III. METAPHOR AND METONYMY
3.5 Cultural Constraints
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which is a reflection of cultural variation. As the idiom exemplified above, it exhorts us not to forget our origins in terms of the description of a frog, which is specific to English. The identical meaning is also found in the Chinese idiom yin shui si yuan (飲水思源) ‘when drinking water, think of its source’, admonishing us against forgetting our origins via the description of drinking water, which is particular to the Chinese culture. While some idioms are restricted to a specific culture, other idioms are more universal and hence more comprehensible in that they are motivated by people’s conceptual knowledge that is constituted by metaphor. For example, the English idiom spit fire, denoting that a person is very angry, is easier to comprehend on the basis of near-universal metaphor, i.e., ANGER IS FIRE. Since some idioms reflect cultural specific constraints and others exhibit near-universality, cultural constraints will be elaborated in the following subsection.
3.5 Cultural Constraints
Apart from functioning as cognitive instruments, the conceptual metaphors and metonymies manifested in proverbial expressions allow us to see cultural variation and universality. Kövecses (2002: 195) proposes that most cultural variation in conceptual metaphor occurs at the specific level whereas universality in the metaphor can be found at the generic level. In other words, our knowledge of the
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world includes specific-level and generic-level schemas. As Lakoff and Johnson (1989: 165) put it, specific-level schemas are concrete and memorable, containing a great deal of information relevant to our everyday experiences. Generic-level schemas, on the other hand, lacking specificity, have the power of generality to make sense of a large amount of cases, such as causal relations and shapes of events.
Moreover, the changes take place in the cultural models and the conceptual metaphors due to the cultural context and its influence on conceptualization. At a specific level, for example, there are differences in the metaphor for anger across cultures. Kövecses (2002) exemplifies that Euro-Americans conceptualize anger via the notion of the four humors (phlegm, black bile, yellow bile, and blood); Japanese conceptualize anger via the concept of hara, which is composed of truth, real intentions, and the real self; Chinese conceptualize anger via qi, which is energy regarded as a gas that flows through the body and can produce an excess. While reflecting cultural distinctiveness, the culture-specific concepts of anger
demonstrate that the ANGER IS A PRESSURIZED CONTAINER metaphor is universal.
That is, anger appears to be cross-culturally conceptualized as a kind of internal pressure inside a container, which is found at the generic level.
Furthermore, metaphor is a matter of thought—all kinds of thought—thought about emotion, about society, about human character, about language, and about the
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nature of life and death (Lakoff and Turner
1989)
. Metaphors evoked in proverbs typically concern human affairs. The attributes and behavior of people areunderstood in terms of those of animals, plants, and so forth activated in metaphors.
Lakoff and Turner (
1989: 162ff)
propose the GREAT CHAIN METAPHOR to provide interpretations of proverbs. The GREAT CHAIN METAPHOR is an ensemble consisting of four ingredients. The first is the basic Great Chain defined by attributes and behavior, and arranged hierarchically, where each form of being has all of the attribute types lower on the hierarchy. For instance, animals do not have mental and character attributes, but they have instinctual attributes, as well as biological, structural, and natural physical attributes.The Basic Great Chain
—HUMANS: Higher-order attributes and behavior (e.g. thought, character)
—ANIMALS: Instinctual attributes and behavior
—PLANTS: Biological attributes and behavior
—COMPLEXOBJECTS: Structural attributes and functional behavior
—NATURAL PHYSICAL THINGS: Natural physical attributes and natural physical behavior
The second is the commonsense theory of the Nature of Things, which is a causal theory that links attributes to behavior: the characteristic behavior of a form of being is a consequence of its characteristic attributes. The combination of the basic Great Chain and the Nature of Things gives us a more elaborated, hierarchical folk theory of forms of being and how they behave, which is an essential ingredient
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in the understanding of proverbs.
The Nature Of Things Plus The Great Chain
—HUMANS: Higher-order attributes lead to higher-order behavior.
—ANIMALS: Instinctual attributes lead to instinctual behavior.
