cultural aspects of social distance.
Affective is based on the concept of mutual sympathy in which those who are socially close to us are those we feel close to, and vice versa. Normative distance can be described as a set of collectively recognized norms about membership status in society. Interactive distance relates to how frequently and how long two groups interact with each other. Cultural distance, the most self-explanatory, assumes social groups and classes on a “social space”
based on the types of cultural “capital” they possess, in which differences lead to concepts such as cultural center and periphery. (Karakayali 2009) In relation to language learning, Schumann claimed that a second-language learner will tend to not learn the target language when they feel politically, culturally, technically or economically superior or dominant to those of the host society. Hence, their lack of willingness to learn or communicate with members of another group is tied to their perception of desire to maintain a level of remoteness. Verkuyten and Kinket (2000) emphasizes that social distance is closely related with the concept of prejudice although not interchangeable. Postiglione and Lee (1998) apply Schumann's theory to a
social distance model specifically designed for a Hong Kong context in their book Schooling in Hong Kong: Organization, Teaching and Social Context (Postiglione and Lee 1998). Their study draws several conclusions about social distance between different social groups in Hong Kong, in which language acquisition (mostly English) was a key factor that developed social distance and even socioeconomic stratification. However, Postiglione and Lee's book was written only one year after the handover in 1997, and is mostly referencing information from before the handover. Therefore, it did not include Mandarin speakers within its analysis. Application of their model together with Schumann's theory proves highly useful to the analysis of adaptability, social distance and language acquisition within this study of mainland Chinese students.
Sussman (2011) conducted a comprehensive study focusing on the adaptability and change in identity of Hong Kong people who migrated overseas (mostly to western countries) and later re-migrated back to Hong Kong. In order to classify their “identity shift” or changes to their culture, language use, educational background and social networks, Sussman developed a Cultural Identity model (CIM) to categorize these groups into four different identities; Subtractive, Additive, Affirmative, and
Intercultural/Global identities. The methodology of the CIM seems to take into account both environmental factors as well as personal factors which result in a unique change in individual culture and identity. The CIM is a highly useful model even when measuring adaptation and identity changes other groups besides re-migrants and can be used to differentiate and analyze groups of study abroad students and the factors that determined their
experiences in school and the host society.
The research done by the authors mentioned above has contributed a lot to the buildup to this study. Many of the themes in their research have inspired the design of my interviews and methodology. It is exciting to be able to apply models and concepts by such established researchers to the case of mainland Chinese students in other Chinese societies which is a social demographic still not widely studied. For those studying China studies and social sciences, understanding mainland Chinese students who study in the SARs and Taiwan is crucial, as this young generation may be the first to bridge gaps within Greater China. This study allows us to peer into their first perceptions and experiences living and studying there and serve as a good reference point to future sociological or ethnographic studies of the SARs and Taiwan.
Chapter Outline
In the following sections, the application of the interviews as well as the results will be tied to the implications drawn in the hypothesis which is stated in Chapter 2. First, a summary of each group of students participating will be given to display the diversity of their backgrounds, academic
achievements and general characteristics. The profiles of individual students will also be available as supplementary reference material and not be
presented in their entirety. The student profiles are insightful, while respecting the respondents' personal privacy. Detailed accounts of their mannerisms, attitudes toward the interviews, and enthusiasm were also taken into account and highlighted when certain characteristics occur on a group level.
A detailed report of the results of the interviews in Hong Kong and Macau, will be backed up with a summary of supplementary data from the Taiwan interviews. In this section, patterns and similarities of responses will be drafted to estimate if students fall into the new demographic of mainland students defined in the hypothesis. Information about students' backgrounds is vital in order to detect correlations between place of origin, educational background, work experience, international experience, etc. with their perceptions of their respective territory of study. After meticulous analysis of each interview, the combined results of general perceptions of all students in each of the territories will be compared with one another in order to
clarify differences in the type of mainland students that attended universities in Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. The analysis also helps identify the structural factors in each territory that resulted in social distance between the mainland Chinese students and the local population.
The results from the section entitled “future plans” give insight on what this group of mainland students intends to do following graduation or their current level of employment. This shows that the international exposure and potential mobility the students have as a result of their academic experience in the SARs and/or upbringing. Several questions pertain to overseas
immigration and acquisition of second passports. Responses to these questions will allow one to gauge the students' level of mobility and/or ambition to leave mainland China in the long-term. Results from this section are also critical for supporting the hypothesis's claim that the group of
students interviewed is internationally minded, highly mobile, and more willing to relocate out of economic and academic opportunity than any other previously mentioned group of mainland Chinese.
The final section of the interview entitled “other questions” briefly asks the students in a very neutral and open-ended manner about their political opinions, opinion on the “One Country, Two Systems” policy, and
perception of other mainland Chinese groups in the SARs such as the “new immigrants” and “birth tourists”. These questions, although not primary, may reveal some interesting supplementary insight into how the mainland students view the SARs and the mainland politically. It was also be a good opportunity to hear their opinions about other mainland Chinese groups in the territories, and how their viewpoint differs from the controversial one of many local SAR residents.
In addition to the data from the field interviews, this study will also
reference some media reports on the SARs and Taiwan that regard mainland Chinese in the territories as well as the mainland students. More detailed information from literature that was mentioned in the literature review will be referenced again in Chapter 4, the group analysis section, in order to form a clearer picture of the data found in the interviews and apply it to existing theories and models to support the hypothesis. Results were analyzed in relation to Sussman's CIM, to classify which students interviewed would correspond to which identity shift that Sussman's re-migrants were labeled.
Analysis of students' adaptability on the individual and group level were also conducted by applying Schumann's social distance theory and Postiglione and Lee's social distance model developed in a Hong Kong context
(Schumann 1976, Postiglione and Lee 1998). Observing the social distance that students described and perceived to have from the local society helps to
(Schumann 1976, Postiglione and Lee 1998). Observing the social distance that students described and perceived to have from the local society helps to