Chapter 2. Literature Review
2.3 Fashion as a social phenomenon
國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
them reject the class-differentiation. For instance, Kawamura (2005, p. 30-31) uses Blumer’s perspective, as he replaces the trickle-down theory with the collective selection theory. He argues that the class differentiation model is rather suitable for European fashions in the 17th-19th centuries, but no longer applicable to fashion in contemporary society. For Blumer,
“the fashion mechanism appears not in response to a need of class differentiation and class emulation, but in response to a wish to be in fashion, to be abreast of what has good standing, to express new tastes, which are emerging in a changing world”. Thus, fashion is led by the taste of the contemporary collective mass, rather than by the prestige of the elite.
After we have reviewed the theoretical frameworks around fashion, with a special focus on the concept of imitation within stratified societies resulting in various theories (the trickle-down, the trickle-across, the trickle-up and the trickle-effect), we have also observed that fashion is not always influenced by socioeconomic factors, but by the tastes and preferences of the individuals themselves. As we can see, by giving a social perspective to fashion, we can better understand the significance of fashion in the society today.
2.3 Fashion as a social phenomenon
As Monneyron (2005, p. 15) affirms, we may think that fashion is a universal phenomenon when we look back at prestigious old civilizations, such as the Indian or the Chinese, where ornaments were viewed as an old form of fashion. In Kawamura’s study (2005) we learn from Lipovetsky that clothes are almost universal, fashion is not. Fashion does not belong to all ages or to all civilizations; it has an identifiable starting point in history (p. 26). While Flügel indicates that fashion is linked to a particular society and culture, those of the West (p. 26). However, Cannon strongly disagrees with the perspective
‧
國立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
that fashion is a Western phenomenon and argues: “Although the processes of fashion comparison, emulation and differentiation are more noticeably apparent in the rapid changes that characterize systems of industrial production, the same processes are observable or at least inferable in most cultures” (p. 27). Therefore, Kawamura (2005) concludes that fashion is found not only in modern societies but exists in all known societies (p. 27).
Kawamura (2005, p. 24) explains that in medieval and early modern Europe, sumptuary laws prohibited people in the subordinate ranks from living or dressing like those above them. However, as industrialism led to a less hierarchical society, people could eventually compete in style of living with those upper classes, and they were entirely free to wear whichever kind of clothing. However, Monneyron (2006, p. 17-18) offers a curious and contradictory example: during the French Revolution in the 18th century, which promoted liberty and equality, a fashion reserved for a restricted and reduced group of aristocrats was born. Again, the freedom of the individual was being questioned. Nonetheless, without the upper class, fashion would not be possible be fashion as we know today. And here it’s when Haute Couture appeared for the first time.
Monneyron (2006, p. 17) says that if we look back in the 19th century, when fashion was born as a social phenomenon, with rituals and foundation of institutions, we see that the society’s most privileged value lied on the individual – individualistic society. Thus, it’s not a coincidence that the phenomenon of fashion is developed first in England and France, countries in which such kind of society was first established.
On the other hand, Kawamura (2005) remarks that social mobility is a fundamental factor for fashion phenomena to occur (p. 24). Indeed, it was the objective of reducing class distinctions emerging from each individual and favored by the political and economic
‧
國立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
development, that the origins of fashion lie in the origins of modernity with the growth of industrial capitalism. In regard to the class boundaries that in the industrial societies started to become blurry, therefore, the individuals of these societies have more opportunities, a fact that allowed the emergence of fashion as a phenomenon in many societies. Kawamura (2005, p. 26) concludes by quoting Baudrillard, who considers that fashion can only exists in socially mobile societies: “Modernity is a code and fashion is its emblem”.
However, nowadays, the way we see fashion, as social phenomenon within a particular society does no longer look at the social hierarchy, but at the ways that society itself creates fashion; through art, media, social media, lifestyles, travels, among others. In other words, all the elements that form part of each social group’s interests and daily life can influence in fashion. From fashion designers and famous people in the popular culture to fashion consumers, all of them are participants within this social phenomenon called fashion; to some extent they can determine the directions of fashion change. This perspective will help us to analyze the social phenomenon of Zara in Taiwan among Taiwanese consumers.
2.3.1 Fashion and symbolic consumption
To understand the concept of symbolic consumption, Sowden & Grimmer (2009, p. 1) review the definitions of this concept, proposed by several authors. Piacentini and Mailer refer to processes of ‘symbolic consumption’, whereby individuals use products as mechanisms to create, develop and maintain their identities. Dittmar describes a ‘symbolic- communicational’ link through which the symbolic meanings of material possessions communicate aspects of their owner’s identity to themselves and to others. Ger and Belk similarly note that consumption is a communicative act crucial to the constitution of self.
