Pattern 5c. Triadic s-V transitive
THE MAIN ISSUES ADDRESSED IN THIS STUDY
3.5 Chen (2007): Are all -an and s- constructions applicative constructions?
As just noted, Chen (2007) considers the markers LV -an and B/IV s- in Squliq
22 Fuhui Hsieh (pers. comm.) has also pointed out that, in Paiwan, most s- constructions are found mainly
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Atayal as applicative affixes, as displayed in Table 3.8:
Table 3.8: Two-way voice system (Chen (2007: 38, Table 2.3))
Dialects Variants Actor-Voice Non-Actor-Voice-un
Jianshih/Wulai m-; -m-; Squliq
Taoshang m-; -m-; C’uli’ Mayrinax m-; ma-;
-um-;
Applicative -an
Applicative s(i)-
Examples are given in (3.9):
(3.9) Taoshang Atayal (Chen 2007: 38 (20), original transcription and gloss) a. AV
m-bazi
AV-buy
b. UV (or NAV) without applicatives bzir-un
buy-NAV
c. UV (or NAV) with an applicative -an b<in>zir-an
buy<PST>buy-NAV.APPL1
d. UV (or NAV) with an applicative s(-) s-baziy
NAV.APPL2-buy
Since the arguments inherently selected by the verb bazi (or baziy in Jianshih Atayal) are an actor encoded as the subject of the m- form of the verb, and an undergoer, encoded as the subject of the verb’s -un form. In contrast, there is no any inherent relationship between the locative subject and the -an form of the verb or between the
instrumental/beneficiary subject and the s- form of the verb; instead, it is a valence increasing operation, applicative, that promotes a peripheral participant or entity, like a location or an instrumental/a beneficiary, to a core role. Chen’s analysis for (3.9) so far is on the right track. However, it is wrong to consider the -an and the s- marker in all UV constructions as applicative affixes. The reason is quite simple. The subject encoded by the -an or the s- marker of some verbs can also be the undergoer argument inherently selected by the verbs. Chen’s examples of the -an marker as an applicative affix are given in (3.10):
(3.10)
a. (Chen 2007: 64 (14b), original transcription, gloss and translation)
biq-an biru na temu qu tali
give-NAV.APPL1 book GEN Temu NOM Tali
‘Temu gave Tali a book.’
b. Taoshang Atayal (Chen 2007: 69 (25b), original transcription, gloss and translation)
thk-an biru qu bnka
arrive-NAV.APPL1 book NOM Taipei
‘Books could be delivered to Taipei.’
c. (Chen 2007: 70 (27b), original transcription, gloss and translation) cyux =nya ps’un-an qtahi’ kwara qu hyal
PROG=3SG fill-NAV.APPL1 ant all NOM floor
‘The floor was filled with ants.’
d. Taoshang Atayal (Chen 2007: 81 (44a), original transcription, gloss and translation)
sawy-an ni tali qu rimuy
like- NAV.APPL1 GEN Tali NOM Rimuy
‘Tali likes Rimuy.’
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e. Taoshang Atayal (Chen 2007: 81 (44b), original transcription, gloss and translation)
kt-an ni tali qu rimuy see-NAV GEN Tali NOM Rimuy
‘Tali saw Rimuy.’
f. Taoshang Atayal (Chen 2007: 83 (48a), original transcription, gloss and translation)
wal pgyar-an ni rimuy qu hya
PRF escape-NAV.APPL1 GEN Rimuy NOM 3SN
‘Rimuy ran away from him.’
Tali (or Tali’) in (3.10a), bnka ‘Taipei’ in (3.10b), hyal ‘floor’ in (3.10c), Rimuy in (3.10d) and (3.10e), and hya in (3.10f) are not information about where an event occurs or where an actor exerts his or her force upon the undergoer subcategorized by the semantics of verbs; instead, they are an undergoer argument inherently selected by their respective verb.
Similar misanalysis also occurs in the case of the s- constructions, though rare.
