卑南語的外來借字:優選理論分析

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(1)國立臺灣師範大學英語學系碩. 士. 論. 文. Master’s Thesis Department of English National Taiwan Normal University. 卑南語的外來借字:優選理論分析. Loanwords in Puyuma: An Optimality Theory Analysis. 指導教授：林蕙珊博士 Advisor: Dr. Hui-shan Lin 研究生：林政明 Student: Cheng-ming Lin. 中華民國一O四年七月 July 2015.

(2) 摘要. 本研究探討南王卑南語日語借字的改適(adaptation)。透過對外來借字的研究，我們可以更加認識卑南語的音韻系統。本文的分析方法採用優選理論(Optimality Theory) (Prince and Smolensky [1993, 2004], McCarthy and Prince 1993)及其衍伸而出的評價排序模組 (Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE) (Coetzee 2006)) 及聯合制約 (Local Conjunction (Smolensky 1993, 1995, 1997))。在借字音韻學(loanword phonology)的研究裡，當外來字被借入時，不符合借入語音韻系統的外來音段及音節結構會被改適，改適後方能符合借入語的音韻系統。而在卑南語外來借字的音段研究裡，我們可以發現三種現象:當卑南語及日語間有相同的音段時，該音段會被如實地借入，不須改適。而當日語的語音在卑南語裡找不到相同的音段時，該音段會被改變成相似的卑南語語音亦或是保持不變。為了要理解哪些語音特徵 (phonetic feature)在改適時須被保存或改變，日語及卑南語的語音矩陣(feature matrix)在本文裡皆有提供。另外，在輸出值(output)的選擇中，標記制約(markedness constraint) 亦佔有重要的一席之地。而在音節結構的改適裡，日語裡複雜的音節頭(onset)結構(CjV)在卑南語的音韻系統裡是不被允許的。為了要改適，三種方法可能被採用:一為元音插入(vowel insertion)；一為滑音刪除(glide deletion)；最後一個方法為滑音轉變(glide transformation)。在檢核語料後，我們發現卑南語較偏向採取元音插入的方法來改適日語借字裡複雜的音節頭結構。之後，相關的制約排序亦被提出以解釋此現象。. 關鍵字:卑南語、優選理論、借字音韻學. i.

(3) Abstract. This research studies the adaptations of Nanwang Puyuma loanwords borrowed from Japanese. By studying the loanwords in Puyuma, we can know more about the phonological system of Puyuma. Within this research, the data are analyzed by means of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky [1993, 2004], McCarthy and Prince 1993); the extending theories of classical OT are also used, that is, Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE) (Coetzee 2006) and Local Conjunction (Smolensky 1993, 1995, 1997). In loanword phonology, when foreign words are borrowed, the illicit segments and syllable structures are adapted so as to fit into the phonological system of the borrowing language. Concerning the adaptations of segments, we can observe that if the sounds in Japanese can find identical correspondents in Puyuma’s phonemic inventory, they will be faithfully borrowed. However, if the sounds cannot find the same sounds, they will be either adapted into similar sounds in Puyuma or be faithfully borrowed. In order to explain the alternation, the feature matrices are given so that we can identify which feature needs to be respected in Puyuma. Moreover, the markedness constraints also play important roles in selecting the attested candidate. As for the adaptation of syllable, the complex CjV structure in Japanese is not allowed in Puyuma. In order to fit into the phonological system of Puyuma, three possible solutions might be taken, that is, vowel insertion (/CjV/  [CV.jV]), glide deletion (/CjV/  [CV]) and glide transformation (/CjV/  [CiG./Ci.V]). As can be seen in the data, we can find that vowel insertion is more preferred in Puyuma. The relative constraint ranking for vowel insertion is thus proposed.. Key words: Puyuma, Optimality Theory, loanword phonology ii.

(4) Acknowledgement. 經過那麼長的一段時間，我的碩士生涯終於要告一段落了。首先，我要先感謝我的父母，感謝他們讓我在毫無壓力的狀況下完成我的學業；感謝他們無時無刻的關心我的一切瑣事，並給予最大的支持與鼓勵。接著，我要感謝蕙珊老師，每當我們討論分析時，老師總能指出我分析上的盲點，並在分析遇到瓶頸時，她也會提供我多方面思考的方向。撰寫論文期間，若非她的督促與鼓勵，這本論文應該無法那麼順利的完成。再者，我要感謝口試委員瑾瑋老師以及秀雪老師，感謝你們在我口試的時候，給予我很多新的想法，讓我的論文能更加完整並嚴謹。接下來，我要感謝我的兩位田調發音人:清美老師以及香美老師，感謝你們能在百忙之中接受我的訪問；若沒有你們兩位老師的熱情協助、提供我足夠的語料，這份論文根本不可能開始亦無法完成。最後，我要感謝我的班上同學，特別是雅雯、偉珊以及怡萱，雖然我機車的個性讓你們很多時候都很想把我丟到淡水河裡，倘若在碩士班就讀的這段期間裡沒有你們的陪伴及相處嬉鬧，研究生活一定會過得非常枯燥乏味。由衷感謝、並祝福所有曾經幫助過我的人!. iii.

(5) Table of Contents 摘要....................................................................................................................................i Abstract.....................................................................................................................................ii Acknowledgment……………………………………………………………………………iii Table of Contents....................................................................................................................iv. Chapter 1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………..….1 1.1 Introduction to Loanword Phonology……………………………………………………..1 1.2 Background Knowledge of Puyuma………………………………...…………………….2 1.3 Methodology………………………………………………………………………………3 1.4 Organization of the Thesis………………………………………………………………...4. Chapter 2 Literature Review………………………………………………………………..6 2.1 An Introduction to Optimality Theory…………………………………………………….6 2.2 An Introduction to Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE)……………………………….8 2.3 An Introduction to Local Conjunction…………………………………………………...10. Chapter 3 Segmental Adaptations………………………………………………………..13 3.0 Overview…………………………………………………………………………………13 3.1 An Introduction to Segment Inventories………………………………………………....14 3.1.1 Puyuma Segment Inventory……………………..……………………………....14 3.1.2 Japanese Segment Inventory…………………..………………………………...16 3.2 Adaptations of Vowels………………………………………………………………….19 3.2.1 The Adaptation of Japanese Long Vowels…………….……………………….19 3.2.2 The Adaptation of /e/…………………………………………………………….22 iv.

