• 沒有找到結果。

Through the unique oral history of Alianus‟s personal life as well as many other Takasago Giyutai‟s in the literature reviews, we have come to face the conclusions, which have to respond the two questions arisen at the outset.

1. They are volunteers, willing to fight for the Japanese Emperor.

(Corresponding to the question “Are they volunteers?”)

2. They are volunteers because of their changing national identity, which is never static, but constructed in social and historic contexts.

(Corresponding to the question “Why did they fight for the Imperial Japan?”)

Under the 1st conclusion, the following restatements might suffice to assure that there was little coercion, that is, they were entirely on their own volition. In all the literature concerning Takasago Giyutai‟s volunteerism, there is little trace of coercion found, or being forced to volunteer by intimidation, nor words of concession used in any articles.

Musha Event happened because the indigenous people had felt coerced in so many ways by the Japanese Police at that time that spontaneously they could not but resist and eventually resulted in disastrous tragedy on both sides.

Had volunteerism had the slightest atmosphere of compulsion or coercion, Musha Event II must have consequently taken place. But, paradoxically, only

from Musha Tribe would count thirty-three men who applied for and volunteered as the First Round Takasago Giyutai , which was a number incredibly over what was required.

Many indigenous males petitioned with a blood pledge to show the resolution to serve for the Japanese army, and loyalty to the Emperor of Japan and the fatherland. What the single men and just married husbands envisaged as an enormous honor of life was performing exploits at the battlefield as a Japanese soldier and receiving affirmation and applause.

In the battlefield, the fearless Takasago Giyutai would try their best, even at the risk of lives to pursue exploits essentially for the purpose of gaining the Order of the Golden Kite (金鵄勲章)—the highest honor bestowed by the Emperor of Japan on the soldiers who performed distinguishing exploits at the front. It was the soldier‟s most favorite icon paralleled with the military saber (the latter is only for high ranks). No one of Takasago Giyutai, in fact, seemed to be awarded although countless certificates of merits similar to diplomas of honor were bestowed on. The petitioners at each police station throughout Taiwan always outnumbered so many that those police officers in charge of aboriginal villages were greatly troubled to decide the priority.

During the recruitment period, Seinendan youth corps felt extraordinarily embarrassed and even humiliated not to be selected as Takasago Giyutai. Those failures would view themselves as unmanly and eventually considered that they would not be welcomed by ladies. For the purpose of eliminating such a sense of self-reproach, they would train and harden themselves by extra drills and exercise to attain the physical requirement on the next test.

and of those in authority and those who had to obey. The colonial policy had a drastic change after the Musha Event in 1930, and after the enactment of Kominka Undo, emphasizing the prevailing of the national language (Japanese), change of names in the Japanese style, and Japanese way of education. All of these can be said to be critically important factors for the youths to be volunteers.

After the Pacific War, the foreigner (Americans at the POW camp) saw Takasago Giyutai function as Chinese (ROC); KMT Chinese saw Takasago Giyutai function as Taiwanese; Taiwanese (Han) saw Takasago Giyutai function as Japanese (fought on the Japan‟s side); the Japanese saw Takasago Giyutai function as Japanese; and Takasago Giyutai saw themselves function as aborigines and, if I may say so, also Japanese; at least Alianus is pleased to be both. This is one of the factors that made Alianus volunteer.

Takasago Giyutai would hesitate to urge compensation for the service.

Alianus points out: “Since I petitioned on my own volition to be selected a volunteer, there is no point asking for any compensation for what I had done. If there were any amount of that given by the government of Japan with gratitude, I would like to accept it. That‟s all. There was only one concept, that is, patriotism. (I thought of) Nothing else.” He said so confidently.

As to the 2nd conclusion, the complexity of Taiwan history and ethnicity has led Takasago Giyutai to hold changing national identity. Nationalism itself has a different meaning for Takasago Giyutai, aboriginals, and the generation born in the era of the KMT government. Takasago Giyutai feel confused and scared of expressing their own voice. This is a good example to show how individual is constructed by the society or structure. The current government or society for

the reason of national glory, constructs these Takasago Giyutai as victim of the colonialism, but in another way, they become victim of nationalism constructed by KMT government, because their own different national identity, belonging to Japan, was stigmatized and suppressed. (Chou, 2013) In this way, they can only keep silence, as a kind of resistance to the societal discourse, which tell them they are Chinese, but not Japanese.

Takasago Giyutai found their own identity as Japanese because they were taught so in schools. Masanori Ishii , who engaged himself in teaching primary and middle schools in Taitung, Taiwan (1912--47) later as educational inspector, put it: “I have done with all my enthusiasm and passion with the Emperor‟s concern in mind, e.g., Isshi Dojin (一視同仁);Doho soai(同胞相愛). My students and I had sincere contact from mind to mind. Many years after I had left Taiwan, numerous ex-students cordially invited me to visit them in Taiwan.

I do believe it is „Reap as one has sown.‟” (Kadowaki, 1993) They were thus admitted to have the same national identity as Japanese.

It was a moving scene that on the very day of departure the Takasago Giyutai, one by one, urging to be worshipped at Yasukuni Shirine (靖国神社) in case they die at the battlefield. Every Takasago Giyutai would be resolved to defy death, by performing distinguished exploits in order to pursue a death of honor. It is the proof that those young men had been invariably imperialized in their nationalism.

Alianus‟s isolated past, reflected in his multitudes of wrinkles in his face, holds few clues to the future. Now he mingles the past exotic adventures in his

complex changes in identity.

Today what Alianus remains in exquisitely reflects the image of the West Point soldier of the ballad that Douglas MacArthur and his buddies used to sing:

“Old soldiers never die; they just fade away.”

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