Chapter 4 Adaptation of Syllable
4.3 Another Issue concerning Syllable Adaptation- The Deletion of / /
Apart from other vowels, the adaptation of the back unrounded vowel // sometimes will incur deletion. By examining the data, we can find that the deletion is limited to some specific environments; thus, in this section, we will scrutinize the data. The data concerning
17 http://klokah.tw/resource/
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the adaptation of vowel // is given below in (149).
(149) Examples of the adaptation of vowel //
Japanese Puyuma Gloss the first group, // simply changes to [u]. The second group, on the contrary, changes // to [, u and ]. At the first glance, it might not be logical to assemble data (149c-149i) into a group. However, by considering the environment of //, we can notice that except for (149a-149b), other data are surrounded by voiceless consonants or in the word final position preceded by a voiceless consonant. This environment is identical to the condition in which high vowel devoicing process occurs in Japanese. The rule is in (150):
(150) High vowels devoicing rule (Tsujimura 2007)
V [+high] V/ C [-voice] _______ {C [-voice] or #}
Although the real force that drives the deletion and the reason why it happens only to
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// rather than other high vowel, namely /i/, are still unknown, we can find that the back unrounded vowel is deleted whenever possible, as can be seen in (149h-149i). The reason why data (149c-149g) do not undergo deletion is because if the deletion happens, complex structures, either complex onset or complex coda, will occur. For example, if the vowel // is deleted in //, it will become [; the unattested datum with complex onset structure then appears. If the deletion happens in //, then the incorrect output [kipp]
with complex coda will emerge. Thus, from the given examples, the deletion of back unrounded vowel can serve as an evidence supporting Teng’s analysis. That is to say, Puyuma, except for vowel cluster, disfavors complex structure. The proposed constraint ranking in (148) should be modified as below in (151). That is, the constraint which prohibits complex coda, namely, *COMPLEXCODA, should also be dominant in the language.
(151) Summary of the constraint ranking of syllable structure (revised) *COMPLEXONS, *COMPLEXCODA, MAX-IO, [ONSET&SYLLROLE]Seg
cut-off >> SYLLROLE
>> DEP-IO
>> NO-CODA, ONSET
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Chapter 5 Conclusion
In this thesis, we have discussed the adaptations of Puyuma loanwords borrowed from Japanese. In the adaptation of long vowels, long vowels are always prohibited to appear in loanwords; thus, the constraint NVL plays a crucial role in avoiding the appearance of long vowels. As for the adaptations of other vowels, we can see that the features [back] and [low]
should be fully respected in Puyuma. Therefore, with IDENT-IO (back), IDENT-IO (low), and other conjoined constraints in dominant positions, we can make a correct evaluation on the selection of vowel.
In the adaptations of onset consonants, generally speaking, the features [nasal], [strident] and [retroflex] should be faithfully obeyed. The competitors with opposite value concerning these features with the input are doomed to be ruled out.
In the adaptations of obstruents, when the input is a voiced obstruent, there will be a voiceless counterpart as the suboptimal output. However, if the input is a voiceless obstruent, the voiced counterpart will not be selected as the suboptimal output. To achieve this, the relative rankings of constraints IDENT-IO (voice) and [IDENT-IO (voice)&VOP]Seg are very important; the conjoined constraint should be above the cut-off and outrank the faithfulness constraint.
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Next, we turn to the adaptation of nasal coda. As we can observe, the labial nasal /m/
can be selected as output only when it is the input. Therefore, the constraint which prohibits the addition of feature [labial], i.e., DEP-IO(labial), has to be dominant so as to prevent [m]
from being selected when the input is the other nasals.. Then, accompanying with two other constraints above the cut-off, namely, * and [MAX-IO(labial) & *PL/DOR]Seg, the variation of nasal coda can be predicted. However, this constraint ranking will result in wrong predictions when it is applied to nasal onset. For instance, when the input of the nasal onset is /m/, both [m] and [n] will be chosen, which is contradictory to the attested data. To prevent this, the positional faithfulness constraint IDENT-ONSET(place), which disallows the alternation of the place of articulation of onset consonant, plays a crucial role in making the correct selection.
Finally, concerning the adaptation of syllable structure, since Puyuma does not have complex onset, the constraint *COMPLEXONS should be highest ranked. Complex onsets are adapted by vowel insertion and glide transformation rather than the deletion of part of the segment in complex onset; thus, the MAX-IO should also be in the highest ranking.
In this research, some of the residual issues are left for future studies. First, we cannot know whether the coda in Puyuma carries weight or not since the stress is always placed at word-final syllable. Second, the constraint ranking might predict the unattested output sometimes. For instance, the unattested output [s] is predicted when the input is /t/. More
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data need to be collected so as to make sure if the prediction is correct or not. Third, the force that triggers the deletion of devoiced // is still unknown. These questions are open for the future research.
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220 interview
221 tube
222 a dozen
223 committee member
224 committee
225 elevator
226 swordfish
227 gallon (加侖)
228 program (節目)
229 rich
230 Thanksgiving
231 drawer
232 camel
233 donky
234 coast oak (木麻黃樹)
235 olive
236 interesting
237 lawyer
238 ramie (苧麻)