Chapter 3 Analysis ....................................................................................................................... 7c
3.3 The Adverbial Quantifier (The AVQ) ............................................................................ 10c
3.3.2 Analysis
3.3.2 Analysis
Having discussed the properties and the distribution of the AVQ, I will explore
how to adopt the Adverbial Analysis for the AVQ. I will follow Fitzpatrickss (2007)
analysis that the FQ does not belong to the class of adverbs but that it is an adverbial
adjunct, which has the nature of adverbs.
Recall tht in section c.1, I have argued against Stranding Analysis. Here I
propose that Adverbial Analysis will not face the problems that Stranding Analysis
cannot solve. First of all, Adverbial Analysis can rule out the ungrammatical
sentences with AVQ in unaccusatives, as shown in (82b). Under Adverbial Analysis,
the FQ is not allowed to occur in such a low positions so (82b) is ungrammatical. To
be precise, different types of adverb have different distributions.
112
Furthermore, if the AVQ is treated as an adverbial adjunct, then it is
unsurprising that the sentence with an FQ and the sentence with a PNQ have different
interpretations (see ex.(84)-(85)).
Still another significant issue is the quantifying relationship between the AVQ
and its associated nominal phrase. One of the interesting properties of the FQ
construction is that an FQ can quantify its associated nominal phrase even though
they are not adjacent. The sentences are exemplified in Chinese in (118).
I propose that the AVQ, like an adverb, can adjoin to functional categories
like modals so it can float among modals as shown in (118). The distribution of the
AVQ is illustrated in (124). Specifically, I adopt Hsu and Tingss (2016) hierarchy of
modals, in which modals are analyzed as functional categories within TP domain for
the structure.
11c (124) The distribution of the AVQ
Furthermore, based on the distributions of the AVQ and BA, we can know that
the lowest position that the AVQ can occur. According to Huang et al. (2009), the BA
is a functional cateogory right above vP, as shown in (125). Recall that the AVQ can
occur lower than BA and stay higher than a manner adverb, which can adjoin to Vs or
higher functional categories (Huang et al. 2009). This means that the AVQ can adjoin
to v’ but must occur higher than VP.
v'
114 (125)
Still another notable point about the distribution of the AVQ is that regarding
the distribution of the AVQ, I found that on certain occasions the distribution of the
AVQ and that of the ADQ seem to overlap, as presented in (126).
(126) a. [DP Na-dui shuangbaotai xiongdi] [ModalP [Modals [QP liang-ge
that-CL twins brother two-CL
ren] hui yiqi dao taishang biaoyan ]].
person will together arrive stage.top perform
b. [DP [DP Na-dui shuangbaotai xiongdi] [QP liang-ge ren]]
that-CL twins brother two-CL person
hui yiqi dao taishang biaoyan.
will together arrive stage.top perform
‘Both of that pair of twin brothers will perform on the stage together.s BA
BA
NP
vP
VP vs
115
In fact, the sentence in example (126) has ambiguous structures. In (126a), the
AVQ lianghge ren ‘two peoples adjoins to functional categories like an adverb while
in (126b), the ADQ lianghge ren ‘two peoples adjoins to a nominal phrase nahdui
xicngdi ‘that pair of brotherss. Although (126a-b) share an identical surface form,
underlyingly they have different structures.
I have proposed that the AVQ can adjoin to functional categories and must occur
higher than VP domain. Next, I am going to discuss how the relationship between the
AVQ and its associated nominal phrase is established. There are certain locality
restrictions on the dependency between the FQ and its associated nominal phrase;
firstly, the associated nominal phrase needs to c-command the FQ and the FQ and its
associated nominal phrase have to obey Locality Constraint, as shown in (127).
(127) a. *Wo haizi-men de na-ge laoshi yinggai liang-ge
I child-men DE that-CL teacher should two-CL
ren yiqi likai.
person together leave
Lit: ‘The teacher of my children should leave together.s
116
b. *Na-dui fuqi renwei wo yinggai liang-ge ren likai.
that-CL husband.wife think I should two-CL person leave
Lit: ‘Both of the married couple think that I should leave.s
Regarding the anaphoric relationship between the FQ and its associated nominal
phrase, some proponents of Adverbial Analysis suggest the FQ itself is an anaphor
(Kayne 1981, Jaeggli 1982) and some suggest that the FQ adjoins to an empty
category (Doetjes 1997, Fitzpatrick 2007).
Adopting Kayness (1981) analysis for the AVQ in Chinese can account for the
quantifying relationship and anaphoric relationship between the AVQ and its
associated nominal phrase. Since the AVQ is deemed as an anaphor (Kayne 1981,
Jaeggli 1982), the AVQ itself should be c-commanded by its antecedent (its
associated nominal phrase) and obey the Locality Constraint. Due to the anaphoric
nature of the AVQ, the AVQ can be associated with its associated nominal phrase.
