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中國大陸大學生在港澳台之跨境經驗及展望個案 - 政大學術集成

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(1)1. 國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master's Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University. 碩士論文 Master's Thesis. 中國大陸大學生在港澳台之跨境經驗及展望個案 Cross-border Experiences and Perceptions of Mainland Chinese University Students in Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan.

(2) 2. Student: Zane Kheir Adviser: Ai-Hsuan Ma. 中華民國 103 年 7 月 July 2014. 中國大陸大學生在港澳台之跨境經驗及展望個案 Cross-border Experiences and Perceptions of Mainland Chinese University Students in Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. 研究生: 柯塞恩 Student: Zane Kheir 指導教授: 馬藹萱 Adviser: Ai-Hsuan Sandra Ma.

(3) 3. 國立政治大學. 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程. 碩士論文. A Thesis Submitted to International Master's Program in Asia-Pacific Studies National Chengchi University's In partial fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master in China Studies. 中華民國 103 年 7 月 July 2014.

(4) 4. Abstract Hong Kong and Macau's education systems are perceived to be part of their European legacy which is highly regarded in mainland China, especially among China's new urban elite. Along with a consistent increase in demand for an English education, universities in Hong Kong and Macau are henceforth experiencing rapid growth in enrollment of students from mainland China, who are ever more present in the Special Administrative Regions' (SARs) societies. Moreover, mainland Chinese students studying in Taiwanese universities just recently commenced in 2011 and it is a policy in its infancy. This study aims to analyze mainland Chinese students' perception of Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan before and after arriving, define a new demographic of elite mainland Chinese students in these three regions, and draw potential social implications these students have for their respective host societies and Chinese society. This study used qualitative research methods and data to confirm that mainland students who chose to study in the SARs because of closer location, cultural and linguistic familiarity and relative value of education. They were also considered potential immigrants to the SARs and abroad. This study provides insight using primary source data on mainland students in Taiwan, which remains a relatively un-researched demographic. This study is applicable to disciplines such as education studies, immigration, and sociology. Information from this study may also be of interest to those who study crossstrait studies, as mainland Chinese students studying in Taiwanese universities just recently commenced in 2011 and it is a policy in its infancy. Hence, this may have implications for future cross-strait policy changes. Keywords: student migration, social distance, adaptability, cultural identity.

(5) 5. 摘要. 香港與澳門的教育系統被中國視為歐洲的傳承並受到高度的重視,尤 其是對在中國的新城市菁英而言。隨著英語教育的需求增加,香港與 澳門的大學在中國大陸學生招生方面歷經快速的成長,中國學生在特 別行政區域(SARs)的社會中占有愈來愈大的存在比例。台灣在 2011 年開始開放陸生來台後,也成中國學生留學的新興目的地。此份研究 主要分析中國大陸之學生在抵達香港、澳門與台灣前後對移入地的觀 點,定義中國菁英學生在這些移入社會的新人口群體,並討論此新群 體對其留學目的地與及中國所具有的社會意涵。 本研究透過質性研究方法與資料,發現選擇就讀於特別行政區域(SARs) 的中國大陸學生,是因為地緣位置接近、文化、語言相同性及相對的 教育價值等因素。這些中國學生也被視為特別行政區域(SARs)及海外的 潛在移民者。本研究亦透過問卷訪問在台灣就讀的陸生,這些在台陸 生仍是相對未被深入研究的人口群體。此份研究成果適合用於教育學、 移民學以及社會學,亦對兩岸學術研究者具有重要的參考價值。. 關鍵詞:學生遷移,社會距離,適應力,文化意識.

(6) 6. Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction................................................................................................... 9 Introduction....…................................................................................................................. 9 Higher Education in the SARs.......................................................................................... 10 Literature Review...............................................................................................................12 Chapter 2: Research Questions & Methodology.......................................................... 22 Hypotheses........................................................................................................................ 23 Methodology..................................................................................................................... 25 Research Fieldwork.......................................................................................................... 32 Chapter 3: Interview Summaries.................................................................................. 34 Hong Kong Summary....................................................................................................... 36 First Group Hong Kong.................................................................................................... 37 Second Group Hong Kong……………………………………………………………… 40 Third Group Hong Kong................................................................................................... 42 Hong Kong Final Results.................................................................................................. 44 Macau Summary............................................................................................................... 49 First Group Macau............................................................................................................ 50 Second Group Macau........................................................................................................ 52 Macau Final Results...........................................................................................................54 Taiwan Summary.............................................................................................................. 59 Taiwan Final Results......................................................................................................... 60 Chapter 4: Group Analysis............................................................................................ 67.

(7) 7. Hong Kong Analysis......................................................................................................... 68 Macau Analysis................................................................................................................. 81 Taiwan Analysis................................................................................................................ 88 Chapter 5: Comparative Analysis................................................................................. 93 Sample Comparison.......................................................................................................... 93 Comparative Analysis........................................................................................................95 Comparison in Adaptation...............................................................................................100 Chapter 6: Conclusions & Discussion.......................................................................................................................104 Conclusions.....................................................................................................................104 Suggestions......................................................................................................................115 List of Figures Figure 1............................................................................................................................. 28 Figure 2............................................................................................................................. 31 Figure 3............................................................................................................................. 95 List of Tables Table 1.............................................................................................................................. 35 Table 2.............................................................................................................................. 77 Table 3.............................................................................................................................. 79 Table 4.............................................................................................................................. 93 List of Appendices Appendix 1 (Interview sheet)..........................................................................................117 Appendix 2 (Advantages Chart)......................................................................................122 Appendix 3 (Adaptability Process)..................................................................................123.

(8) 8. Appendix 4(Characteristics Chart)..................................................................................124 References.......................................................................................................................125.

(9) 9. Chapter 1: Introduction Hong Kong (香港) and Macau (澳門) are two Chinese territories that have an extended history of European influence and political control which has significantly isolated them from sociopolitical and economic changes in mainland China (中國大陸). Macau, the smaller of the two territories with a population of 552 thousand, has been under Portuguese influence for over four hundred years and was traditionally known as a trading port in the vast Portuguese global trade network (Macau Census and Statistic Bureau 2011, Clayton 2009). On the other hand, Hong Kong was settled by the British much later in the 1800's and was acquired from the Qing dynasty following the Opium wars through a series of unequal treaties such as the Treaty of Nanjing. The colony originally consisted of only Hong Kong Island (香港 島), but later annexations added the Kowloon Peninsula (九龍半島), and the New Territories (新界) to the colony respectively (Hoe and Roebuck 1999). By mid-2013 Hong Kong had a total population of 7.184 million residents (Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department 2013). Following the 1979 Chinese economic reform and the 1997-99 handovers of Hong Kong and Macau, the Special Administrative Regions (SARs) experienced massive inflows of mainland Chinese in the forms of tourists,.