(6) 3.2.3 The Adaptation of /o/…………………………………………………………….25 3.2.4 The Adaptation of //…………………………………………………………...28 3.2.5 The Examination of the Ranking………………………………………………...31 3.2.6 Summary of the Adaptations of Vowels………………………………………..33 3.3 Adaptations of Onset Consonants……………………………………………………....34 3.3.1 Stops…………………………………………………………………………..…35 3.3.1.1 Voiced Stops and Nasal Stops…………………………………………..35 3.3.1.2 Voiceless Stops………………………………………………………….44 3.3.2 Fricatives………………………………………………………………………...48 3.3.3 Affricates………………………………………………………………………...55 3.3.4 The Adaptation of Flap //……………………………………………………….61 3.3.5 Summary………………………………………………………………………...64 3.4 Adaptations of Coda Consonants……………………………………………………….66 3.5 The Emergence of the Illicit Sounds……………………………………………………..76. Chapter 4 Adaptation of Syllable………………………………………………………….79 4.0 Overview………………………………………………………………………………....79 4.1 Comparisons of Puyuma and Japanese Syllable Structures……………………………...79 4.1.1 An Introduction to Puyuma Syllable Structure……………………………….…80 4.1.2 An Introduction to Japanese Syllable Structure………………………………....81 4.1.3 Comparisons of the Two Languages’ Syllable Structures……………………….82 4.2. Adaptations of the Syllable Structures…………………………………………………..82 4.2.1 Analysis of the Adaptation of Syllable………………………………………..…82 4.2.2 Analysis of the Puyuma Word………………………………………………...…86 4.3 Another Issue concerning Syllable Adaptation- The Deletion of //…………………....89. v.

(7) Chapter 5 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………...92. References………………………………………………………………………………....95 Appendix: Fieldwork Data………………………………………………………………100. vi.

(8) Chapter 1 Introduction. 1.1 Introduction to Loanword Phonology Loanwords are very prevalent across human languages. According to the definition in Macmillan English Dictionary (2007), loanword is ‘a word from one language that is used in another language without being changed.’ As can be attested from my own data and previous studies (such as Hsu 2003; Rose and Demuth 2006; Liao 2014), the given definition is only partly correct. Indeed, loanwords are borrowed from one language (source language) to another (borrowing language). However, within the procedure when the words are being borrowed, the borrowed words are very likely to alter so as to comply with the phonology system of the borrowing language. The reasons why foreign words are borrowed into the language are, according to Hsu (2003), ‘substitutions’ and ‘importations.’ As mentioned, the former refers to the replacements for the native words when two languages are in contact; the latter, refers to the entering of foreign words into the lexicon in order to fulfill the lexical gaps. The cases in Puyuma, just like what Hsu pointed out in Amis, belong to the latter condition.. 1.

(9) 1.2 Background Knowledge of Puyuma This section provides a brief introduction to Puyuma tribe. Officially, there are sixteen tribes recognized by the authority. According to the Internet material provided by the Council of Indigenous People, the overall population of the aborigines is about 530,000 people. Puyuma tribe contains only about 13,300 people. It is not one of the biggest tribes in Taiwan. In spite of the fact that many Puyuma people (they call themselves ‘pinuyumayan’) have already moved to urban area such as Taipei to work and live, their very hometown is in eastern Taiwan, mainly in Taitung City and Beinan Township in Taitung County. In the past, Puyuma tribe is also called ‘Pa-Sher-Fan (eight-sub-tribe-natives),’ since it is composed of eight traditional sub-tribes.1. History has it that the Puyuma tribe has once governed other. tribes in eastern Taiwan during Ching Dynasty. Nowadays, the eight sub-tribes are further extended into ten sub-tribes because some residents have moved to other places to live.2 Then, we are to discuss something about the dialects in Puyuma. Based on Teng (2008), scholars still cannot reach an agreement on how many dialects there are in Puyuma. In her research, she cited the study done by Ting in 1978, which is shown in (1).. 1. The eight traditional sub-tribes of Puyuma, according to Cheng and Lin (1994) are Puyuma, Katratripulr, Kasavakan, Likavung, Tamalrakaw, Ulivelivek, Alripay and Pinaseki. (The names of the subtribes are written in accordance with their own dialects.) 2 The two extended sub-tribes are Danadanaw (extended from Ulivelivek) and Papulu (extended from Puyuma). 2.

(10) (1) The dialects of Puyuma (from Teng (2008) and Ting (1978)). Proto Puyuma. Nanwang (Puyuma). Pinaseki, Ulivelivek, Likavung, Kasavakan, Katratripulr Katipul. Pinaseki and Ulivelivek. Pinaseki. Likavung. Ulivelivek. Kasavakan and Katratripulr. Kasavakan. Katratripulr. As can be seen in (1), aside from Nanwang (Puyuma) dialect, which forms one subgroup, the other dialects belong to the other subgroup. Teng indicates that the other dialects have undergone the process of changing voiced stop into fricatives (for instance, ‘the consonant /b/ in Nanwang would become /v/ in Likavung, Kasavakan and Katratripulr,’3). This research chiefly focuses on Nanwang dialect.. 1.3 Methodology Research on Puyuma language is limited. Thus, to conduct this study, it is necessary to collect as many data as possible so as to know more about not only the Puyuma loanword 3. Other instances mentioned are: “//// in Pinaseki and Ulivelivek; ////, ////, //// in all the other dialects.” Teng (2008:5) However, in Zeng (2009), he only mentioned that the dialectal changes from stops in Puyuma to fricatives in other dialects are //  //, //  // and //  //. 3.

(11) phonology but also the overall picture of Puyuma phonology. In the first stage of this research, data from Zeng (2009) will be examined. Although the given data in the dictionary mainly come from other dialects (stone-origin tribes4), it is still worth examining especially in the primary stage of the research when the data base is very small. In the second stage, fieldwork would begin. Two informants, Lin, Ching-mei and Zeng, Xiang-mei, will be included. Both of them are above fifty years old. The former one is now the principal of the Puyuma Wreath School. Moreover, she is also the one who writes and compiles the teaching material for Puyuma Nanwang dialect. Both of them grew up in Nanwang village and can speak their mother tongue fluently so they are adequate to be the informants. To elicit the data, it might be too wild to ask them about what loanwords they can come up with; thus, the list of Amis loanwords provided by Hsu in her thesis on Amis loanwords are used as a reference to ask for the loanwords in Puyuma. The reason for this way of elicitation is because both Amis and Puyuma are Formosan languages; it is very likely that they lack of similar words. Therefore, both languages need to borrow such words into their lexicon when exposed to languages such as Japanese and Taiwan Southern Min.. 1.4 Organization of the Thesis The thesis is organized as below. In chapter 1, the introduction of this thesis is given. In. 4. According to Puyuma mythology, there are two kinds of origins: bamboo-origin and stone-origin. Nanwang dialect, aside from other dialects in Puyuma, belongs to the bamboo-origin. 4.

