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2. Policy Implications
To puzzle out power in the information age requires a well understanding of relationship between technology and power. And yet, majority of IR literature studied the problem largely lacking a comprehensive engagement with technical knowledge. This study has been oriented to the close examination of the relationship between state power and technology equipped with that missing link, technical knowledge, in order to render a comprehensive model of ICT development after the introduction of Internet. Although there have some steps taken in the same regard, to render such model there has no studies focusing in the case of China. In this way, this research is able to contribute to the IR literature both with the engagement of technical information, and especially with the case study on unique path of ICT development in China.
The model investigates questions dealing with new technology by moving debates beyond questions about whether networked ICTs enhances its control more than it enhances freedom through the dynamics of relationship between controllability and the perceived risks by states towards said technology.
The reverse saliency model applies to all systems but with a different dynamic of flow within each phase. The reason that makes this difference, as mentioned above, is found to be because technological systems are supple: it has an internal drive and ever-changing momentum derived from financial and political concerns, interest, legislative limitations, infrastructure, institutional design, values, concerns of the state actor and most importantly the perceived risks of state actor from that technology. The case study, thus, is expected to show evident that there exists different dynamics of change in code. It is proved to be consistent with the case of China that there is no universal appeal to the way that ICTs should be incorporated into social life, or into the global scene. In this sense, the model provides a narrative for a research area for future studies by applying this model into different cases in order to extrapolate the states approach of control measures that is used, or aimed to be use, over the technology. This research provides an insight into how actors in power exercise their power and pursues the most desirable outcomes from a technology for their end.
Hypotheses has shown the existing assumptions towards the controllability that technology has in its design are missing an important step that is the fact that technology is supple for control of whom is currently in charge of the code, but simultaneously of all users.
Thus, the control can be preserved through the change in code with different way of regulations
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and measures, but potential risk of potential interruption of the existing code from the other actors will inevitably exist. A more comprehensive approach for the future studies on ICTs is found to be necessary in which the realist power theory is shown no longer accurate to this regard – the political actions in domestic and international arena are not the only end to the power. Controllability brings the freedom and the control of the technology available to use of all users simultaneously, regardless of political stance. Data-driven technologies turned the assets of power into more virtual and always-available sources. Therefore, this study in particular is a source of insight for the future study that no longer able to ignore the fact that there exists inevitable dilemma of controllability. Interpreting the control measures taken by state actors, the criticism or comparison of regulations, and forecasting the future targets of a specific state actor is not possible judging only by the political concerns, interests, values and norms of that particular actor during the ICT development, or how offensive or defensive the measures of controls taken, but is possible with a dynamic approach to observe the change in those concerns, values and norms through the change in perceived risk from said technology.
Again, the reverse saliency model is a comprehensive model that is applicable to different cases, however this research has the great interest in China because it is a bona fide example as is the one that proved the fact for the first time that the change in code is possible as long as the code allows its control. Thus, this research besides providing an efficient model to understand the relationship between the power and technology, it contributed in a number of other ways with and within the case study of China. The case study proved that the approaches particularly towards the Chinese ICT development are shallow in terms of the interpretation of the way China controls the technology. State’s approaches to the ways of control can differ, however, the ways China is using to this end is no different than many other governments around the world. China is not the first one having the desire to check the power of the US, but is unique in terms of taking so far successful, and on spot steps in balancing the need for maintaining its economic growth and preserving its legitimacy. Such balance has never seen to be preserved to the extend which the Chinese government achieved. However, the essential of legitimacy and authority is not unique to China, all actors who has power to control chose different ways to preserve their legitimacy and authority. In this sense, the approaches that found the potential of the Chinese dominance in the future of ICT technology extremely evil remains ignorant and null to the fact that China with its growing economic and technological dominance is a major player in cyberspace as much in the real world.
The approaches would be null if stumble interpreting the essential of national concerns, actions and the way they force power which grows accordingly to the type of regime, and this
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regime in terms of China is authoritarianism. Even though the perception of ICTs has a stance as a conduit for economic growth in Chinese agenda, China is still an authoritarian regime, thus the perceptions towards ICTs has never lost, and claimed to be loosen up on its stance as a platform to deliver effective social, military, economic and perhaps most importantly political functions. Even though these functions are not unique to China, the measures taken, and the regulations that have been set revokes concerns of others due to the nature of these regulations carries different values than what has been on the global stage for decades. Transition is real.
However, my argument is that China aims more in balancing the control, contrary to the existing expectations that foreseen what China pursues is the ultimate control of cyberspace.
The national security concerns from its users and from other state actors is found to be reinforcing the paradigm for disruption on the code of ICTs as a form of vulnerability in the Chinese mind which became a never-ending disruption game, albeit not yet a destruction, between the actors/users, thereby this is adding up to the pot full of concerns about security of cyberspaces in which we inhabit.
One could criticize the measures China has been taking to control behavior within and beyond its borders as turning offensive, however, the desire to control, and the resistance to that desire of control are not endemic to Chinese offensiveness, it is rather universal, and will forever exist. Thus, that resistance, as well as a reasonable dosage of preserving the values and norms, will continuously push more for a regime who is better in balancing the interests of whole world. Such balancing is not between the state and the individual but between the state and the indirect regulations of the code. States have strong sense of their own realm, and that can lead to dominance in other realms. As we move more online, states desire to control behavior will increasingly clash with the claims of other states. That clash will happen to be the most important novel fact for the ICT to be.
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