Here, the AVQ itself is an adverb with anaphoric nature but without attaching to any
empty category.20
20 I observe that the subject-oriented adverb (see ex.(i)) shares similar syntactic behaviors to the FQ all and the AVQ, that is, firstly, it can modify its associated nominal phrase even if they are not adjacent and it needs to be c-commanded by its associated nominal phrase and obeys the Locality Constraint.
117
If I adopt Doetjess (2007) analysis for the AVQ, the relationship between the
AVQ and its associated nominal phrase cannot be established on some occasions. In
Doetjess Adverbial Analysis, the FQ adjoins to an empty category, prc, and the FQ
needs to bind the trace of its associated nominal phrase, as shown in the configuration
in (42). Moreover, it is notable that under Doetjess analysis the anaphoric relationship
between the AVQ and its associated nominal phrase is derived from the the associated
nominal phrase and its trace, and the quantifying relationship between the AVQ and
its associated nominal phrase is established via the prc, which adjoined by the FQ.
Consider example (128), which is presented as under Doetjess analysis for the
Chinese FQ, the AVQ.
Lit: ‘The teacher will deliberately leave by driving his car.s
b. Wo renwei zhe-tai chezi hui guyi kaizou.
I think this-CL car will deliberately drive.away Lit: ‘I deliberately think that the car will drive away.s
In (i), the subject-oriented adverb guyi ‘deliberatelys can modify the subject nahdui fuqi ‘that married couples even though they are not adjacent. In (iia), the subject-oriented adverb guyi ‘deliberatelys cannot be properly c-commanded by nahge lacshi ‘that teachers because structurally guyi ‘deliberatelys cannot be c-commanded by nahge lacshi ‘that teachers but nahge lacshi de chezi ‘that teacherss cars. In (iib), the subject-oriented adverb guyi ‘deliberatelys cannot refer to wc ‘Is across a finite clause but refer to chezi ‘cars.
Although the subject-oriented adverb behaves like the FQ all, to the best of my knowledge, no study has ever proposed that the subject-oriented adverb is adjoined by an emepty category. Therefore, it seems that the similarities between the subject-oriented adverb and the AVQ can indirectly support the idea that the AVQ can be analyzed as an adverbial adjunct without adjoining to an empty category.
118
(128) Na-dui xiongdii yinggai [prc liang-ge ren] hui yiqi ti
that-CL brother probably two-CL person will together
likai.
leave
‘Both of that pair of brothers may leave together.s
In (128), the AVQ lianghge ren ‘two peoples adjoins to prc and the prc binds
the trace of the associated nominal phrases nahdui xicngdi ‘the pair of brotherss,
which makes the AVQ can be associated with the associated nominal phrase.
However, as mentioned, Doetjess (1997) analysis cannot capture all the facts
of the AVQ. That is because the element that the FQ adjoins to is a pronominal
element. Recall that the nominal phrase that the AVQ is associated with can be a QP
or a DP. If the associated nominal phrase that is a QP, then the prc that the AVQ
adjoins to cannot find a target to refer (c.f. Huang et al. 2009:288), as shown in (129).
That means the quantifying relationship between the ANQ and its associated nominal
phrase cannot be established.
119
(129) Yi-dui sangmen da de fuqi dagai liang-ge
one-CL throat load DE husband.wife probably two-CL
ren jiu keyi chao-de ba wuding fan guo-qu.
person just can noisy-DE BA roof turn pass-over
‘A married couple, two people, with an earsplitting voice can make the roof
rocked.s
As aforementioned, Huang et al. (2009) indicate that the QP, which lacks a DP
layer, functions to denote quantity so pronouns cannot refer to it. Under Doetjess
analysis, example (129) would be ungrammatical since the prc that the AVQ lianghge
ren ‘two peoples adjoins to cannot refer to the associated nominal phrase yihdui
sangmen da de fuqi ‘a married ccuple with an earsplitting vcice which is a QP
apparently. However, this prediction is not borne out. This means that Doetjess (1997)
Adverbial Analysis would rule out the acceptable sentences like (129). Thus, I suggest
that Doetjess (1997) Adverbial Analysis is not a proper account for the AVQ since it
is unable to predict all the facts of the AVQ in Chinese.
In brief, I argue that Doetjess (1997) Adverbial Analysis does not hold for
Chinese AVQ. Since the leftward FQ in French, in which the FQ is located on the left
of the associated nominal phrase (see section 2.2) does not exist in Chinese, the (42)
120
configuration proposed by Doetjes (1997) and the empty category adjoined by an FQ
seem to be unnecessary for the AVQ. Empirically, Doetjess (1997) analysis fails to
capture the facts of the AVQ in Chinese, as shown in (129). Under Doetjess analysis
this sentence should be ungrammatical since the empty category that the FQ adjoins
to cannot refer to its assoicatead nominal phrase. It seems that in Chinese it is more
proper to just treat the AVQ as an adverb without an empty category.