(12) chapter 2, some literature reviews concerning traditional and modified Optimality Theory are provided. In chapter 3, the analyses of consonants adaptations are illustrated, while in chapter 4, the analyses of Puyuma native syllable and the adaptations of loanwords syllable structures are specified. Finally, in chapter 5, concluding remarks concerning the issues tackled in this thesis will be addressed.. 5.

(13) Chapter 2 Literature Review. In this chapter, we first introduce the concept of classical Optimality Theory in §2.1. After introducing the traditional OT, we will review the concepts of Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE) in §2.2 and Local Conjunction in §2.3. These concepts are used to analyze data in this thesis.. 2.1 An Introduction to Optimality Theory Optimality Theory is proposed by Prince and Smolensky (1993, 2004) and McCarthy and Prince (1993). It is composed of notions such as Input, Output, Candidates, Generator, Evaluator and set of Constraints. In this theory, when an input is given, the generator will generate an infinite set of possible candidates; these candidates will be examined by the Evaluator. Within the Evaluator, a number of constraints, which are violable, are set in hierarchical sequence. The higher-ranked constraints will be put on the left-hand side of the tableau (like Constraint A, B and C in comparison with Constraint D in Tableau (2)), while the lower ones will be placed on the right-hand side (like Constraint B, C and D in comparison with Constraint A in Tableau (2)). The idea is that among these possible candidates, a candidate will be ruled out if it violates the higher-ranked constraint; the 6.

(14) survival one, even though it might violate the lower-ranked constraint, is the most harmonic one with respect to the specific constraint ranking (grammar). Therefore, as can be seen in Tableau (2), Candidate A violates the highest constraint (Constraint A) once (indicated by “*”); it is then ruled out (marked by “!”). Candidate B is also ruled out because it violates the relatively higher constraint (Constraint B) than Candidate C does. Even though Candidate C violates some of the constraints, it is still selected to be the optimal (harmonic) candidate (indicated by “. ”) because the violated. constraints are lower-ranked.. (2) An application of Optimality Theory Input: Candidate Candidate A. Constraint A. Constraint B. *!. Constraint C. Constraint D. *. Candidate B. *! *. Candidate C. *. After the competition, one candidate will be selected as the optimal candidate which can be attested in the language. The above idea concerning Optimality Theory can be illustrated by the figure cited from Kager (1999:8) in (3):. 7.

(15) (3) Optimality Theory schema:. C1. >>. C2. >>…. Cn. Candidate a Candidate b Input. Candidate c Candidate d. Output. Candidate…. 2.2 An Introduction to Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE) The Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE) is conceptualized by Coetzee (2006) in order to explain variations. It is different from the traditional Optimality Theory in that when dealing with variations, the constraints of the traditional OT needs to be re-ranked so as to explain the variations; on the contrary, with the help of ROE, the relative ranking does not have to alter. Furthermore, the frequency of the occurrence of the variants can be properly predicted in the ROE model. To achieve this, there is a ‘cut-off’ between the constraints. The cut-off separates the tableau into two layers. If all the candidates violate the constraints above the cut-off, the selection is just like that of the traditional OT; the one that violates the lower-ranked constraint is the most harmonic one. However, if some of the candidates can pass through the cut-off, the violations of the constraints above the cut-off are fatal, while the 8.

(16) violations of the constraints below the cut-off incur not fatality. The candidates that pass through the cut-off are all possible candidates except that their frequencies of the appearances are different. The frequencies of the occurrences of the variants are predicted by the constraints below the cut-off. When the candidate infringes the higher ranked constraint below the cut-off, it would be the less frequent variant. The application of ROE is illustrated in (4).. (4) The illustration of the application of ROE Cut-off Input. C1. a.. 1. CandidateA. b.. 2. CandidateB. c.. CandidateC. d.. CandidateD. C2. C3. C4 *. * *! *!. As we can see in tableau (4), four competitors compete with each other. There are four constraints as well. Constraints C1 and C2 are above the cut-off, while constraints C3 and C4 are below the cut-off. Both candidates (c-d) are ruled out since they incur violation of the constraints C1 and C2 which are above the cut-off. Candidates (c-d) infringe constraints C3 and C4 located below the cut-off, but the infringements are not severe enough to rule out both candidates. Thus, candidates (c-d) are two possible variants. The candidate (b) is predicted to be the less frequent variant because it violates the dominant constraint under the cut-off while. 9.

(17) candidate (a) is the more frequent variant since it violates the less dominant constraint under the cut-off. To indicate the frequencies of the appearances, the number is subscripted to the pointing hand. For instance, on the contrary,. 2. 1 means. that the pointed candidate is the more frequent one;. indicates that the pointed candidate is less frequent.. 2.3 An Introduction to Local Conjunction Local Conjunction is proposed by Smolensky (1993, 1995, 1997). Apart from traditional OT analysis, Local Conjunction allows that two separate constraints can conjoin with each other. The conjoined constraint is violated if and only if the two component constraints are violated within the same domain simultaneously. Furthermore, concerning the hierarchy of the constraints, the conjoined one should always outrank the component constraints, while the two composing constraints freely rank with each other. To be more concrete, the concept of Local Conjunction, stated by Smolensky (1995) is given below in (5).. (5) The Local Conjunction of C1 and C2 in domain D (Smolensky 1995; Padgett 2002) a. C1&C2 is violated when there is some D in which both C1 and C2 are violated. b. Universally C1&C2 >> C1,C2. 10.

(18) The application of Local Conjunction is illustrated in (6). As we can see in tableau (6), four candidates compete with each other. The constraint [C1 & C2]D is the conjoined constraint which outdoes two of its element constraints, namely, C1 and C2. D is the specific domain; it could be a segment, a syllable, etc. CandidateD is ruled out by the conjoined constraint [C1 & C2]D because it incurs violations of the constraints C1 and C2 at the same time. On the contrary, CandidateC and CandidateB are rejected by constraints C1 and C2 respectively. The violation of the conjoined constraint does not happen because both CandidateC and CandidateB do not violation two composing constraints simultaneously. At last, the CandidateA is selected as the optimal output.. (6) The illustration of the application of Local Conjunction [C1 & C2]D. Input a.. CandidateA. b.. CandidateB. c.. CandidateC. d.. CandidateD. C1. C2 *!. *! *!. *. *. Since Local Conjunction involves the conjunction of two constraints in a certain domain, questions concerning the restrictions of component constraints and possible domains would naturally arise. However, even though many scholars (such as Kirchner 1996, Fukazawa & Miglio 1998, Lubowicz 2002, Nathan 2001) have proposed their viewpoints, little consensus has been reached. (Padgett 2002) Besides, as pointed out in Padgett, the 11.