(10) 10. legal dependent spouses and children seeking public welfare. This group dubbed the SARs' “new immigrants”, were at an educational disadvantage to their local counterparts. Unlike prior immigration to the colonies (now SARs), some of the most recent immigrants and visitors are members of China's new middle class, and are more affluent than previous generations. Recent Hong Kong media frequently popularizes stories about mainland Chinese women entering Hong Kong to give birth and take advantage of social welfare and educational services. It is undeniable that education is of paramount importance to Chinese families, sometimes making investments comparable to real estate (Marginson 2012). Some parents of elementary and secondary school aged children pay costly fees to send their children to secondary schools in Hong Kong and even go so far to have their young children commute daily across the border at Lo Wu (羅湖) to attend school in Hong Kong (edu.ce.cn 2013, BBC 2013).. Higher Education in the SARs In the realm of higher education, rapid growth of mainland Chinese students entering universities in Hong Kong and Macau as well as expansion of universities by the construction of new campuses located in adjacent mainland cities of Shenzhen (深圳) and Zhuhai (珠海) leaves significant implications of social and educational change in the SARs as well as mainland China. Traditionally, elite Chinese students traveled and even immigrated to the United States, Canada, Australia or Europe to receive a Western education (Li 2005). In addition to statistics given by SAR schools, there is evidence everywhere suggesting that a newly forming breed of.

(11) 11. mainland Chinese students are flocking to the SARs as a culturally similar, yet western-inspired alternative to conventional study abroad. Chinese students have a history of being drivers of social change in China (Yee 1999). Some of the most influential figures in modern Chinese history, Dr. Sun Yat-Sen and Deng Xiaoping, were educated overseas to later return to China and be leaders in sociopolitical movements. It is expected that this new group of mainland students will be drivers of a new social phenomenon that will determine the fate of the role of the SARs as access points to education within a more integrated China. Mainland post-graduate students currently make up the majority of postgraduate students in Hong Kong SAR. Hong Kong universities receive overwhelming numbers of post-graduate applications from mainland students every year. Currently, 99 percent of Chinese University of Hong Kong and 80 percent of City University of Hong Kong's post-graduate finance and economics programs are comprised of students from mainland China (South China Morning Post 2013). As local student bodies are shrinking and unable to sustain expansion of the universities, particularly graduate institutes must turn to the mainland to attract a new vast student body that is in high demand of a western-style, English degree. In the case of Chinese university of Hong Kong which is a public university, the school was invited by the Shenzhen city government to build an additional campus opening in 2014 in Shenzhen to accommodate extra demand on the mainland side (CUHK 2013).1Among privately funded institutions, Hong Kong Baptist University collaborated with Beijing. 1. Directly informed by the Chief executive of admissions at Chinese University of Hong Kong..

(12) 12. Normal University to create a new campus in Zhuhai called United International College (UIC). Graduates from UIC receive degrees from Hong Kong Baptist University directly as they use the same curriculum (UIC 2013). University of Macau (UM) has endeavored on the largest expansion project of the three. UM's new campus is situated on Zhuhai's Hengqin island, on a plot of land that was leased to Macau SAR by the Beijing central government. The new campus is to open in 2014 and be twenty times the size of the old campus, accommodating 10,000 new students. The Macau government invested MOP1.2 billion (US$150 million) to lease the land for 40 years and implement Macau law on the territory (UM 2013). All these new campuses are an acknowledgment of mainland students' interest in the education systems in the SARs. It is reasonable to believe that this expansion is also beneficial to Shenzhen and Zhuhai in addition to the SAR schools themselves, hence groundbreaking collaborations between the mainland and the SARs.. Literature Review New Wave of Chinese Immigrants to the SARs The topic of Chinese migration has historically been quite a popular one among social scientists and even economists (Charney, Yeoh, Tong 2003). Books about Chinese students studying in the US and Europe and then returning to China are relatively common (Li 2005). There are even works found on waves of immigration from the mainland into Hong Kong and Macau, and their different roles in society and in the local economy..

(13) 13. However, all original residents of Hong Kong and Macau have direct ancestry to those in the mainland. The closest academic work that investigates a similar topic to this research is analysis of mainland Chinese immigrant women who give birth in Hong Kong and/or married Hong Kong men and remained in the mainland to wait for residency permits to be granted, in addition to recent migrants who entered the territories after the 1997 and 1999 handovers (Newendorp 2008) These post-handover migrants are dubbed the “new immigrants”. Authors such as Pong and Tsang have outlined the circumstances of new immigrant children which made up 47 percent of newly registered immigrants between 1987-1997 and their academic success and integration into Hong Kong society vis-a-vis socioeconomic circumstances (Pong and Tsang 2009). However, there is still virtually no comprehensive research on post-handover mainland Chinese students studying in Hong Kong or Macau SAR universities, as this is a result of relatively recent policy reform and social change. A comprehensive study conducted by Newendorp (2008) gives vast insight to the life of mainland Chinese women who recently immigrated to posthandover Hong Kong or are married to Hong Kong men and are in the process of waiting for their Hong Kong permanent resident cards (Hong Kong ID). Newendorp's book describes in detail the relatively poor and disadvantaged lifestyle of the new immigrants in Hong Kong's low-income residential blocks in Sham Shui Po (深水埗). The book also describes the prominence of family reunions as a motivator of immigrating to Hong Kong, in addition to taking advantage of educational and social services. Newendorp's study does not only contain comprehensive interviews with female new immigrants and Hong Kong social workers, but also clearly.

(14) 14. outlines the mainland immigrants' perceptions of Hong Kong prior to immigrating and reactions after relocating. The role of Hong Kong media in personifying the modern image of a typical mainlander in Hong Kong is most profound and its origins can be traced back to the 1960's according to the author (Newendorp 2008). Newendorp's study is a very useful reference to this study to gain insight on the circumstances of mainland Chinese (new immigrants) residing in Hong Kong prior to the arrival of the post-handover mainland students. Determinants of Adaptability Despite a lack of research specifically analyzing the post-handover mainland students as a group, there is various literature covering subjects such as adaptability of newcomers, and more specifically migrant students. One theme that was observed among such studies is the correlation of adaptability with language acquisition. Authors such as Fletcher and Stren (1989), Esser (2006), Dalton-Puffer (1997) and Brown (1980) all discuss topics of language acquisition, adaptation, and how they affect students or language learners in new social contexts. Fletcher and Stren (1989) conducted a general survey of foreign students in a Canadian university to determine the correlation between language accusation and adaptation with students' social network of Canadian students, in which they found that this relationship to be positively correlated. Esser (2006) also focused on the topic of language acquisition and migrants' integration into society by attributing four main factors to language acquisition upon migration. The factors were: motivation, access, efficiency and cost of this investment. This will help explain why some students in certain territories opted to learn the local languages, while others did not..