Consider (3.11):
(3.11) Taoshang Atayal (Chen 2007: 87 (1a), original transcription, gloss and translation)
s-biq=nya laqi qu pila
NAV-APPL2-give=3SG child NOM money ‘He gave/gives a child the money.’
Comparing to Tali (or Tali’) in (3.10a), the conveyed theme pila (or pila’) in (3.11) is another argument subcategorized by the verb biq ‘give’, but not a promoted argument via applicativization. Except for the verb s-biq ‘give’ as in (3.11), other verbs affixed with s- in Chen (2007) are indeed applicative verbs. (3.12) are examples of the s- affix
as either an instrumental or a beneficiary applicative marker:
(3.12)
a. Jianshih Atayal (Chen 2007: 99 (23a), original transcription, gloss and translation)
s-bihiy temu na yaba qu laqi.
NAV.APPL2-hit Temu GEN father NOM child ‘Father hits Temu for the child.’
b. Jianshih Atayal (Chen 2007: 99 (23b), original transcription, gloss and translation)
s-bihiy temu na yaba qu hawku.
NAV.APPL2-hit Temu GEN father NOM stick
‘Father hits Temu with the stick.’
c. Jianshih Atayal (Chen 2007: 99 (23b), original transcription, gloss and translation)
s-bahoq na tali qu temu.
AV.APPL2-wash GEN Tali NOM Temu ‘Tali washes clothes for/instead of Temu.’
In sum, Chen’s analysis is not appropriate since not all -an and s- constructions in Squliq Atayal are applicative ones. Instead, as seen in the discussion in Section 3.4, for the undergoer voice in the language, a further distinction between the plain and the applicative sets must be made is now appreciated. A similar analysis has been proposed in Wu (2006) for Amis. The past confusion surrounding voice systems and verb classification with respect to verbs’ UV forms can now be removed.
3.6 L. Huang (1993): -un vs. -an
L. Huang (1993) gives a careful analysis of the contrast between the -un and the -an marker. In particular, three types of the -un/-an contrast are identified.
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First, there is a contrast between the endpoint vs. path reading, especially in motion verbs. Consider the verb wah ‘come’ as illustrated in (3.13):
(3.13)
a. (L. Huang 1993: 31 (49b), original transcription, gloss and translation) wah-un-maku?23 kira
come-UN-1S.G later
‘I will come (to this place) later.’
b. (L. Huang 1993: 31 (49c), original transcription, gloss and translation) wah-an-maku? kira
come-AN-1S.G later ‘I will come (this way) later.’
According to L. Huang, the -un form of the verb wah ‘come’ is designated for specifying an endpoint as the focus in a ‘coming’ event, as in (3.13a), while the -an form is employed for highlighting a path in the event, as in (3.13b). As also pointed out by L. Huang, such a spatial interpretation of ‘path’ for -an and ‘endpoint’ for -un only applies to spatial motion events.
The second contrast has to do with the part-vs.-whole reading associated with some verbs.
(3.14)
a. (L. Huang 1993: 31 (50a), original transcription, gloss and translation) wan-maku? nbu-n abaw qani la
ASP-1S.G drink-UN tea this LA ‘I have drunk up this tea (now).’
23 ‘?’ adopted in L. Huang (1993) stands for the glottal stop.
b. (L. Huang 1993: 31-2 (50b), original transcription, gloss and translation) wan-maku? nbw-an abaw qani la
ASP-1S.G drink-AN tea this LA ‘I have drunk this tea (now).’
Compared (3.14a) to (3.14b), it can be observed that the -un form of the verb nbuw
‘drink’ is used to express the realis reading that the tea is completely consumed, while its -an form is to describe that some tea is left.