(19) framework of local conjunction should be relinquished because it will cause WOW (“worst of the worst”) effect, i.e., ‘the combined effects amount to a separately rankable, dominant constraint.’ Thus, the strict domination of constraint in classical Optimality Theory cannot hold. However, in this study, we still need to utilize this framework to account for the adaptations of several Japanese sounds. Take the adaptation of // for instance, both [] and [u] are selected as attested outputs. It will be shown that the conjoined constraint [IDENT-IO(round)& *SCHWA]Seg plays a decisive role. Constraint IDENT-IO(round) alone will ban the selection of round vowel [u] when the input is the unrounded vowel // while constraint *SCHWA forbid the appearance of []. The use of [IDENT-IO(round)& *SCHWA]Seg can enable us to select both [u] and [] at the same time when the input is unrounded vowel //.. 12.

(20) Chapter 3 Segmental Adaptations. 3.0 Overview As we have mentioned in the introduction, loanword phonology has something to do with two different languages, namely, source language (Ls) and borrowing language (Lb). When words are borrowed from Ls, they are very likely to undergo some changes so as to fit into the phonology system of Lb while at the same time be as faithful to the inputs as possible. In other words, the illicit structures (from segmental to suprasegmental) of the loanwords from Lb’s perspectives would be adapted so that these words can fulfill the phonological requirements of Lb. But in the following discussion, we can find that the loanwords in Puyuma are peculiar that some illegal sounds are retained without being replaced by other native phonemes of Puyuma. We will discuss this phenomenon at the end of this chapter. Furthermore, concerning the data, in this research, if the percentage of the attested data is less than 5 percent, they will be treated as exceptions. In the following few sections, we will see the adaptation of segments. In §3.1, the segment inventories of both Puyuma and Japanese would be introduced. In §3.2, the adaptation of vowels will be discussed. In §3.3, the adaptation of onset consonants will be examined. In §3.4, we will focus on the adaptation of coda consonants. In §3.5, a discussion 13.

(21) of the emergence of the illicit sounds will be provided.. 3.1 An Introduction to Segment Inventories Before we move on discussing the adaptation of vowels and consonants, in this section, we first need to review the segment inventories of both Puyuma and Japanese.. 3.1.1 Puyuma Segment Inventory This section begins by reviewing all the vowels in Puyuma, then, we will have a brief summary of the consonants in the language. The vowel inventory of Puyuma, as can be seen in (7), contains only four vowels in total. In addition to the four vowels, Puyuma has an allophone vowel, namely the mid back rounded vowel [o]. Concerning the allophone [o], both Huang (2000) and Teng (2008) indicate that it is attained when the phoneme /u/ is in specific condition; that is, preceding velar nasal. The rewrite rule is given in (8).. (7) Puyuma vowel inventory. High. Front . Central. Mid.  [e]. Low. . Note: The alphabet in the brackets is the orthographic writing.. 14. Back .

(22) (8) //  [] / ______ [+velar, +nasal]: High round vowel transforms into mid round vowel when preceding a velar nasal.. As for consonants, according to Teng, there are eighteen consonants in total in Nanwang Puyuma dialect, which can be seen in (9). In Nanwang Puyuma, all the stops, except for the glottal stop, make contrast in whether they are voiced or not. There is only one fricative in Nanwang dialect which is the voiceless alveolar fricative /s/. The other fricative sound /h/, based on Huang, is used only in loanwords, so it is not counted as one of the native sounds in Nanwang Puyuma. The voiced counterpart of /s/, namely //, though absent in Nanwang, can be observed in other dialects, which replaces // [dr] in Nanwang dialect. As mentioned earlier, other dialects have more fricatives since many stops in Nanwang dialect have been changed into fricatives in these dialects. Unlike all other Formosan languages, three consonants, retroflex voiceless stop // [tr], retroflex voiced stop // [dr] and retroflex lateral // [lr] are widely used in Nanwang dialect.. 15.

(23) (9) Puyuma consonant inventory Alveolar. Retroflex. Velar. Glottal. -vd. . .  [tr]. .  [’]. +vd. . .  [dr]. . . . Nasal Fricative. . Laterals. . Trill. . Glide. Palatal. Bilabial. Stop.  [ng] (h)  [lr]. .  [y]. Note: The alphabets in the brackets are the orthographic writing.. 3.1.2 Japanese Segment Inventory Next, we continue reviewing the segments of Japanese. Likewise, an introduction of vowels is prior to that of the consonants. The vowel inventory of Japanese is illustrated in Table (10). Japanese has five vowels. The high back vowel // is very marked across languages because it is [+back] but unrounded. Furthermore, vowel length in Japanese is also phonemic. Long and short monophthongs lead to different meanings, for example, [] ‘aunt’ and [] ‘grandmother.’. 16.

(24) (10) Japanese vowel inventory. High. Front , . Mid. , . Central. Back ,  , . , . Low. As for consonants, there are twenty-three consonants in Japanese, as shown in Table (11). Notice that the voicing contrast shows not only in stops, but also in fricatives and affricates. And there is a special uvular nasal sound // that occur only before a pause (Labrune 2012, Tsujimura 2007).. (11) Japanese consonant inventories. +vd. . . . -vd. . . . +vd. . -vd. s. . +vd. z. . . . .  . Glide Liquid. . Glottal. . Uvular. . Velar. . Palatal. Nasal. -vd. AlveoPalatal. Affricate. Alveolar. Fricative. Labial. Stop. . . . The derivational rules of Japanese, indicated in Tsujimura (2007), are listed below. They are all adhered during the transcription of data. 17.

(25) (12) //  nasal [α place] / _____ C [α place]: The // would become variant which agrees with the place of the articulation of the following consonant.. (13) Alveolar alternation: a. //  [s] / _____ : Voiceless alveolar stop changes into voiceless alveolar affricate when preceding high back unrounded vowel. b. //  [] / _____ : Voiceless alveolar stop becomes voiceless alveo-palatal affricate before high front vowel. c. //  [] / _____ : Voiceless alveolar fricative turns into voiceless alveo-palatal fricative if followed by high front vowel. d. //  [] / _____ : Voiced alveolar fricative surfaces as voiced alveo-palatal affricate when preceding high front vowel.. (14) /h/ alternations: a. //  [] / _____ : Voiceless glottal fricative is realized as voiceless labial fricative when followed by high back unrounded vowel. b. //  [] / _____ : Voiceless glottal fricative surfaces as voiceless palatal fricative when followed by high front vowel.. On inspecting phonological rules (12-14), people might wonder whether we should still treat the corresponding allophones [s, , , , , ] as phonemes because their occurrences are highly predictable. From Tsujimura’s viewpoint, they should maintain their phonemic 18.