(15) 15. Dalton-Puffer (1997) analyzed Austrian students' perception of differing English accents and concluded that a major factor that determined preferences was familiarity, mainly through media consumption and/or prior travel experience abroad. Brown (1980) created an optimal model for second language acquisition, but more importantly designated steps in an acculturation process that language learners go through such as culture shock. Analyzing how this acculturation process will unfold for mainland students in the culturally familiar SARs was most insightful. Findings from all these researchers' studies can be easily brought back to the case of mainland students studying in the SARs and used as supporting evidence to trends found within the students' adaptability. The dynamics of language and social interactions are more complicated in Hong Kong and Macau given the geopolitical relationship between mainland China, a predominantly Mandarin-speaking country, and the Cantonese-speaking SARs which have English-medium education systems and complicate concepts found in conventional studies of language acquisition and adaptation to host societies. There are a few studies in a Hong Kong context that discuss language policy and changes in education within a Hong Kong context. Adamson and Lai (1997) and Law (1997) all discuss changes in language curricula within Hong Kong before and after the 1997 handover that promoted the status of Mandarin. Their research indicates a series of changes that occurred on an institutional and policy level, although did not relate that to how it may affect social adaptability of mainland students studying in Hong Kong and their language learning behaviors. The previously mentioned authors that studied language acquisition mentioned the presence of social distance between the migrant group or learner group and the host society. This then.

(16) 16. brings us to question the impact of language learning on the social distance and overall experience of mainland students in the SARs. Possibly the most referenced author in the theory of social distance is Schumann (1976), who developed a model of social distance in the context of language acquisition. Social distance is defined as “The perceived or desired degree of remoteness between a member of one social group and the members of another, as evidenced in the level of intimacy tolerated between them”(Oxford Dictionary Press 2014). Karakayali (2009) explains that social distance is defined and utilized by social scientists in four dimensions, affective, normative, interactive and cultural aspects of social distance. Affective is based on the concept of mutual sympathy in which those who are socially close to us are those we feel close to, and vice versa. Normative distance can be described as a set of collectively recognized norms about membership status in society. Interactive distance relates to how frequently and how long two groups interact with each other. Cultural distance, the most self-explanatory, assumes social groups and classes on a “social space” based on the types of cultural “capital” they possess, in which differences lead to concepts such as cultural center and periphery. (Karakayali 2009) In relation to language learning, Schumann claimed that a second-language learner will tend to not learn the target language when they feel politically, culturally, technically or economically superior or dominant to those of the host society. Hence, their lack of willingness to learn or communicate with members of another group is tied to their perception of desire to maintain a level of remoteness. Verkuyten and Kinket (2000) emphasizes that social distance is closely related with the concept of prejudice although not interchangeable. Postiglione and Lee (1998) apply Schumann's theory to a.

(17) 17. social distance model specifically designed for a Hong Kong context in their book Schooling in Hong Kong: Organization, Teaching and Social Context (Postiglione and Lee 1998). Their study draws several conclusions about social distance between different social groups in Hong Kong, in which language acquisition (mostly English) was a key factor that developed social distance and even socioeconomic stratification. However, Postiglione and Lee's book was written only one year after the handover in 1997, and is mostly referencing information from before the handover. Therefore, it did not include Mandarin speakers within its analysis. Application of their model together with Schumann's theory proves highly useful to the analysis of adaptability, social distance and language acquisition within this study of mainland Chinese students. Sussman (2011) conducted a comprehensive study focusing on the adaptability and change in identity of Hong Kong people who migrated overseas (mostly to western countries) and later re-migrated back to Hong Kong. In order to classify their “identity shift” or changes to their culture, language use, educational background and social networks, Sussman developed a Cultural Identity model (CIM) to categorize these groups into four different identities; Subtractive, Additive, Affirmative, and Intercultural/Global identities. The methodology of the CIM seems to take into account both environmental factors as well as personal factors which result in a unique change in individual culture and identity. The CIM is a highly useful model even when measuring adaptation and identity changes other groups besides re-migrants and can be used to differentiate and analyze groups of study abroad students and the factors that determined their experiences in school and the host society..

(18) 18. The research done by the authors mentioned above has contributed a lot to the buildup to this study. Many of the themes in their research have inspired the design of my interviews and methodology. It is exciting to be able to apply models and concepts by such established researchers to the case of mainland Chinese students in other Chinese societies which is a social demographic still not widely studied. For those studying China studies and social sciences, understanding mainland Chinese students who study in the SARs and Taiwan is crucial, as this young generation may be the first to bridge gaps within Greater China. This study allows us to peer into their first perceptions and experiences living and studying there and serve as a good reference point to future sociological or ethnographic studies of the SARs and Taiwan. Chapter Outline In the following sections, the application of the interviews as well as the results will be tied to the implications drawn in the hypothesis which is stated in Chapter 2. First, a summary of each group of students participating will be given to display the diversity of their backgrounds, academic achievements and general characteristics. The profiles of individual students will also be available as supplementary reference material and not be presented in their entirety. The student profiles are insightful, while respecting the respondents' personal privacy. Detailed accounts of their mannerisms, attitudes toward the interviews, and enthusiasm were also taken into account and highlighted when certain characteristics occur on a group level..

(19) 19. A detailed report of the results of the interviews in Hong Kong and Macau, will be backed up with a summary of supplementary data from the Taiwan interviews. In this section, patterns and similarities of responses will be drafted to estimate if students fall into the new demographic of mainland students defined in the hypothesis. Information about students' backgrounds is vital in order to detect correlations between place of origin, educational background, work experience, international experience, etc. with their perceptions of their respective territory of study. After meticulous analysis of each interview, the combined results of general perceptions of all students in each of the territories will be compared with one another in order to clarify differences in the type of mainland students that attended universities in Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. The analysis also helps identify the structural factors in each territory that resulted in social distance between the mainland Chinese students and the local population. The results from the section entitled “future plans” give insight on what this group of mainland students intends to do following graduation or their current level of employment. This shows that the international exposure and potential mobility the students have as a result of their academic experience in the SARs and/or upbringing. Several questions pertain to overseas immigration and acquisition of second passports. Responses to these questions will allow one to gauge the students' level of mobility and/or ambition to leave mainland China in the long-term. Results from this section are also critical for supporting the hypothesis's claim that the group of students interviewed is internationally minded, highly mobile, and more willing to relocate out of economic and academic opportunity than any other previously mentioned group of mainland Chinese..

(20) 20. The final section of the interview entitled “other questions” briefly asks the students in a very neutral and open-ended manner about their political opinions, opinion on the “One Country, Two Systems” policy, and perception of other mainland Chinese groups in the SARs such as the “new immigrants” and “birth tourists”. These questions, although not primary, may reveal some interesting supplementary insight into how the mainland students view the SARs and the mainland politically. It was also be a good opportunity to hear their opinions about other mainland Chinese groups in the territories, and how their viewpoint differs from the controversial one of many local SAR residents. In addition to the data from the field interviews, this study will also reference some media reports on the SARs and Taiwan that regard mainland Chinese in the territories as well as the mainland students. More detailed information from literature that was mentioned in the literature review will be referenced again in Chapter 4, the group analysis section, in order to form a clearer picture of the data found in the interviews and apply it to existing theories and models to support the hypothesis. Results were analyzed in relation to Sussman's CIM, to classify which students interviewed would correspond to which identity shift that Sussman's re-migrants were labeled. Analysis of students' adaptability on the individual and group level were also conducted by applying Schumann's social distance theory and Postiglione and Lee's social distance model developed in a Hong Kong context (Schumann 1976, Postiglione and Lee 1998). Observing the social distance that students described and perceived to have from the local society helps to understand the level of their adaptability and possible future mobility, which.

