• 沒有找到結果。

Building Constructions in Taiwanese Southern Min

_

1. Existential Constructions

a. 台灣閩南語的存在句:

動詞固有意義和動相、格式的互動 b. 台灣閩南語存在句的類型:

- “有”字句

「NP處所+V+NP客體」檳榔樹邊有一條水圳 - “是”字句

「NP處所+V是+NP客體」頭前是一個曝粟仔的埕 合菜園仔

1. Existential Constructions (cont.)

- 動態存在句

「NP處所+V+著+NP客體/施事」(共通語) (4a) 牆上掛著一幅畫。(靜態)(NP客體) (4b) 天上飛著鳥。 (動態)(NP施事+客體) (5a) 壁頂掛一幅畫。 (靜態)

(5b) *天頂飛鳥仔。 (動態)

(5c) 天頂有鳥仔佇飛。(動態)

其他類動詞的存在句

一元動詞

例句 格式

1a 樹仔骹倒一個儂 處所+動詞+名詞

1b 有一個儂倒佇樹仔骹 有+名詞+動詞+處所 1c 有一個儂佇樹仔骹倒咧 有+名詞+處所+動詞+咧 1d 樹仔骹有一個儂倒咧 處所+有+名詞+動詞+咧

三元動詞

例句 格式

2a 桌仔頂囥一盆花 處所+動詞+名詞

2b 有一盆花囥佇桌仔頂 有+名詞+動詞+處所 2c ?有一盆花佇桌仔頂囥咧 有+名詞+處所+動詞+咧 2d ?桌仔頂有一盆花囥咧 處所+有+名詞+動詞+咧

2. Psych-Verb Constructions

‡ 閩南戲文茘鏡記感受動詞及其句式的探索

2. (甲) 感受者主語句- 感受者主語句是以下列的格式表示:

『感受者』+ ______ + 『感受對象』

2.1. (甲A) 帶感受對象的感受者主語句

2.1.1. (甲A1) 『感受者』+ 『單音節感受動詞』+ 『感受對象』

e.g., 啞娘, 都牢伊愛恁錢 爹媽惜仔如惜金 我做乜不痛伊 2.1.2. (甲A2)『感受者』+『雙音節感受動詞』+ 『感受對象』

e.g., 怨切身命 煩惱乜事

其他類動詞的存在句

二元動詞

例句 格式

3a 壁頂畫兩隻兔仔 處所+動詞+名詞

3b *有兩隻兔仔畫佇壁頂 有+名詞+動詞+處所

3c *有兩隻兔仔佇壁頂畫咧 有+名詞+處所+動詞+咧

3d *壁頂有兩隻兔仔畫咧 處所+有+名詞+動詞+咧

2. Psych-Verb Constructions

(cont.)

2.1.3. (甲A3) 『感受者』+ 『感受動詞』+ 『子句補語感受對 象』

e.g., 我畏無物通乞你食

2.1.4. (甲A4) 『感受者』+ 『感受動詞』+『感受對象』+ 『表 原因的子句補語』

e.g., 嫌仔婿生得怯世

2.1.5. (甲A5) 『感受者』+ 「著」 + 『感受對象/施事』+「割 吊」/「割」

e.g., 冥日著伊割吊

2.2. (甲B)不帶感受對象的感受者主語句

2. Psych-Verb Constructions (cont.) 2. Psych-Verb Constructions (cont.)

3.1.2. (乙A2)『感受對象』+ 「合/中/稱」+『感受者』+ 「意/心

儂」、「悶儂」exasperating, annoying, enticing, boring

2. Psych-Verb Constructions (cont.)

2. Psych-Verb Constructions (cont.)

‡ 甲式和乙式的轉換關係

2. Psych-Verb Constructions (cont.)

(乙A1c)『感受對象』+ 『複合使動動詞』 +『感受者』+

‡ Depictives in Taiwanese Southern Min

X-V-Y-ADJ Types

1 Mary made her teacher angry. Causative 阿蘭仔惹? 因老師受氣

2 The fisherman found the cliff quite steep. Small clause 掠魚的發現溪坎真崎

3 Joan saw Mike sleepy. Perception Verb 阿香仔看見萬仔愛睏愛睏.

4 Tom often eats the oyster raw. Depictive 阿明仔定定生食蠔仔

5 The blacksmith hammered the hoe flat. Resultative 拍鐵的共鋤頭摃扁

3. Depictive Constructions

(cont.)

‡ Depictives in Taiwanese Southern Min

Depictives in TSM Subject-hosted Depictives Nsub-Vadjunct-V-Nobj, 6a He was frying rice naked.

6b 伊褪剝裼佇炒飯

While he was naked, he was frying rice.

6c 伊佇炒飯的時陣褪剝裼

When he was frying rice, he was naked.

3. Depictive Constructions (cont.)

‡ Depictives in Taiwanese Southern Min

Resultatives

Object-hosted Resultatives NP1-V-XP-NP2

9a 阿明槓破花杆

‘Mike broke the vase’

9b 囡仔車倒牛奶

‘The baby spilt the milk’

3. Depictive Constructions (cont.)

‡ Depictives in Taiwanese Southern Min

Object-hosted Depictives

Languages Construction Types TSM1 NP1-XP-V-NP2

7a 伊生食蠔仔

TSM2 NP1-V-XP-NP2

7b 伊食生蠔仔

English NP1-V-NP2-XP 7c He eats the oyster raw.

3. Depictive Constructions (cont.)

‡ Depictives in Taiwanese Southern Min

Special Constructions Na2 若 X Na2若 Y

10a 若飲咖啡若會

while drink coffee while discuss

‘talk over coffee’

10b 若盹交睡若看電視

‘nod while watching T.V’

3. Depictive Constructions (cont.)

‡ Depictives in Taiwanese Southern Min

Resultatives

Subject-hosted Resultatives NP1-V-NP2-XP

8a 阿蘭仔飲酒醉矣

‘Lisa became drunk by drinking’

8b 咱食飯飽則來去散步

‘Let’s finish eating and then take a walk’

4. Middle Constructions

‡Middles in Taiwanese Southern Min:

Interface of Lexical Meaning and Event Structure

Hierarchical Structure for Middles

A pluractional middle also involves the feature of non-veridicality Pluractional middles are

dispositionals. Dispositionals are subject-oriented and can be construed as attributing a

dispositional property to the subject in question.

They also involve an element of modality, modality involving the notion of possible world and subjectivity (Stein & Wright 1995).

2. Pluractional Middles in TSM Defined

‡

‡

Pluractional Middles in TSM result from a valency-reducing operation in which u7 有 as the generalization (GEN) operator or its negative counterpart bo5 無 triggers a change of two-place predicate to one-place predicate.

The internal argument becomes the subject of the sentence while the external argument is suppressed.

3.Previous Works on Pluractional