(26) status since there are data showing that they can appear in some other circumstances, for instance, [tes] ‘chess’ and [] ‘woman,’ which are not predicted by the mentioned rules. But, at the same time, they are also the allophones of the phonemes /t, s, z, h/. To conclude, it is prevalent for languages to have sounds ‘restricted to certain environments.’ (Tsujimura 2007). 3.2 Adaptations of Vowels As mentioned, in the previous section, there are four vowels in Puyuma, namely, /a/, /u/, // and /i/. As for Japanese, there are five vowels in the inventory in total, that is, /a/, //, /e/, /o/ and /i/; vowel length is phonemic. From the field work data, we can notice that loanwords containing vowels [a] and [i] will be borrowed faithfully without any changes; thus, they will be examined only to testify whether the constraint ranking that we have proposed for other vowels is still workable. To begin with, we would analyze the loanwords involving long vowels.. 3.2.1 The Adaptation of Japanese Long Vowels As we have discussed previously, unlike Puyuma, Japanese makes contrast in vowel length. Even though the vowel length in Puyuma sometimes leads to differences in meaning, for example, [kaiju] ‘there’ and [kaiju] ‘over there,’ the usage of this kind is highly 19.

(27) restricted; it only occurs for emphatic purpose and words which can undergo this procedure are very little. Thus, vowel length in Puyuma is not considered as phonemic. After examining the fieldwork data, all words with long vowels borrowed from Japanese transformed into the corresponding short vowels. The percentage and examples are given below in (15-16).. (15) Adaptation of long vowels Japanese source V：. Puyuma correspondent. Number. Total. Percentage. V. 82. 82. 100%. (16) Examples of the long vowels adaptation to short vowels (V  V). a. b. c. d. e.. Japanese     . Puyuma    ~  . Gloss ‘soda’ ‘factory’ ‘English’ ‘motorcycle’ ‘score’. To explain the adaptation of long vowels, the following constraints are needed. They are listed in (17-19).. (17) NLV: No long vowel is allowed.. (18) DEP-IO: Output segments must have input correspondents. (‘No epenthesis.’). 20.

(28) (19) MAX-μ-IO: Input moras should have output correspondents. (‘No mora deletion.’). The tableau dealing with the adaptation of long vowels is in (20). Candidate (20a) retains the original long vowel. Candidates (20b-c) use different strategies to avoid having long vowel. Candidate (20b) removes one of the moras from the long vowel; thus, the long vowel /o/ becomes the short one. Candidate (20c) inserts an additional vowel so as to take away one of the moras from the long vowel. Candidate (20d) inserts an additional consonant in the coda position. But in this research, we cannot state that the inserted coda would take over one of the moras from the long vowel. The reason is that the stress in Puyuma is always placed at word-final syllable. Therefore, we cannot know if the coda consonant bears weight or not. As there is no other evidence showing that the coda consonant in Puyuma is moraic, we would like to leave the issue for future study. Notice that the uncertainty of whether the coda carries weight does not have any effect on this research since the insertion of a coda consonant already violates DEP-IO. The candidate that violates MAX-μ-IO, namely (20b), is survived. Even though Puyuma disfavors the long vowels, the remedy that adds extra segments to solve the condition of long vowels is also disfavored by the language. Therefore, to correctly rule out candidates (20a & 20c-d), we should pose the constraints NLV and DEP-IO above MAX-μ-IO.. 21.

(29) (20) The adaptation of long vowels to short vowels (V  V) / i/ ‘bank’. NLV. DEP-IO. a.. i. b.. i. c.. iV. *!. d.. iC. *!. MAX-μ-IO. *! * (*)5. 3.2.2 The Adaptation of /e/ In this section, we are to examine the adaptation of /e/. First of all, let us see how the vowel /e/ is adapted. From (21), we can notice that both [i] and [e] are attested outputs. Moreover, they can appear in similar circumstances, as can be seen in (22) below, that is to say, they are not phonologically conditioned. Therefore, they are treated as variations. In order to explain the collected data in variation, we will use the ROE model (Coetzee 2006) to analyze them. Furthermore, we should note that the ROE model is widely used throughout this thesis because in most of the cases, we cannot find specific phonological environment that determines the selections of more than one output. Thus, they are all treated as variations.. (21) Adaptation of vowel /e/ into [i] and [e] Japanese source e. Puyuma correspondent. Number. i. 31. e 6. a. 5 6. 34 1. Total. Percentage 46.9 %. 66. 51.5 % 1.5 %. As we are not sure whether the coda is moraic, the violation mark of MAX-μ-IO is in parenthesis. The exception is //] ‘Abraham.’ 22.

(30) (22) Examples of the /e/ adaptation Japanese      . a. b. c. d. e. f.. Puyuma      . Gloss ‘dictionary’ ‘plum’ ‘English’ ‘electricity’ ‘pond’ ‘pencil’. Before we go on analyzing the adaptation of /e/, we should first review the feature matrices of vowels. The features of all the related vowels that we will discuss in this few subsections are listed in (23).. (23) Feature matrices for vowels i. . u. e. o. a. . √. √. √. √. √. √. √. High. +. +. +. -. -. -. -. Low. -. -. -. -. -. +. -. Back. -. +. +. -. +. +. +. √. √. √. -. +. +. Dorsal. Labial Round. In the following, a summary of the constraints that are used in explaining the adaptation of /e/ is provided. The related constraints are listed in (24-26). Notice that the constraint (26) is proposed due to the fact that /e/ is not a native phoneme of Puyuma. However, as we can notice below, the use of this constraint does not necessarily mean that the mentioned sound cannot emerge after adaptation.. 23.

(31) (24) IDENT-IO(back): Assign one violation mark for every feature change of [back] from input to output correspondent.. (25) IDENT-IO(high): Assign one violation mark for every feature change of [high] from input to output correspondent.. (26) *e: Assign one violation mark for every mid front unrounded vowel [e].. The analysis is illustrated in (27). As can be seen in (27), all the vowels are put into consideration. Since the optimal outputs are [e] and [i], we should find a constraint to rule out all the other vowels. By inspecting the feature matrices in (23), we can find that the difference between [e, i] and the other vowels [, a, u, o] is that except for [e] and [i], others are [+back] vowels. So, in order to exclude the [+back] vowels, the constraint IDENT-IO(back) should outrank all the other constraints. Furthermore, due to the fact that both [e] and [i] are observed in the data, to choose them both, there should be a cut-off under the constraint IDENT-IO(back). Finally, from the percentage provided in (21), we know that vowel [e] is optimal and vowel [i] is suboptimal. To demonstrate this phenomenon, the constraint which vowel [i] violates, namely IDENT-IO(high), should outrank the constraint that vowel [e] violates, i.e., *e, so that we can ensure the selection is correct.. 24.