(21) 21. is key to preparing them for a more global, interconnected world (EgronPolak 2012)..

(22) 22. Chapter 2: Research Questions & Methodology Research Questions The background information given in the introduction and research presented in the literature review lead us to the following research questions. 1. Why did mainland students chose schools in the SARs; 2. What factors affected their perception of the SAR societies and higher education before arrival; 3. What factors affected the students' adaptability and their social distance with the local milieu (SARs or Taiwan); 4. What are their future plans for the future in regard to employment and migration? The answers to these questions will help understand what attracted mainland students to their respective schools and how their perception was shaped before enrolling. We also want to know about their current experience and determine what personal factors as well as environmental circumstances are impacting their adaptability and social relationships. It will also be insightful to hear what plans they have following graduation and if they have the intention to either stay in their new host society, or relocate to another foreign country..

(23) 23. Hypotheses This study primarily focuses on the patterns of mainland Chinese students' perceptions of the SARs as well as experiences of the newly arrived mainland students in the SARs' societies. It is expected that findings will indicate that recent, post-handover mainland Chinese students studying in the SARs have chosen to study in SAR universities not for reasons of fleeing or seeking refuge from the mainland as their processors did, but relocated out of choice due to a perception of superior western educational incentives. It is anticipated that some of the students analyzed in the study chose the SAR universities as an alternative to directly going to a western country due to closer proximity to their hometowns, similarities in language and culture, and lower cost. Most mainland students currently studying in the SARs are expected to be from relatively wealthy families and/or be high achieving, highly motivated students due to high competition for acceptance. However, the study will confirm that most students who study in a university in the SARs have future plans to relocate to another country and/or acquire an alternative passport and identify their reasons for doing so. Hence, this newly defined group of elite mainland Chinese students can use the SARs as “stepping stones” to the rest of the world by acquiring a western, English education while remaining in the culturally familiar greater China area. It is reasonable to believe that their experiences in the SARs will not impact their cultural identity as being “Chinese”, but their different educational background and exposure to foreign concepts and lifestyles will result in some type of identity shift as described in the Cultural Identity Model (CIM).

(24) 24. used by Sussman (2011).2 In using Sussman's model to classify which students fall into which category, and another sociological theory such as Schumann's Social Distance Theory, we can identify personal characteristics and structural factors that result in adaptability. Such factors will include language acquisition, changes in social networking, curiosity of host culture, and future aspirations in the host society or abroad. This will also indicate that the mainland students in all territories are by no means a uniform group, as they chose their schools and study locations for different reasons, and hence have differing levels of adaptability or shifts in identity. Therefore, at the conclusion one can observe the differing degrees of benefit and satisfaction gained from studying in each territory based on both individual and environmental circumstances.. 2. Sussman, N.M. (2011) Return migration and identity: a global phenomenon, a Hong Kong case. Hong Kong University Press..

(25) 25. Methodology In order to have an understanding of why these mainland students chose to study in the SARs as well as their perception of and experience in the SARs, a series of interviews were conducted among a body of current or recently graduated mainland students who attended universities in the SARs. The sample was drawn mainly using a snowball sampling method, and respondents were corresponded by email or online social networks such as QQ or Facebook prior to the interviews. The students were interviewed on a one-on-one basis, and met in informal locations in Hong Kong and Macau. Only one interview was conducted on Skype due to a sudden change of plans. The interviews aim to: 1. collect personal and educational background information; 2. analyze perceptions of the respective SAR and international experience and awareness prior to their study; 3. analyze perceptions of respective SAR and inquire about current experience since relocating; 4. inquire about future plans and intentions in regard to employment and potential immigration; 5. briefly inquire about political opinions, standpoint on the One Country, Two Systems policy, and predicted future of SARs. Each interview was approximately one hour in length, and was conducted mostly in Mandarin Chinese and recorded using an audio recorder. Only one student insisted on responding to the interview questions in English. For the the remainder of this study, the subjects will be referred to as: Mr/Ms. (abbreviated name). Details will be given about their respective home province, age, major in school, length of stay in respective territory, and educational and work histories..

(26) 26. Supplementary interviews were also conducted on mainland students studying in Taiwan (台灣), who were only allowed into Taiwanese universities starting in 2011. The interviews in Taiwan were conducted several months before the ones in the SARs as a trial run and a means to perfect the interview questions before traveling to the SAR universities. The interviews in Taiwan were conducted in a similar fashion to the ones in the SARs, with questions worded slightly differently and adjusted to match local circumstances. All the students in Taiwan were from National Chengchi University and introduced by the school's mainland student association and were all from different departments. The data collected from the interviews in Taiwan can be used to contrast the varying opinions and experiences of these mainland students studying in a different Chinese society. In order to facilitate communication, interview sheets and all forms of correspondence were typed completely in simplified Chinese characters. Administrative staff at Chinese University of Hong Kong and Hong Kong Baptist University, two teachers at University of Macau, and staff at National Chengchi University's mainland affairs office were informally inquired about their views of the mainland students and about any supplementary information regarding any future plans for the schools in terms of the mainland students.3Finally, it is important to note that the sample of date from Taiwan and Macau was more homogeneous than Hong Kong which had students from three schools.. 3. The research fieldwork was limited to individual interviews with students in the SARs and Taiwan, and was not able to collect primary data regarding university development and the increase of Chinese student population directly from university officials despite several attempts..

(27) 27. The research flowchart for the following series of interviews is depicted in the chart below (Figure 1)..

(28) 28. Figure 1: Research Flowchart.

(29)

(30) 30. All students in each territory received the same fundamental questions with certain questions adjusted to match the circumstances of the territory they are in. For example, students studying in Hong Kong were questioned about perceptions of Hong Kong, while students in Taiwan were questioned likewise in regard to Taiwan. The interviews were designed to question the students on their perception of the educational opportunities available in the SARs due to structural changes in the higher education environment, and about their own personal reasons for choosing their school or program of choice. The answers to these questions helped draw a line between students that are highly adaptive to their new environment and those who had a mostly negative reaction to the SARs and experienced limited adaptation. This concept is outlined by the chart below. (Figure 2) It is important to remember that no individual will perfectly fall into one of the two categories, as these are simply listing the positively and negatively adaptive qualities that students may have. In reality, the students will possess different combinations of both categories..

(31) 31. Figure 2: Student Adaptation Matrix.

(32) 32. Measuring the students' adaptability to their new environment is also a crucial step in defining the new group of mainland students as unique from others. The interviews as well as informal correspondence with the researcher also helped gauge more subtle factors such as spoken language, written language in emails, activity on social networks such as QQ and Facebook. Taking these behaviors into account are important in determining the student's potential to adapt to live abroad, function in an international environment, and understand how their identity has been impacted by their experiences in the SARs or abroad. Even analyzing how they responded to the researcher who is a non-ethnic Chinese foreigner conducting the interviews in Mandarin may show the degree to which they are open minded. I recorded anecdotal information about each student's mannerisms, attitudes, and use of language when interacting with them in the results of the interviews. I also inquired about the mainland students to NCCU's Mainland Affairs office. Research Fieldwork In October of 2013, I conducted the supplementary interviews in Taiwan prior to departing for my fieldwork in Hong Kong in Macau. The interviews were conducted on campus at NCCU and were done as a trial run in preparation for the main fieldwork. Following the interviews in Taiwan, questions that were deemed to be most significant were expanded in the final version of the interview given in Hong Kong and Macau. The order of certain questions were also adjusted, however the overall four section structure of the interviews was maintained. Questions did not vary to the extent that they collected a different set of data from the SAR interviews..