—PLANTS: Biological attributes lead to biological behavior.
—COMPLEXOBJECTS: Structural attributes lead to functional behavior.
—NATURAL PHYSICAL THINGS: Natural physical attributes lead to natural physical behavior.
The third is the GENERIC IS SPECIFIC metaphor, where proverbs evoke schemas, including specific-level and generic-level schemas, rich in images and information they evoke, regarding knowledge of animals, objects, and situations. In other words, the GENERIC IS SPECIFIC metaphor triggers the mappings between a specific-level schema and numerous parallel specific-level schemas that all have the same generic-level structure as the source-domain schema. For example, Once bitten,
twice shy evokes a concrete and information-rich specific-level schema, which
induces a generic-level schema: A traumatic experience can lead to an automatic response to all situations even slightly similar, even when the response is improper.
Proverbs like this are grounded in the richness of particular cases through the
GENERIC IS SPECIFIC metaphor.
The fourth is the communicative Maxim of Quantity, which indicates that speech should be as informative as is required and not more so. In other words, how much
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information should be contained in the response primarily depends on how much information is appropriate in the conversation. O’Grady (1996) exemplifies as follows: If someone asks where a celebrity lives simply out of curiosity, then the response about which part of the country the celebrity lives in is sufficient; if the person intends to visit the celebrity personally, then much more specific information (e.g., the address) is appropriate.
To illustrate that the GREAT CHAIN METAPHOR is a tool of great power and scope, Lakoff and Turner (
1989: 174ff) exemplify
the proverb Big thunder, little rain.Literally, it is simply a description of a storm. Metaphorically, it is used to describe the futile bragging of a person. The GREAT CHAIN METAPHOR applies to the
specific-level schema evoked by the words in four ways. First, the Great Chain associates storms with human beings. Second, the commonsense theory of the Nature of Things picks out attributes and their causal relation to behavior at the levels of storms and human beings. Third, the Maxim of Quantity picks out the highest attributes and behavior relevant at each level. Finally, the GENERIC IS
SPECIFIC metaphor extracts the corresponding generic-level structure from this specific-level knowledge about storms. It maps this structure onto the target domain of human beings, picking out the highest-level human attributes and behavior which preserves the generic-level structure. In brief, the universality of proverbs is that we
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understand the attributes and behavior of human beings in terms of the GREAT CHAIN METAPHOR.
Classifiers and measure words in Taiwanese Hakka are found to manifest metonymically and metaphorically in proverbial expressions. As a rule, these proverbial expressions carry social functions, involving with social activities and denoting affective effect or an evaluation towards what people describe. Apart from the operation of cognitive mechanisms, they also exhibit cultural variation and universality. A thorough analysis of the data based on the operation of cognitive mechanisms and cultural constraints will be elaborated in the following chapter.
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CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS
With the cognitive mechanisms laid as the foundation in the previous chapter, this chapter is going to explore how they are operated in the classifiers and measure words in Taiwanese Hakka proverbial expressions. Attention will be paid in
particular to metonymy, the interaction between metaphor and metonymy, idiomaticity, and cultural constraints. The data collected in the study include 80 items. For illustration, however, 16 representative proverbial expressions will be carefully spelled out, with the rest listed in Appendix I. First, with a closer scrutiny of the elements of classifier-proverbial expressions, the data are classified into four types of constructions, carrying different meanings. Then, the proverbial expressions involved with classifiers and measure words will be elaborated with the cognitive mechanisms of metonymy and the interaction between metaphor and metonymy.