(32) (27) The adaptation of /e/ to [e] and [i] /e/ a. b. c.. 1. IDENT-IO(back). *e. e. *. i . *!. d.. a. *!. e.. u. *!. f.. o. *!. 2. IDENT-IO(high) *. *. 3.2.3 The Adaptation of /o/ In the adaptation of /o/, likewise, more than one output is chosen. The statistics and the examples are shown in (28) and (29) respectively.. (28) Adaptation of vowel /o/ into [u] and [o] Japanese source o. Puyuma correspondent. Number. u. 39. o. 64. 7. a. 1. Total. Percentage 37.5 %. 104. 61.5 % 0.9 %. (29) Examples of the /o/ adaptation. 7. a.. Japanese . Puyuma . Gloss ‘herbage’. b. c. d. e. f..     . . ‘car’ ‘motorcycle’ ‘apple’ ‘hundred million’ ‘dragonfly’. ~   . The exception is //  [kampijuta] ‘computer.’ 25.

(33) Except for the above constraints mentioned in (24-26), other constraints should be provided so as to explain why vowel /o/ changes into [u] and [o] after borrowing. The relevant constraints are listed in (30-34) below.. (30) *o: Assign one violation mark for every mid back rounded vowel [o].. (31) IDENT-IO(low): Assign one violation mark for every feature change of [low] from input to output correspondent.. (32) *SCHWA: No schwa. (Cote 2006). (33) IDENT-IO(round): Assign one violation mark for every feature change of [round] from input to output correspondent.. (34) [IDENT-IO(round)& *SCHWA]Seg: A violation mark is given if and only if, within a scope of segment, IDENT-IO(round) that requires the feature [round] in the output has a correspondent in the input and. *SCHWA that disfavors the appearance of the vowel [] are. simultaneously violated.. The adaptation of vowel /o/ to vowel [o] and vowel [u] are shown in tableau (35). From the statistics in (28), we can know that both mid back rounded vowel [o] and high back rounded vowel [u] are possible outputs. The appearance of [o] is more frequent than that of [u]. On the contrary, other vowels should be discarded. So, to exclude both front vowels [e] 26.

(34) and [i] from being selected, the constraint IDENT-IO(back) plays a crucial role. The constraint IDENT-IO(low) functions to rule out low vowel [a]. As for the elimination of mid central vowel [], the local conjunction constraint [IDENT-IO(round)& *SCHWA]Seg is employed. The reason why we do not use the constraint *SCHWA alone, putting it higher than the cut-off, to exclude [] is that the wrong prediction would occur in explaining the adaptation of the high back unrounded vowel // in the next section. All of the constraints mentioned above, that is, IDENT-IO(back), IDENT-IO(low) and [IDENT-IO(round)&*SCHWA]Seg, should be placed higher than the cut-off so as to rule out the unattested vowels. Eventually, concerning the choosing of [u] and [o], owing to the fact that the only difference between [u] and [o] is the feature [high], to choose [o] as the optimal, we should place the constraint IDENT-IO(high) higher than the other constraint *o; both of the constraints should be placed lower than the cut-off.. 27.

(35) *. b. c.. i . *!. *. d.. a. e.. 2. u. f.. 1. o. *!. *. *!. *o. *!. IDENT-IO(high). IDENT-IO(round). e. *SCHWA. a.. IDENT-IO(low). /o/. IDENT-IO(back). [IDENT-IO(round) & *SCHWA]Seg. (35) The adaptation of /o/ to [o] and [u]. *. * * * *. 3.2.4 The Adaptation of // Next, we move on to discuss the adaptation of //. To begin with, the statistics and the instances are illustrated in (36) and (37). As we can see from (36), after the adaptation, the vowel // might become [u] and [] or simply be deleted. The changes of // into [u] and [] are analyzed in this section. As for the deletion of //, since it has something to do with the syllabification; it will be discussed in chapter 4.. (36) Adaptation of vowel // into [u] and [] Japanese source. . 8. Puyuma correspondent. Number. u. 56. . 11. 8. i . The exception is //  [] ‘ink.’ 28. Total. Percentage 62.2 %. 90. 12.2 %. 1. 1.1 %. 22. 24.4 %.

(36) (37) Examples of the // adaptation. a. b. c. d. e. f.. Japanese      . Puyuma      . Gloss ‘beer’ ‘Gospel’ ‘ticket’ ‘gas’ ‘slipper’ ‘underwear’. In dealing with the adaptation of //, the constraints proposed up to now are not enough. Therefore, more constraints are introduced in (38-39). The analysis of the adaptation of // is illustrated in tableau (40).. (38) [IDENT-IO(round)&*o]Seg: A violation mark is given if and only if, within a scope of segment, IDENT-IO(round) that requires the feature [round] in the output to have a correspondent in the input and *o that disfavors the appearance of mid back rounded vowel [o] are both violated.. (39) *: Assign one violation mark for every high back unrounded vowel [].. 29.

(37) a.. e. *!. b. c.. i . *!. 2. d. 1. f. g.. *!. u o . *o. IDENT-IO(round). *Schwa. [IDENT-IO(round) & *Schwa]Seg. [IDENT-IO(round) &*o]Seg. *. a. e.. IDENT-IO(low). IDENT-IO(back). //. *. (40) The adaptation of // to [u] and []. * *!. *. *. *!. As can be observed in tableau (40), seven candidates are competing with each other. The input, high back unrounded vowel [], is ruled out because it is not attested in the data. Both the front vowels are discarded since they have opposite value of the feature [back] to the input. The low vowel [a] is eliminated because it is different from the input concerning the feature. [low].. To. exclude. the. vowel. [o]. from. being. output,. the. constraint. [IDENT-IO(round)&*o]Seg is used. Because the vowel [o] violates both IDENT-IO(round) and *o at the same time, it is ruled out. Eventually, two candidates are left. The suboptimal candidate [] infringes the constraint *SCHWA below the cut-off; thus, making [u] become the optimal output. Notice that in the previous section, we use local conjunction constraint [IDENT-IO(round)& *SCHWA]Seg rather than *SCHWA alone to rule out [] when the input is /o/. If *SCHWA is applied only, the suboptimal candidate [] in the adaptation of // will no 30.