(33) 33. In December of 2013, I conducted fieldwork in Hong Kong and Macau. Appointments to interview students were arranged in advance via university mainland Chinese student organizations, and social and personal networks. In order to obtain a widespread opinion and ensure results were not biased, a wide range of students of different personal and academic backgrounds were selected. Therefore, to the extent allowed, each student in each of the three territories were of: both genders, graduated from different colleges (in the case of post-graduates), from different home provinces/towns, have different work experiences, and have different majors in university. All students interviewed were current students or recently graduated students of an SAR or Taiwanese university (for the Taiwan interviews). During this time, I also visited administrative offices of several universities and spoke with Chinese University of Hong Kong's Chief Executive of Admissions, Hong Kong Baptist University's non-local student affairs director, and one professor at University of Macau. I also corresponded with another professor at University of Macau via email prior to my fieldwork. Any applicable statistics available on mainland Chinese student enrollment were collected from school websites, census websites and media sources. This series of fieldwork in the SARs lasted from December 12, 2013 to December 23, 2013. Due to Hong Kong and Macau's school year ending earlier than that of Taiwan, the condition and availability of the students and faculty were rather limited. However, a sufficient number and variety of students were collected and interviewed in each territory. The interview schedule in Appendix 1 depicts the breakdown and series of questions that were asked of students or recent graduates..

(34) 34. Chapter 3: Interview Summaries The summaries of the data collected in Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan are presented respectfully in this chapter. Data that was considered particularly significant, and/or unanticipated findings are highlighted accordingly. Commonly used words, phrases and descriptions of their perceptions and experiences will be noted. In addition to information about how their opinions and perceptions have changed after relocating, statistics based on their satisfaction with the education system are shown. A figure is provided below in order to give an outline of their satisfaction levels based on their backgrounds. (Table 1).

(35) 35. Table 1: Student Profiles Student Names. Home province. Age. Undergrad/Post. Residing term Major (Years). Satisfaction Level 0 to 5. Hong Kong University, (1),(2),(3) Mr. Jerry (1). Tianjin 天津. 20. Undergrad. 1.3. Ms. Meng* (1). Liaoning/Hainan 遼寧/海南19. Undergrad. 1. Ms. Yu (1). Beijing 北京. 18. Undergrad. 0.3. Journalism. 4.5. Ms. Jessie (1). Zhejiang 浙江. 21. Undergrad. 2.4. Science. 3.5. Ms. Joyce (2). Shaanxi 陝西. 24. Post Grad. 2.4. Translation. 3. Ms. Charlene*(2). Hebei 河北. 26. Post Grad. 2.4. Chinese 2nd language Ed.. 4. Ms. Xi* (3). Hunan 湖南. 24. Post Grad. 2.4. Journalism. 5. Ms. An* (3). Beijing 北京. 22. Post Grad. 0.4. Journalism. 4. Ms. Bai (1). Zhejiang 浙江. 23. Post Grad. 1.3. Education. 4. Average:. 21.9. Industrial Engineering Political Science. 1.54. 5 4. 4.1. Macau (University of Macau) Ms. Demi**. Chongqing 重慶. 19. Undergrad. 0.3. Accounting. 4. Ms. Rain**. Anhui 安徽. 18. Undergrad. 3. Accounting. 4. Mr. David. Hainan 海南. 19. Undergrad. 2.3. Hospitality Management. 3. Ms. Sha. Fujian 福建. 19. Undergrad. 1.4. Elementary Education. Mr. Han. Beijing 北京. 19. Undergrad. 1.4. Computer Science. 3.5. Mr. Ian. Hunan 湖南. 25. Post Grad. 1.5. Social Science. 4.5. Average:. 19.8. 1.65. 3. 3.66. Taiwan (NCCU)(國立政治大學) Ms. Jia. Heilongjiang 黑龍江. 29. Post Grad. 1.3. Broadcasting. Ms. Yuki. Beijing 北京. 23. Post Grad. 0.3. Taiwanese Literature. Ms. Yi. Zhejiang 浙江. 21. Post Grad. 0.7. Journalism. 4. Mr. Yang. Hubei 湖北. 26. Post Grad. 0.3. Broadcasting. 4. Ms. D. Guangdong 廣東. 23. Post Grad. 0.3. Accounting. 4. Mr. Z. Beijing 北京. 23. Post Grad. 0.3. Management. 4. Average: Legend:. 24.2 (*): Ethnic Minority (**):Immigrated. 0.53. 5 3.5. 4.08.

(36) 36. Hong Kong Summary In total, there were nine students interviewed in Hong Kong, of which four of them were undergraduate students, and five were either post-graduate or recently graduated (from post-graduate programs at three institutions in Hong Kong). Although the students were diverse in background, for unknown reasons, there was a clear imbalance in gender distribution strongly favoring females. Of the nine students interviewed, only one student was male. It remains inconclusive why this occurred, but some possible explanations may be: the method in which interviewees were collected, some individuals that introduced students via social networks were female (this is based on the assumption that females are more likely to refer their female friends), as well as the age, gender, and background of the interviewer possibly attracting a certain type of participant. The only information given about the interviewer was: name, school of origin, and “a foreign graduate student in Taiwan”. Correspondence with the students in Hong Kong was done in either English or Chinese (traditional). Some of the female students mentioned in conversation or during the interview that their boyfriends were influencing factors in their postgraduation plans. Approximately four of the eight female students indicated they had boyfriends and they planned to either remain in Hong Kong, return to the mainland or immigrate overseas based on the males' career plans. Given the gender imbalance, this phenomenon is clearly most present in the Hong Kong group. It was also not surprising that the four that did not mention having boyfriends were all undergraduate students and several years.

(37) 37. younger than the other 4 who were post-graduate or recently started a job in Hong Kong. The interviews of the students in Hong Kong had another unexpected element that was unknown prior to meeting the students in person. Four of the nine students identified themselves as ethnic minorities. All of the ethnic minority students did not make this clear at the time they accepted the interview. Given the incredibly small scale of the student sample, it is quite peculiar that almost 50% of the mainland students interviewed in Hong Kong were ethnic minorities. Furthermore, all four of them were introduced by different sources, and none of these sources had any sort of affiliation to ethnic minorities in mainland China. These students were asked the same questions as the Han students, although they were asked a few follow-up questions relating to their experience as an ethnic minority. It is not a factor that interferes with the methodology of this study, the interview or the results, however gives rise to several new questions. Although it is beyond the scope of this study, it may give potential for further research to be done on the attractiveness of education in the SARs or foreign countries to ethnic minorities of China. Researchers also may infer that ethnic minorities are more likely to participate in such studies given the relatively high turnout of ethnic minority students in such a small-scale study. First Group Hong Kong The first three students were undergraduate students. All three were from the same university and knew each other through a student organization that discusses political topics in Hong Kong, Taiwan and mainland China, but had different majors in different departments. Mr. Jerry, Ms. Meng and Ms..