Next, Hakka-specific cultural constraints and near universality in conceptual metaphors associated with the data will be presented. Finally, the reexamination of the four metonymic sources of metaphor will be provided, followed by a summary at
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4.1 Classifier-Proverbial Constructions
The data discussed in the thesis are classified into four types of
classifier-proverbial constructions according to the three elements, i.e., the numeral, the classifier (CL) or the measure word (MW), and the noun.10 The first type is the canonical construction [Numeral-CL/MW-Noun], where three of the main elements in a nominal phrase are concurrent.11 For example, rhid4 mui5 ciang1zhug4si1 (一 尾青竹絲) ‘a green bamboo viper’, where the numeral rhid4 (一) ‘one’, the classifier mui5 (尾), and the noun ciang1zhug4si1 (青竹絲) ‘green bamboo viper’
are clearly specified. Moreover, with the same elements but a different word order, the noun can be put initially, resulting in the construction [Noun-Numeral-CL/MW]
as in ciang1zhug4si1 rhid4 mui5 (青竹絲一尾), which is also regarded as the first type. The second type is the construction [Numeral-CL/MW], such as sam1
von2gung1 (三碗公) ‘three big bowls’, where the noun is omitted but represented by
the classifier or the measure word. The third type displays the construction
10 Hereafter, a classifier would be abbreviated as CL and a measure word as MW in the gloss as well as in the constructions in the following in this thesis. The distinction between CL and MW in this thesis is based on the criteria proposed by Her and Hsieh (2010).
11 According to Liang (2006: 6), the main elements in a fully-fledged nominal phrase in Mandarin are demonstratives, numerals, classifiers, possessives, adjectives, relative clauses, and lexical nouns.
The canonical internal word order is demonstrative-numeral-classifier-noun, and other pronominal elements, such as possessives or adjectives, can be placed between the demonstrative and the numeral or between the classifier and the noun in the sequence.
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[CL-CL/MW-MW-Predicate], such as zied4-zied4 go1 (節節高) ‘getting higher one joint after another’, where the numeral and the noun are absent. However, the omitted noun can be represented by the classifier or the measure word, and the reduplication of the classifier or the measure word functions as the numeral, denoting multitudes of the nouns. The last type is the construction [Attribute-CL], such as tai7 de3 (大垤) ‘big chunk’, where the numeral and the noun are absent.
Similar to the case in the third type, the omitted noun can be represented by the classifier. However, in this construction, the quantity of the noun is not specified.
4.2 Cases Involving Metonymy
Metonymy has primarily a referential function, allowing us to use one entity to represent another and serving the function of providing understanding, which is pervasive in classifier/measure word proverbial expressions in Taiwanese Hakka.
For instance, a subevent involved with a classifier can activate the whole event through the SUBEVENT-FOR-COMPLEX EVENT metonymy within the complex event ICM. Examples to be discussed in this section are associated with the cognitive mechanism of metonymy and arranged according to different constructions.
Examples (1) and (2) display the construction [Numeral-CL], where the
FORM-FOR-CONCEPT metonymy is triggered in example (1) and the
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CATEGORY-FOR-MEMBER metonymy is triggered in both examples. Example (3) displays the construction [CL-CL/MW-MW-Predicate], activating the
CATEGORY-FOR-MEMBER metonymy. Examples (4) and (5) display the canonical construction [Numeral-CL/MW-Noun], where the PART-FOR-WHOLE metonymy and the INSTRUMENT-FOR-ACTION metonymy are activated in example (4) and the
OBJECT INVOLVED IN AN ACTION-FOR-THE ACTION metonymy is triggered in example (5). Example (6) displays the construction [Attribute-CL], where the metonymies CATEGORY-FOR-MEMBER, PART-FOR-WHOLE, and
SUBEVENT-FOR-COMPLEX EVENT are activated. To illustrate, let us begin with the following examples displaying the construction [Numeral-CL]:
(1) 講四句
gong2 si3 gi3
say four CL‘To say four sentences of words—to say blessing words’
(2) 一儕比得一儕，山歌比得採茶
rhid4 sa5 bi2-ded4 rhid4 sa5
a CL compare-POT a CL
san1go1 bi2-ded4 cai2 ca5
folk-song compare-POT picking tea‘If a person can be compared with one another, folk-songs can be compared with tea-picking—people should not compare with each other just as a folk-song is not comparable to tea-picking.’