(38) longer be chosen.. 3.2.5 The Examination of the Ranking In the previous sections, we have examined the vowels that have undergone alternation during adaptations and have also set up a constraint ranking to account for them. In this section, we will use the above constraint ranking to inspect the vowels that do not change so as to testify whether the proposed ranking still holds. The percentages of the adaptations of /a/ and /i/ are given in (41) and the examples are given in (42). To begin with, let us deal with the adaptation of /a/ first in tableau (43).. (41) Adaptations of vowels /a/ and /i/ Japanese source . Puyuma correspondent . Number. Total. Percentage. 148. 148. 100 %. . . 118. 118. 100 %. (42) Examples of the adaptation of /a/ and /i/ a.. Japanese . Puyuma . Gloss ‘movie’. b. c. d. e. f..     .     . ‘market’ ‘mail’ ‘watch; time’ ‘ball’ ‘dictionary’. 31.

(39) As can be seen in the tableau, both the constraints, namely IDENT-IO(back) and IDENT-IO(low), which are higher than the cut-off can still select the attested output [a].. (43) The adaptation of /a/ to [a] /a/. IDENT-IO(back). IDENT-IO(low). a.. e. *!. *. b. c.. i . *!. *. d.. a. e.. u. *!. f.. o. *!. *!. Then, we continue discussing the adaptation of /i/. However, the current constraint ranking cannot rule out the other front vowel [e]. In order to get rid of [e], we should introduce another conjoined constraint in (44).. (44) [IDENT-IO(high)&*e]Seg: A violation mark is given if and only if, within a scope of segment, IDENT-IO(high) that requires the feature [high] in the output has a correspondent in the input and *e that disfavors the appearance of mid front unrounded vowel [e] are simultaneously violated.. With the help of the local conjunction constraint (44), placed above the cut-off, the optimal output [i] can be selected. The analysis is illustrated in tableau (45).. 32.

(40) (45) The adaptation of /i/ to [i]. /i/. IDENT-IO (back). [IDENT-IO(high)&*e]Seg. IDENT-IO (high). *e. *!. *. *. a.. e. b. c.. i . *!. *. d.. a. *!. *. e.. u. *!. f.. o. *!. *. 3.2.6 Summary of the Adaptations of Vowels In §3.2, we have already discussed all the vowel adaptations. They are summarized in table (46). From the chart, we can find that except for high back unrounded //, other non-natives vowels are preserved. The real reason might still be puzzling in this moment. We can only conclude that the phonological system of Puyuma tries every possibility to be faithful to the input.. (46) Summary of vowel adaptations in section 3.2. §3.2.1. Japanese input V. §3.2.2. . §3.2.3. . §3.2.4. . §3.2.5. Puyuma correspondent V      . . . .  33.

(41) The relevant constraint ranking that we have proposed in this section is summarized in (47). On inspecting the ranking, we can realize that the feature [back] and [low] are highly respected. Once the candidate violates one or both of them, it should be disposed of in no time.. (47) Constraint ranking of the vowel adaptations *, IDENT-IO(back), IDENT-IO(low), [IDENT-IO(round)&*o]Seg, [IDENT-IO(high)&*e]Seg, [IDENT-IO(round)& *SCHWA]Seg, NLV, DEP-IO >> MAX-μ-IO Cut-off. >> *SCHWA >> IDENT-IO(round), IDENT-IO(high) >>*e, *o. 3.3 Adaptations of Onset Consonants In this section, we will focus on the adaptation of onset consonants. The section is arranged according to the manners of the articulation of the consonants. In §3.3.1, the adaptation of stops are discussed. In §3.3.2, we talk about the borrowing of fricatives. In §3.3.3, we examine the adaptation of affricates. In §3.3.4, the adaptation of flap is analyzed. Finally, in §3.3.5, we have a brief summary on what we have achieved concerning consonantal adaptation.. 34.

(42) 3.3.1 Stops The discussions of stops, including nasal stops, are divided into two subsections depending on whether the stops are voiced or not. By doing so, we can have a clear view on the transformations of stops.. 3.3.1.1 Voiced Stops and Nasal Stops In this subsection, we will see how consonants /b, m, d, n, g/ are adapted. To begin with, we will inspect the adaptation of /b/. The features of relevant sounds that share the same place of articulation with /b/, namely labial, are provided in (48). From chart (48), we can observe that except for the voiceless counterpart [p], other sounds make contrast with /b/ in more than one feature. All of the listed consonants are considered as possible candidates during the adaptation. However, as for which one of them is attested, we should see the statistics in (49).. (48) The feature matrices of [b, p, f, v, m] b. p. f. v. m. Major class. Sonorant. -. -. -. -. +. Manner. Continuant. -. -. +. +. +. Nasal. -. -. -. -. +. Strident. -. -. +. +. -. Place. Labial. √. √. √. √. √. Pharyngeal. Voice. +. -. -. +. +. 35.

(43) (49) Adaptation of consonant /b/ into [b] and [p] Japanese source. b. Puyuma correspondent. Number. Total. Percentage. b. 34. p. 2. f. 1. 3%. m. 1. 3%. 89 % 38. 5%. From table (49), we can find out that the voiced labial stop /b/ would surface as either [b] or the voiceless labial [p]. The reason why in this study we take [p] rather than the other two consonants [f] and [m]9 into consideration is because in the following consonantal adaptations, all the voiced obstruents, in addition to surface unchanged, would almost always turn into a voiceless sound. For instance, the voiced alveolar stop /d/ is adapted into [d] or [t]; the voiced alveo-palatal affricate /d/ is adapted into [z] or [ts]. So, the adaptations of voiced consonants into the voiceless ones are considered as norm. The examples of /b/ to [b] and [p] adaptation are illustrated in table (50).. (50) Examples of the /b/ adaptation. 9. a.. Japanese . Puyuma . Gloss ‘beer’. b. c. d. e. f..     .     . ‘market’ ‘elevator’ ‘butter’ ‘reversing’ ‘traditional Chinese physician’. The exceptions are /oib/  [olif] ‘olive’ and /tabako/  [tamaku] ‘tabacco.’ 36.

(44) Before the analysis, we first need to introduce the following constraints. The relative constraints are in (51-55) and the analysis is in tableau (56).. (51) *v: Assign one violation mark for every voiced labiodental fricative [v].. (52) *f: Assign one violation mark for every voiceless labiodental fricative [f].. (53) IDENT-IO(nasal): Assign one violation mark for every feature change of [nasal] from input to output correspondent.. (54) IDENT-IO(voice): Assign one violation mark for every feature change of [voice] from input to output correspondent.. (55) VOP (Voiced Obstruent Prohibition): Obstruent must not be voiced.. In tableau (56), as can be seen, there are five competitors fighting against each other. Candidates (56c-56d) are ruled out individually because the sounds [v] and [f] are not attested in Nanwang Puyuma. Thus, the two constraints that prohibit the appearance of [f] and [v] should be put in the dominant statuses. Candidate (56e) is out of selection because its [nasal] feature is different from that of the input. At the end, two candidates are left, that is, [b] and [p]. According to the statistics in (49), the voiced labial stop [b] appears much more often 37.