(38) 38. Yu were 20, 19 and 18 years old respectively and were the youngest three students among the group in Hong Kong. They all indicated that they were high caliber students in secondary school, which enabled them to enter a prestigious university in Hong Kong. Based on their comments and opinions of their educational experience, they were among the most satisfied and possibly the most curious students in the Hong Kong group. Due to their common interest in political issues, they had relatively pronounced political opinions. Participation in such extracurricular activities would also imply that they all had some degree of interest in politics, which was most likely an important factor for them when considering Hong Kong as an option, especially in the case of Ms. Meng, an ethnic minority student majoring in Political Science. All three students noted that they had considered studying abroad in either the United States or Europe, or were considering going there in the near future for employment or further education. All of them appeared extremely satisfied with their school and the Hong Kong education system as their rated satisfaction averaged 4.5 out of 5. Based on their comments, this was attributed to the openness and flexibility of the teachers as well as opportunities to communicate directly with the teachers. All three students attended public secondary schools in the mainland. Their description of Hong Kong's higher education matched the characteristics of a Western style education system, however remaining in a Chinese society like Hong Kong still retained some Chinese elements. Geographical and cultural proximity to mainland China influenced their communication habits with their family and friends. In terms of communication technology, all of the students said they actively started using Facebook, Youtube and Google soon after coming to Hong.

(39) 39. Kong, as well as using traditional Chinese characters. Any correspondence in Chinese with all of them via email was done so in traditional characters. All of the students stated that they now regularly use Wechat (微信) and cellphones to contact their friends and family in the mainland, whereas they all used Renren (人人網) and QQ prior to relocating. Ms. Yu commented that she no longer likes to use Renren and prefers Facebook to contact friends in Hong Kong, and uses Wechat to contact mainland friends and family on the same cellphone. This implies that these students now have two separate social networks that are divided due to differences in cultural and linguistic preferences of software and web content. This is also partially due to several of these sites being blocked in mainland China, which results in a different standard of online communication. Despite great interest in immigrating and experiencing foreign, particularly Western cultures, Mr. Jerry and Ms. Yu seem particularly attached to their Chinese identity and clearly do not want to “stop being Chinese.” Their shared decision to study in Hong Kong was not motivated by permanent residence in Hong Kong as much as the program of their university being a viable alternative to US or European universities. In the case of Mr. Jerry, he has a great interest in other Chinese societies such as Hong Kong and Taiwan for cultural reasons, although he also emphasized his final decision came down to the program he is now enrolled in. Ms. Meng on the other hand indicated that her Chinese nationality was “not so important” in her mind. Her association with European lifestyles as being secure and care-free reveals some sort of contrast from mainland Chinese and Hong Kong societies as being highly competitive and high-pressure. It may also be important to note that Ms. Meng moved away from Liaoning, her province.

(40) 40. of birth at a young age, which possibly distanced her from her ethnic minority culture and environment. Second Group Hong Kong The next three students interviewed had a slightly less positive impression of Hong Kong after starting school in the territory. Ms. Jessie was the fourth undergraduate student of the Hong Kong group, majoring in Science. After relocating and enrolling in a Hong Kong university, she felt that Hong Kong is not the best place to major in science, and little emphasis is put on grades, but rather to prepare the students for the future careers. Ms. Joyce, a recently graduated translation major complained of a relative short length of the postgraduate programs in Hong Kong, and even went so far to say that the schools intentionally have a high turnover of students to make a profit. Ms. Charlene, an ethnic minority who recently graduated and is now working as a Mandarin teacher was relatively satisfied with the education in Hong Kong, but was slightly disillusioned with aspects of Hong Kong society such as large gaps in literacy and small, cramped living conditions. They all had an average satisfaction level of 3.5 out of 5. All of them had an initial impression that Hong Kong was an international city full of job opportunities with a more international education system which were the factors that ultimately drew them there. They also went to Hong Kong anticipating the opportunity to establish a more international social network, as all three of them mentioned the presence of English as well as foreigners. Ms. Jessie and Ms. Charlene went to Hong Kong full of curiosity and an incomplete understanding of the complicated dynamics of the society. Ms. Joyce on the other hand seemed to have some background knowledge of certain negative aspects of Hong Kong society prior to deciding to pursue.

(41) 41. her post-graduate studies in a Hong Kong school. For example, she had been aware of Hong Kong's unique local media culture (such as Hong Kong's “Paparazzi culture” and the press following the lives of celebrities) before arriving. She along with the other two mainly accessed Hong Kong music and media on the internet or on TV and were left with the feeling that Hong Kong people paid a lot of attention to movie stars. Her impression of Hong Kong society at that time led her to believe that Hong Kong men have a high amount of social pressure to be financially successful, which attributes to a high degree of them seeking out wives from lower socioeconomic backgrounds in mainland China, a topic of research among regional social scientists (Newendorp 2008). Ms. Joyce was also the only student who went into the situation expecting some type of discrimination from the local community. After relocating, all three of them mentioned experiences of hostility from the local Hong Kong students even though Ms. Joyce was the only one initially expecting such negative reception. Their descriptions indicated levels of suspicion from the local students as well as increased levels of perceived competition with the mainland students. Ms. Jessie said that she had the impression that most Hong Kong people have a “deep-rooted belief system” and hold stereotypes toward mainland Chinese and foreigners alike. She also independently expressed a relatively negative attitude toward the Hong Kong government and called them “ineffective”. When asked about her opinion on the Communist party, she responded that the Communist party had done a good job and has achieved great success considering China's massive size and population. One may infer that Ms. Jessie's dissatisfaction with elements in Hong Kong society and her school translated.

(42) 42. into negative attitudes towards the Hong Kong government. This question goes beyond the scope of this study, but poses an intriguing research question. Given that Ms. Joyce and Ms. Charlene had possibly the highest Cantonese ability among the students interviewed in Hong Kong,4 they surprisingly both struggled to befriend local Hong Kong students when enrolled in school. Although Ms. Jessie did not have such an advanced command of Cantonese, she claimed to have has many Hong Kong friends. This group of students exemplifies that language ability may not be the predominant factor in building social networks in the new environment. Possible explanations for this could be that Ms. Charlene and Ms. Joyce came into Hong Kong at a slightly older age, entering a post-graduate program, while Ms. Jessie and the students from the first group of three entered at a younger age, pursuing an undergraduate degree. Furthermore, all members of the first group were clearly active in the school's extracurricular activities, while those of the second group did not mention any such club participation. Given that Ms. Joyce's boyfriend was also a mainlander working in Hong Kong, this might also limit her opportunities for social interactions within the local community. Third Group Hong Kong The remaining three students in Hong Kong entered the territory with a focus on their respective fields of study. Ms. Xi and Ms. An, both ethnic. 4. They displayed their Cantonese skills when speaking with staff at the cafe where the interview was held..