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Both examples display the construction [Numeral-CL], as si3 gi3 (四句) ‘four sentences’ in example (1) and rhid4 sa5 (一儕) ‘a person’ in example (2), where the noun is omitted but represented by the classifier. In example (1), the noun, i.e., fa3 (話) ‘words’, is represented by the classifier gi3 (句) ‘sentence’ through the
CATEGORY-FOR-MEMBER metonymy within the category-and-member ICM. Literally, it refers to saying four sentences of words. Metonymically, si3 gi3 (四句) ‘four sentences’ stands for auspicious words through the FORM-FOR-CONCEPT metonymy within the sign and reference ICM. Specifically, si3 gi3 (四句) ‘four sentences’
refers to seven-word quatrains, where the conceptual content shown by the
expressions is about a person’s blessings.12 Furthermore, the CONDUIT metaphor is activated in this expression. First, the auspiciousness is seen as objects through the
MEANINGS ARE OBJECTS metaphor. Then, the speaker puts the auspiciousness into words through the LINGUISTIC EXPRESSIONS ARE CONTAINERS metaphor. Namely,
si3 gi3 (四句) ‘four sentences’ are containers for auspiciousness. Finally, conveying
the speaker’s auspiciousness contained in si3 gi3 (四句) ‘four sentences’ to a listener is viewed as sending good objects to the receiver through COMMUNICATION IS
SENDING metaphor. Taiwanese Hakka people highly value the ceremonies of the
occasions in one’s life, such as on one’s birthday, in a wedding, or on the day of
12 Most of si3 gi3 (四句) ‘four sentences’ are seven-word quatrains, where rhyme is required (Huang, 2004).
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housewarming.13 During these ceremonies, people are required to say four sentences of words with auspicious meanings since they believe that saying
auspicious words, like delivering good objects to a receiver, will bring good fortune to those who receive them.
With the identical construction, the classifier sa5 (儕) in example (2) represents the referential nominal ngin5 (人) ‘person’ through the CATEGORY-FOR-MEMBER
metonymy. This expression invites a conditional implicature: if a person can be compared with others, folk-songs can be compared with tea-picking. Actually, singing folk-songs and tea-picking are typical activities in early agricultural
Taiwanese Hakka society. Workers often sing folk-songs while picking tea leaves to entertain themselves. However, singing folk-songs and tea-picking are two different and independent events. Hence, this expression satirically indicates the inadequate comparison between people by the analogy of folk-songs with tea-picking. That is, just as it is absurd to compare singing folk-songs with tea-picking, it is equally absurd to compare one person with another presumably because every person is an independent individual who has his own merits. Therefore, the moral lesson carried over is: never try to compare people with each other.
13 For example, in order to bless a person for his birthday, one of the seven-word quatrains is diam2 hi2 shiu7 zhug4 zhau3 tang1 tong5, zhau3 do3 shiu7siang1 shiu7 rham5 gong1; fug4 rhi5 dung1hoi2 log8 teu3 ngien5, shiu7 bi2 nam5san1 van7 she3 fong1 (點起壽燭照廳堂，照到壽星壽顏光；福如 東海樂透年，壽比南山萬世芳), which blesses the person with boundless happiness and a long life (Huang, 2004).
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Next, consider example (3), where the classifier is reduplicated:
(3) 家無噥噥公，項項空；家無噥噥婆，樣樣無
ga1 mo5 nung5-nung3 gung1 hong3-hong3 kung1
home NEG muttering grandfather CL-CL emptyga1 mo5 nung5-nung3 po5 rhong7-rhong7 mo5
home NEG muttering grandmother CL-CL14 empty‘If there is no elder male muttering in a family, everything is empty; if there is no elder female muttering in a family, everything is vacant—the elders are very precious to a family.’