‧
國立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
O’Shaughnessy & O’Shaughnessy state that consumers seek “positional” goods to demonstrate group membership, to identify themselves and mark their position – as well as social status-. Thus, the symbolic meanings of material possessions serve to express not only one’s own identity and membership of social groups, but also to perceive the identity of others, according to Belk, Dittmar, Solomon, Christopher and Schlenker. Lury states that possessions are “a means of making visible and stable the basic categories by which we classify people in society”. McCraken and Wattanasuwan consider that material objects embody a system of meanings, which, upon consumption, can be used by individuals as an outward expression of their identity, and as a means of signifying group membership and identification. Douglas further argues that consumers define themselves in contrast to others, that is, they identify themselves in terms of what they are not. Thus, individuals use consumption to give themselves a sense of belonging as well as an affinity with others who make similar statements to, and about, themselves.
Lane (2000, p. 76) in his Jean Baudrillard reviews what the French author stated about use-value and exchange-value. The first concept arises from productive activity to construct something that fulfills a need, such as clothing. The use-value functions as the instrumental value of an object. While the second one is not related to the commodity itself but to the cost of the labor needed to make the commodity. The exchange-value functions as the economic value. Baudrillard even argues that we must distinguish between the logic of consumption and the logic of use value, exchange-value and symbolic exchange. As an example, he suggests the difference between a wedding ring and an ordinary ring. The wedding ring has symbolic value (the marriage), and in the process of being given becomes a singular object.
The ring isn’t periodically changed for one of a different fashion, and so on. While the
‧
國立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
ordinary ring, is however, not usually symbolic: it can be changed for one of a different fashion, thrown completely away, be worn to show one’s wealth or be worn purely for personal pleasure. The ordinary ring is non-singular and functions like a sign; it is an object of consumption. Therefore, we can verify later the symbolic value to Zara items from our interviewees’ comments.
On the other hand, Martínez Barreiro (2006, p. 195) explains that the growth of consumerism and the diversity of tastes and preferences within the society have changed the way fashion is produced, distributed, commercialized and sold. Therefore, in the process of fashion nowadays, material goods create meanings –or even values. What is now consumed is the image concerning to that specific item and not the material goods itself. In addition, we believe that marketing and advertising play a significant role in the process of fashion and its symbolic consumption.
After we have reviewed the literature regarding to symbolic consumption, we can observe that the symbolic value of material possessions is realized when individuals engage in consumption of a specific item and thereby express their social identity. We will observe in further chapters the degree of influence of the symbolic consumption among Taiwanese consumers when they visit Zara stores in Taiwan.
2.3.2 Fashion and anxiety
We find two meanings of anxiety in Oxford Dictionaries: 1. A feeling of worry, nervousness, or unease about something with an uncertain outcome; and 2. strong desire or concern to do something or for something to happen.
In order to apply anxiety in fashion, we first look at the correlation between newness and
‧
國立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
fashion. Fashion as a concept and as a phenomenon has gone through various changes along the centuries. Indeed, Kawamura (2005) considers change and novelty are two of the characteristics that fashion has always encompassed, no matter which time period fashion refers (p.6). Both characteristics are highly valued in fashion, probably because they are socially constructed or imposed by institutions (by the fashion system or by fashion designers). Kawamura (2005, p. 6) cites Koenig, who refers to ardent fashion followers as neophilia. He states that humankind receptiveness for anything new is, among many other aspects, in some way essential to fashion-oriented behavior. Like Koenig, Kawamura (2005, p. 6) borrows Barthes’s view about newness in fashion:
Fashion doubtless belongs to all the phenomena of neomania, which probably appeared in our civilization with the birth of capitalism: in an entirely institutional manner, the new is a purchased value. But in our society, what is new in Fashion seems to have a well-defined anthropological function, one that derives from its ambiguity:
simultaneously unpredictable and systematic, regular and unknown.
The newness component that fashion conveys, can make consumers feel anxious in their fashion consumption behavior; when they visit a clothing store to look for any new items, they may feel “disoriented” if they have missed any previous item and they find themselves without forms of support and reassurance. As Koenig named (quoted by Kawamura, 2005, p.
6), the ardent fashion followers can experience anxiety and desire when they are eager to own a certain unattainable, authentic or unique fashion item, in order to express themselves, i.e. to offer a particular image. Not only this, but a sense of belonging to a particular social group can make those ardent fashion followers (or consumers) feel anxious if they cannot
‧
國立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
get that specific item or brand.
Arnold (2001, p. 12) in her Fashion, Desire and Anxiety explores the fashion’s relationship with consumerism and the construction of identities, that if aimed to an extreme, that relationship can lead to self-destruction. She illustrates the dichotomy in fashion by citing Simmel: “fashion on the one hand signifies union with those in the same class, the uniformity of a circle characterized by it, and, at the same time, the exclusion of all other groups.” Arnold continues by explaining that dress can be used as an indicator of group identity, including all those who adhere to particular tenets of taste and style, but this necessarily excludes anyone who does not adopt the group’s dress codes.
We can apply the concept of anxiety in our case of Zara. Products in Zara stores are limited edition, and it makes a win-win situation: On the one hand, it catches customers on going back often to the store, as it creates expectations with the introduction of new models twice a week. On the other hand, products can thus be sold at a full price, without having them to be returned; hence, there are almost non-existent stocks.