(43) 43. minority females majoring in journalism and broadcasting respectively, were attracted to Hong Kong based on the perception of Hong Kong universities being more advanced than the those of the mainland in those fields. Ms. Bai, majoring in foreign language and education, also went to Hong Kong with the belief that it had a superior foreign language environment and higher quality education. However, Ms. Bai made it clear during the interview that she originally had intended to study abroad in North America, and settled for Hong Kong as an alternative. Their average level of satisfaction ranked 4.3 out of 5. All three of them shared the perception that education in Hong Kong was more westernized and offered an English-speaking environment. They also all felt like going to Hong Kong would be like going to a foreign country. Ms. An noted that she was concerned about discrimination toward her prior to relocating, but later felt that people were more affable than she originally had thought. Ms. Bai felt that both Hong Kong students and residents did not welcome mainland students, and that the local students may particularly feel threatened by highly skilled and multilingual mainland students. Ms. Xi said she had not received any type of negative feedback from Hong Kong students and has a vast social network in Hong Kong, while Ms. Bai said she only had local Hong Kong friends after getting a job. These comments ran closely parallel to Ms. Joyce and Ms. Charlene, the two language majors from the second group. The correlation of Ms. Bai's linguistic ability and relatively small social network among Hong Kong people is remarkably similar to that of Ms. Joyce's. In addition, the main similarity between them is their relatively negative feelings toward the local Hong Kong students. Both of them also had more prior knowledge about Hong Kong prior to entering the territory..

(44) 44. It is noteworthy to mention that Ms. Xi has possibly made the largest transformation out of any of the students interviewed in Hong Kong given her background of growing up in an ethnic minority village in rural Hunan. Aside from graduating from Beijing University, she graduated within the top ten of her class in her post-graduate school in Hong Kong. She appears to be the most socially active and has adapted to a significant extent. Coming from a poorer, rural village, she became a multilingual, top-tier university graduate working for an international company and frequently traveled between Hong Kong and mainland China. Perhaps her ability to shift roles and maintain multiple social networks in Hong Kong and in the mainland attributes to her overall high level of satisfaction. Ms. Xi did make note that she regularly conversed with her Hong Kong friends in Cantonese, which may be a tool that allowed her to adapt more. However, the cases of Ms. Joyce and Ms. Bai prove that language ability alone is not the determining factor to one's ability to adapt. However, almost all students acknowledged to some degree that the language differences between Hong Kong and mainland China are clear barriers for most mainland students to adapt. Hong Kong Final Results Overall, mainland students who studied or were studying in Hong Kong are satisfied with their experience. The total average level of satisfaction with the schools and education system in Hong Kong is 4.1 out of 5. There were varied responses from the students given their diverse backgrounds and experiences. In some cases, certain opinions contradicted other students'. However, several patterns in students' responses were reoccurring. Regarding the perception of Hong Kong society before relocating, common descriptions included: “International”, “Westernized”, “Open-minded”,.

(45) 45. “Affluent”, “Sophisticated”, “Developed” etc. (國際化, 西方化, 開放, 豐富, 人的質素高, 發展高). Most of the students who ranked their overall satisfaction as 4 or above had all their expectations met, or even had better experiences than their original expectations. In the case of some students, particularly younger ones who had less background knowledge about Hong Kong mentioned a degree of curiosity that led them to their decision. Almost all the students had a shared interest of wanting to explore another culture, and in some cases after relocating to Hong Kong had increased interest or created future plans to go to a foreign country for work or further education. The countries that were indicated were predominantly North American or European countries, particularly English-speaking ones. This is reasonable as most of the students have relatively fluent English skills and were attracted to Hong Kong schools by their English-medium education and curricula. Opportunities to use English and meet foreigners consistently seemed to be factors attracting them to Hong Kong. Many of the students' impressions of Hong Kong had changed slightly after starting school. Many of them also became more aware of social problems in Hong Kong and changed their opinions or developed a new impression of local Hong Kong people. There were varying opinions about how mainland students are received by local students and residents, but patterns in their answers show that this greatly depended on their attitude prior to moving to Hong Kong. In other words, some students that went to Hong Kong expecting people to not welcome them often described such experiences. A continued theme throughout the interviews in Hong Kong was the Cantonese language being a barrier to adapting to the new environment and establishing bonds with local students and residents. Some of the students.

(46) 46. made extensive efforts to learn Cantonese and claim to use it in their daily life. However, some students who have exceptionally high language abilities did not necessarily have more local Hong Kong friends than the other students. Even a few students claiming to have little grasp of the Cantonese language said they have local friends in Hong Kong. However, these students noticeably had a more positive perception about how they were received by the locals, while students with exceptional language abilities such as Ms. Joyce and Ms. Bai had continued feelings of suspicion toward and from the local students. In the future-plans section of the interview, all students were asked about any desire or intention to immigrate, change their nationality or acquire another passport in the future. Four of the nine students said they have thought of the possibility of changing their passport. Two of the four said they would like a Hong Kong passport5 because it was more convenient and would allow them to travel more; one said the United States, while the remaining one, Mr. Jerry said he would like a Taiwanese passport as he is interested in Taiwan for similar reasons as to why he initially attracted to Hong Kong. Also, four of the nine students indicated they were interested in immigrating; one chose Hong Kong, one Europe, one the US, and one Canada.6 The remaining five students who said they had no interest in immigrating and gave reasons such as distance from their families, their sense of local identity is too strong or important to them, or they simply had. 5. Having a Hong Kong passport does not indicate permanently living in Hong Kong in the future, but having the passport as a means of convenience.. 6. Immigrating implies settling down in another country or territory long-term..

(47) 47. not considered it an option. On the question of nationality7, only two of the nine students, Ms. Meng and Ms. Charlene said they would consider changing their nationality if they had the chance. Ms. Meng said her Chinese nationality was “not so important” and Ms. Charlene said she would like to change her nationality as she would like to live in the United States, but emphasized she does not dislike China. It may be of importance to note that Ms. Meng and Ms. Charlene are ethnic minorities and were relocated away from their hometowns to attend high school and undergraduate school respectively. Furthermore, they both have relatively negative impressions of their local Hong Kong classmates, as they felt unwelcomed. Both their reasons for wanting to immigrate to Europe and the US were based on the perception of leisurely lifestyles and low-stress environments (悠閒,壓力 低). The other two ethnic minority students, Ms. Xi and Ms. An, maintain relatively intimate relationships with their family and friends in mainland China. Ms. Xi claimed she visited her hometown once every two months, while Ms. An said her parents and boyfriend frequently visited Hong Kong. Although they expressed interest in going overseas in the future for study or travel, they were not interested in changing their nationality. Ms. Xi responded to this question by saying her Chinese identity was too strong and would only need another passport if China was unsafe at any point in the future. As Ms. Xi took an interest in politics, she added that: “Being Chinese. 7. This implies disassociating themselves from the Chinese nationality regardless of which passport one holds, as this was an entirely separate question from the one on passports. However, a PRC or SAR passport implies Chinese nationality..