Example (3) displays the construction [CL-CL-Predicate], as in hong3-hong3
kung1(項項空) ‘every item of things being empty’ and rhong7-rhong7 mo5 (樣樣無)
‘every kind of things being empty’, where the noun, i.e., sii7 (事) ‘things’, is represented by the classifiers hong3 (項) and rhong7 (樣) ‘kind’ through the
CATEGORY-FOR-MEMBER metonymy. Moreover, the reduplication of hong3 (項) and
rhong7 (樣) in this construction, i.e., hong3-hong3 (項項) and rhong7-rhong7 (樣
樣), denotes every item of things and every kind of things, respectively. Hence, the
literal meaning of this expression is: if there is no elder male muttering in a family, every item of things is empty; likewise, if there is no elder female muttering in a family, every kind of things are vacant. Additionally, nung5-nung3 (噥噥)
‘muttering’ is used to evoke the negative characteristics of the elders through the
14 In terms of Her and Hsieh’s (2010) test, rhong7 (樣) ‘kind’ would be categorized as a measure word. However, we regard it as a kind classifier in that rhong7-rhong7 sii7 (樣樣事) ‘every kind of things’ are individualzied in this expression.
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DEFINING PROPERTY-FOR-CATEGORY metonymy within the category-and-property ICM in the sense that it is a stereotypical characteristic associated with the elders.
Although being complained about their muttering, the elders that are so experienced in handling various situations in life are still considered precious in a family in Chinese cultures.
Another example displaying the same construction [CL-CL-Predicate] is sang1
shid8 con1-con1 bau2, sang2 zhog4 ngid4-ngid4 sin1 (省食餐餐飽，省著日日新)
‘being economical of food presently makes a person full every meal in the future;
being economical of clothes presently makes a person be able to wear new clothes every day in the future’, where the reduplication of the classifier con1 (餐) ‘meal’
denotes every meal, and the reduplication of the classifier ngid4 (日) ‘day’ denotes every day. As an exhortation, this idiom urges people to be economical and thrifty for the time being with an aim of preventing shortage of food and clothes in the future.
Then, the following two examples to be discussed display the canonical construction [Numeral-CL/MW-Noun]:
(4) 嘴唇兩垤皮，好壞由在你
zhoi3shun5 liong2 de3 pi5 ho2 fai7 rhiu5cai7 ngi5
lip two CL skin good bad at one’s discretion you‘People like to talk, but it’s up to you to do good or bad.’
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‘To worship the souls of a person’s parents on bended knees and to fulfill a censer of incense sticks after their death is inferior to serve a bowl of soup to his parents during their lifetime—a person should show his love and respect for his parents when they are alive.’
Both examples display the canonical construction [Numeral-CL/ MW-Noun], where the numeral, the classifier or the measure word, and the noun coexist in a nominal phrase. In example (4), as in liong2 de3 pi5 (兩垤皮), the quantity of the noun is clearly specified, that is, two pieces of skin. Then, liong2 de3 pi5 (兩垤皮)
‘two pieces of skin’ displays triple metonymy as proposed by Gao (2005) in that it is used to stand for lips for a mouth and then for a person through the
PART-FOR-WHOLE metonymy within the thing-and-part ICM. The cognitive process is shown in Figure 5:
15 In terms of the test of numeral stacking, lu5 (爐) ‘censer’ is a measure word in that it is possible to say rhid4 lu5 shib8 gi1 hiong1 (一爐十枝香) ‘a censer of ten incense sticks’. By the same token, bun3gi1 (糞箕) ‘wicker scoop’ in exmaple (13) is a measure word.
16 In terms of the test of antonymous adjectives stacking, von2 (碗) ‘bowl’ is a measure word in that it is comprehensible to say rhid4 tai7 von2 se3 teu7 er5 (一大碗細豆仔) ‘a big bowl of small peas’.
In the same vein, von2gung1 (碗公) ‘big bowls’ in examples (7) and (8) and tong1shi5 (湯匙) ‘spoon’
in example (8) are measure words as well.
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Figure 5. Triple metonymy: liong2 de3 pi5 (兩垤皮) ‘two pieces of skin’ stands for lips for a mouth for a person
Furthermore, the mouth evokes the scenario of talking through the
INSTRUMENT-FOR-ACTION metonymy within the action ICM. Hence, the literal
INSTRUMENT-FOR-ACTION metonymy within the action ICM. Hence, the literal