The last contrast pertains to the realis vs. irrealis difference. The -un form of the verb nbuw ‘drink’ is used to express an irrealis event, while its -an form is used in a realis event. Consider (3.15):
(3.15)
a. (L. Huang 1993: 32 (51a), original transcription, gloss and translation) nyux-maku? nbu-n abaw qani la
ASP-1S.G drink-UN tea this LA ‘I am drinking this tea (at this moment).’
b. (L. Huang 1993: 32 (51b), original transcription, gloss and translation) nyux-maku? nbw-an abaw qani la
ASP-1S.G drink-AN tea this LA ‘I have been drinking this tea.’
The dialect investigated in L. Huang is that of Wulai. The last two types of contrast are also found in the Jianshih dialect investigated in this thesis, though there are other minor differences between the two dialects.
The -un/-an contrast is not only restricted to a single lexical item, but can also occur in a number of different verbs, as mentioned in earlier section in this chapter. For example, for some verbs like perceptual verbs kita’ ‘see’ and pung ‘hear’ or motion verbs wah ‘come’ and usa’ ‘go’, their respective intrinsic undergoer tends to be
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specified by their -an form, while others like consumption verbs qaniq ‘eat’ and nbuw
‘drink’ or cognitive verbs nglung ‘think’ and spi’ ‘dream’, it is their –un form that is tied to their intrinsic undergoer. (3.16) and (3.17) illustrate this point:
(3.16)
a. ini’=nya’ niq-i’ na’ qu’ mami’.
NEG=3SG.GEN eat-i’ still NOM rice
‘He has not eaten (the) rice yet.’
b. wal=nya’ niq-un qu’ mami’ la’.
ASP=3SG.GEN eat-un nom rice FP
‘He has eaten (the) rice.’
c. niq-aw=mu kira’ mami qa’.
eat-aw=1SG.GEN later rice DEM
‘Let me eat the rice later.’
(3.17)
a. ini’=nya’ kta-i’ qu’ siasing=nya’ na’.
NEG=3SG.GEN see-i’ NOM picture=3SG.GEN still ‘He has not seen his picture yet.’
b. wal=nya’ kt-an qu’ siasing=nya’ la’.
ASP=3SG.GEN see-an NOM picture=3SG.GEN FP
‘He has seen his picture.’
c. kt-ay=mu kira’ siasing=nya’.
see-ay=1SG.GEN later picture=3SG.GEN
‘Let me see his picture later.’
In (3.16a) and (3.17a), the negator ini’ denies the performance of an event (or a state), and then either qaniq ‘eat’ or kita’ ‘see’ is suffixed with –i’. In (3.16b) and (3.17b), the two verbs are affixed with two different voice markers in their respective realis UV
construction, namely, -un for qaniq and -an for kita’. Likewise, the two verbs qaniq and kita’ are respectively suffixed with two different subjunctive markers, -aw as in (3.16c) and -ay as in (3.17c). At this point, it is legitimate to say that, via examples in sets (b) and (c), the two verbs qaniq and kita’ are then considered as belonging to two distinct categories at the level of morphosyntax; though if one only goes on the basis of the constructions alone as expressed in set (a), we might think that the two separate verbs in question are identical in their morphosyntactic class.
Besides, the -i’ affix can also be used to negate an event encoded by verbs like buling ‘throw’, panga’ ‘carry on back’, biq ‘give’, etc., which are suffixed with a s- marker in a realis UV clause structure. Consider (3.18) to (3.22):
(3.18)
a. ini’=nya’ bling-i’ qu’ syup qasa’.
NEG=3SG.GEN throw-i’ NOM dreg that
‘He didn’t throw away that dreg.’
b. ini’=nya’ pnga-i’ qu’ pagay qasa’.
NEG=3SG.GEN carry.on.back-i’ NOM paddy that
‘He didn’t carry that (sack of) paddy on back.’
c. ini’=ku=nya’ biq-i’ na’ qu’ pila’.
NEG=1SG.NOM=3SG.GEN give-i’ still NOM money
‘He has not given me (the) money yet.’
(3.19)
a. wal=nya’ s-buling qu’ syup qasa’.
ASP=3SG.GEN s-throw nom dreg that ‘He has thrown away that dreg.’
b. wal=nya’ s-panga’ qu’ pagay qasa’.