(48) 48. and being communist is not the same thing.” “These are two things that the Hong Kongers distinguish between very clearly. But in the mainland they are mixed together.”(Ms. Xi part 3, 11:15) By saying this, she indicated that her Chinese nationality did not reflect her condolence with the Chinese Communist Party, but rather the Chinese identity that Mr. Jerry mentioned during his interview. This information may be relevant to those conducting research on either recent immigrants from Asia to western countries, or overseas ethnic minority immigrants. The two most satisfied students, Mr. Jerry and Ms. Xi were noticeably the most enthusiastic and outgoing students in the Hong Kong group despite their significantly different backgrounds. They both mentioned the feelings of a strong Chinese identity and intimacy with their hometowns. However, they both expressed discontent with the Communist party and the political system and concept of “guanxi” (關係) in mainland Chinese society. Aside from educational incentives and demand for an English-medium environment, they both seemed to be attracted by the alternative Chinese society that Hong Kong offered. In other words, Hong Kong was like “China outside of the PRC”. Mr. Jerry also explained how he deeply admires the buildings and architecture in Hong Kong. Beyond their decision to study in Hong Kong, they both mentioned their personal interest in Taiwan.8 Mr. Jerry went so far as to say he would like a Taiwanese (ROC) passport. Ms. Xi also informally told the researcher after the interview that she had visited Taiwan and it was one of her favorite places. It therefore shows that Mr. Jerry, Ms. Xi, and perhaps some of the other students have an interest in. 8. They both talked with the researcher about Taiwan during and after the interview..

(49) 49. Chinese culture and were attracted to Hong Kong by its unique Chinese society that a western country could not provide. This question will be revisited during the summaries of Macau and Taiwan to observe if there is any correlation. Macau Summary There were a total of six students interviewed in Macau. Overall, the group of students from Macau was a much younger group, consisting of five undergraduate students and one post-graduate student. The gender distribution was even, with three females and three males. The one postgraduate student was a male. All of the students are from University of Macau, which is the largest and oldest comprehensive university in Macau. Furthermore, University of Macau is by far the largest institution in Macau, given the small scale of the higher education industry as well as the small size of the territory. Half of the students were introduced through the University of Macau's Mainland Student Association, while the other half were introduced through various other social networks, each from a different source. Not only do the students have diverse backgrounds, they appear to be a very different group from the students interviewed in Hong Kong. One noteworthy difference among the students in Macau compared to the ones in Hong Kong was that all the students in Macau went into the interview thinking that the interviewer was Chinese or of Chinese heritage. All of the students in Macau made remarks upon meeting the researcher saying they “did not realize the researcher was not Chinese”, even though the initial email specifically stated the interviewer's (foreign) name, and that he was a foreign student in Taiwan. Perhaps they could not conceive of a non-ethnic Chinese person being able to speak or write Chinese or they had no.

(50) 50. experience meeting Chinese-speaking foreigners. This is a stark contrast from the reception in Hong Kong, where a few of the students entered the situation speaking English or assuming the interview would be conducted in English. Furthermore, all correspondence with students in Macau was done in Chinese (some simplified, some traditional). This indicates a distinct difference in the adaptability and internationalization between students in the two territories. First Group Macau The first two students, Ms. Demi and Ms. Rain are different from the other students as they are part of a special, relatively new demographic of mainland students emerging in educational institutions in Macau. Both of them were born in mainland China but have acquired Macau permanent residence, ID cards and passports due to their parents investing in real estate in Macau. A professor from University of Macau confirmed that in some of his classes, up to 20% of the students that call themselves “local” were in fact born in mainland China and immigrated via such immigration schemes. Furthermore, he stated that other smaller colleges in Macau that already have a majority of their student body composed of mainland students or immigrated mainland students.9 In the case of Ms. Demi, although she had acquired permanent residence in Macau, she had yet to reside in Macau for more than 3 months at the time of the interview. Although she was even willing to identify herself with Macau, she had yet to grasp the Cantonese language or establish a large social network in Macau. Her classmate Ms. Rain had clearly adapted to Macau society to a greater extent, as she had. 9. This information was acquired through an informal conversation with a professor at University of Macau..

(51) 51. attended middle and high school in the neighboring mainland city of Zhuhai before residing in Macau for three years. She was therefore already proficient in Cantonese prior to enrolling in university in Macau. However, even after living in Macau for three years, she still strongly identifies herself as a person from Zhuhai. She explained: “I introduce myself as from Zhuhai, but sometimes...because I've already immigrated, I say I'm from Macau.” (Ms. Rain part 2, 13:15) They both maintained tight relations with their friends on the mainland and did not feel isolated as they were able to frequently visit Zhuhai even for a day trip. Ms. Demi and Ms. Rain were 19 and 18 years old respectively. Given their parents' costly investment in Macau which earned them permanent residence, they therefore had stronger incentives to consider University of Macau than their other mainland classmates, even to the extent that they considered no other universities. They both acknowledged that the main reasons they chose University of Macau was the English-medium education as well as the lower entry requirements which did not require students to take the mainland standardized test, also known as the “gaokao” (高考). As they are now considered local students by the university, they are no longer in competition with the considerably larger pool of mainland applicants and are exempt from visa requirements, limits on employment, and non-local student enrollment limits. At the time of fieldwork, the Macau government did not offer one-year visa access to non-local graduates to search for local jobs as Hong Kong did. According to University of Macau's official statistics, there were 2701 registered students from mainland China, comprising 30% of the school's student body (University of Macau 2013). In addition, Ms. Demi and Ms. Rain admitted that entry to the school in Macau was not so difficult.

(52) 52. for them. So far they are both satisfied with their experience and both ranked a 4 out of 5 for satisfaction. They both shared similar aspirations after graduating to remain in Macau and search for a job in Accounting or Finance. Second Group Macau The other three undergraduate students, Mr. David, Ms. Sha, and Mr. Han were more conventional study-abroad students. All three of them belonged to different majors but were members of the school's mainland student association. In regard to the mainland student association, they indicated that they spend a lot of their time with the other mainland students they knew through the club meetings. They gave one the impression that they are a more tight-knit community than the first group of mainland-born local students. Overall, they were slightly less satisfied with their academic experience. Their average scores ranked a 3.17 out of 5 for satisfaction. They seemed to all agree that the quality of the school facilities and the teachers were all very high. However, they felt that the content of many of their courses is quite broad, and not as in-depth as they would have hoped. They also commented that the construction of the school's new campus has been delayed numerous times. None of the officials from University of Macau chose to offer any information regarding the construction of the new campus. All three of them consistently mentioned a major advantage in studying in Macau was a means of escaping the mainland “gaokao” exam. Mr. David claimed that his grades in high school were “not particularly good” and therefore felt he was unable to attend a good school in mainland China. They.

數據

Figure 1: Research Flowchart
Figure 2: Student Adaptation Matrix
Table 1: Student Profiles
Figure 3: Analysis Framework

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