ASP=3SG.GEN s-carry.on.back NOM paddy that
‘He has carried that (sack of) paddy on back.’
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c. wal=saku’=nya’ s-biq qu’ pila’.
ASP=1SG.NOM=3SG.GEN s-give NOM money
‘He has given me (the) money.’
(3.20)
a. ini’=nya’ bling-an qu’ syup qasa’.
NEG=3SG.GEN throw-an NOM dreg that ‘He didn’t throw that dreg.’
b. ini’=nya’ pnga-an qu’ pagay qasa’.
NEG=3SG.GEN carry.on.back-an NOM paddy that
‘He didn’t carry that (sack of) paddy.’
c. ini’=ku=nya’ bq-an na’ qu’ pila’.
NEG=1SG.NOM=3SG.GEN give-an still NOM money
‘He has not given me (the) money yet.’
(3.21)
a. ini’=nya’ an s-bling qu’ syup qasa’.
NEG=3SG.GEN AN s-throw NOM dreg that ‘He didn’t throw that dreg.’
b. ini’=nya’ an s-panga’ qu’ pagay qasa’.
NEG=3SG.GEN AN s-carry.on.back nom paddy that
‘He didn’t carry that (sack of) paddy.’
c. ini’=ku=nya’ an s-biq na’ qu’ pila’.
NEG=1SG.NOM=3SG.GEN AN s-give still NOM money
‘He has not given me (the) money yet.’
(3.22)
a. ini’=nya’ blng-ani’ qu’ syup qasa’.
NEG=3SG.GEN throw-ANI’ NOM dreg that
‘He didn’t throw that dreg.’
b. ini’=nya’ png-ani’ qu’ pagay qasa’.
NEG=3SG.GEN carry.on.back-ANI’ NOM paddy that
‘He didn’t carry that (sack of) paddy.’
c. ini’=ku=nya’ bq-ani’ na’ qu’ pila’.
NEG=1SG.NOM=3SG.GEN give-ANI’ still NOM money
‘He has not given me (the) money yet.’
In (3.18), events encoded by buling ‘throw’, panga’ ‘carry on back’, and biq ‘give’ are negated by means of suffixing these verbs with the marker -i’. However, in (3.19), since these verbs are marked by a s- affix, they are then categorized under the s- verb class. In other words, via a comparison between UV realis constructions and negative constructions, it can be observed that the language divides verbs into three different classes, the -un class (e.g., qaniq ‘eat’), the -an class (e.g., kita’ ‘see’), and the s- verb class (e.g., buling ‘throw’). Note that, since there are other three selections to negate events encoded by verbs under the s- class, namely, the -an marking in (3.20), the an s- marking in (3.21) and the –ani’ marking in (3.22), in an analogous terms, the s- class does not need to compete with either the -an or the -un class for the -i’ marker in negative constructions. As a result, a sharp contrast remains between -un and -an.
3.7 Proposal
In this chapter, we have surveyed previous studies on the verb classification, especially from the perspective of the UV markings on verbs, this survey leads naturally to the conclusion that verbs in Squliq Atayal likely have a default choice among the three UV affixes, -un, -an, and s- to encode their separate intrinsic undergoer under a very neutral context; this implies at least three verb classes are distinguished in the language, i.e., the -un class, the -an class, and the s- class and, most importantly, each class may be said to have its own peculiar voice system. Taking different conditions for the use of an UV form into account, a tentative overall voice system for verbs under the three classes can be provided as follows.
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Table 3.9: A tentative voice system for verbs in -un class in Squliq Atayal
AV UV
agal ‘take; catch’, baq ‘know’, baziy ‘buy’, biru’ ‘write’,
Table 3.10: A tentative voice system for verbs in -an class in Squliq Atayal
AV UV
ranga’ ‘feed’, tehuk ‘arrive’, usa’ ‘go’, biq ‘give’, paqut ‘ask’