(45) than the voiceless one. Thus, to select [b] as the optimal output, the constraint which [p] violates, namely IDENT-IO(voice), has to outrank the constraint that [b] infringes, i.e., VOP. Under this ranking, the attested outputs are properly chosen.. (56) The adaptation of /b/ to [b] and [p] [b] a.. 1b. b.. 2p. c.. f. d.. v. e.. m. *v. *f. IDENT-IO(nasal). IDENT-IO(voice). VOP *. * *!. *. *!. * *!. Next, we move on to the adaptation of nasal stop /m/. The statistics is shown in (57) and the examples are demonstrated in (58).. (57) Adaptation of consonant /m/ into [m] Japanese source. Puyuma correspondent. Number. Total. Percentage. m. m. 46. 46. 100 %. (58) Examples of the /m/ adaptation a. b. c.. Japanese   . Puyuma   . Gloss ‘lemon’ ‘sashimi’ ‘comic’. We can know from the above chart that no change is involved after the adaptation of 38.

(46) onset bilabial nasal stop /m/. The OT analysis is given in tableau (59) below.. (59) The adaptation of /m/ to [m] /m/. *v. *f. IDENT-IO(nasal). IDENT-IO(voice). a.. b. *!. b.. p. *!. *. c.. f. *. *. d.. v. e.. m. *! *!. VOP *. *. *. Tableau (59) is very similar to the tableau which deals with the adaptation of /b/. The only difference is that the input is /m/. Following the proposed ranking, the constraint IDENT-IO(nasal) plays a very important role in that it rules out all the other candidates disagreeing with [m] in the feature [nasal]. Therefore, [m] is the optimal output. Next, we shall see the adaptation of voiced alveolar stop /d/. The features of consonants that share the same place with /d/, i.e., coronal sounds, are exhibited in (60).. (60) The feature matrices of [t, d, n, , ] t. d. n. . . Major class. Sonorant. -. -. +. -. -. Manner. Continuant. -. -. -. -. -. Nasal. -. -. +. -. -. Coronal. √. √. √. √. √. Anterior. +. +. +. -. -. Retroflex. -. -. -. +. +. Voice. -. +. +. -. +. Place. Pharyngeal. 39.

(47) When words containing the consonant /d/ are borrowed, they may turn out to be [d] or the voiceless counterpart [t]. The percentages are shown in table (61). Furthermore, the relevant data are in table (62).. (61) Adaptation of consonant /d/ into [d] and [t] Japanese source d. Puyuma correspondent. Number. d. 18. t. 2. Total 20. Percentage 90 % 10 %. (62) Examples of the /d/ adaptation a.. Japanese . Puyuma . Gloss ‘car’. b. c. d. e..    .   . ‘telephone’ ‘a dozen’ ‘steering wheel’ ‘camel’. ~. To choose the correct output, another constraint needs to be introduced, that is, IDENT-IO(retroflex). It is applied to exclude the two retroflex sounds from selection. The constraint is explained in (63).. (63) IDENT-IO (retroflex): Where X is an output segment, and X’ is its correspondent in the input, assign a violation if X and X’ have different specification for the feature [retroflex]. (Bennett 2015: 97) 40.

(48) The adaptation of /d/ is displayed in tableau (64). The elimination of [n] is due to the difference in feature [nasal]. Two retroflex stops are ruled out because they incur violations in IDENT-IO (retroflex). Eventually, like the selection of /b/, the constraint IDENT-IO (voice) is very crucial in deciding the optimal output from the suboptimal one. Following the ranking proposed in (64), again, we can make the correct prediction.. (64) The adaptation of /d/ to [d] and [t]. /d/ a.. 2. t. b.. 1. d. c. d.. n . e.. . IDENT-IO. IDENT-IO. IDENT-IO. (nasal). (retroflex). (voice). VOP. * * *! *!. *. *!. *. Subsequently, we will focus on the borrowing of onset alveolar nasal /n/. The statistics and the examples concerning the adaptation of /n/ are revealed in (65) and (66).. (65) Adaptation of consonant /n/ into [n] Japanese source. Puyuma correspondent. Number. Total. Percentage. n. n. 18. 18. 100 %. 41.

(49) (66) Examples of the /n/ adaptation Japanese   . a. b. c.. Puyuma   . Gloss ‘glue’ ‘glasses’ ‘port’. Just as onset /m/, when the input has /n/ in onset position, no change will incur. In other words, both of the onset nasals /m/ and /n/ are borrowed faithfully. The relevant analysis for the adaptation of /n/ is presented in tableau (67).. (67) The adaptation of /n/ to [n]. /n/. IDENT-IO (nasal). IDENT-IO (retroflex). a.. t. *!. b.. d. *!. c. d.. n . *!. *. e.. . *!. *. IDENT-IO (voice). VOP. * * * *. As we can observe in (67), the crucial constraint in selecting the onset alveolar nasal [n] is IDENT-IO (nasal). Other coronal sounds are ruled out since they have opposite value of [nasal] with [n]. The circumstance, again, is like that of the selection of [m]. Finally, we are to discuss the voiced velar consonant /g/. First of all, the features of the relevant consonants, that is, dorsal consonants, have to be reviewed in table (68).. 42.

(50) (68) The feature matrices of [, k, ] . k. . Major class. Sonorant. -. -. +. Manner. Continuant. -. -. -. Nasal. -. -. +. Dorsal. √. √. √. High. +. +. +. Low. -. -. -. Back. +. +. +. Voice. +. -. +. Place. Pharyngeal. As can be observed in table (69), the outputs of // can be [] and [k]. The relative examples are listed in table (70).. (69) Adaptation of consonant // into [] and [k] Japanese source . Puyuma correspondent . Number. . 1. 21. Total 22. Percentage 95 % 5%. (70) Examples of the // adaptation. a. b.. Japanese  . Puyuma  . Gloss ‘bank’ ‘movie’. c. d..  .  . ‘glass’ ‘gallon’. The OT analysis in (71) is very similar to previous analysis. The velar nasal [] is excluded because the feature value of [nasal] is different from that of the input. This 43.

(51) condition happens all the times when the nasal sounds are competing with the non-nasal ones. Thus, we could conclude that IDENT-IO (nasal) is very important in Puyuma. It bans a nasal sound from being a non-nasal one after the adaptation and vice versa. The feature [nasal] should always be respected. Next, in this section, in deciding the optimal candidate, IDENT-IO (voice) always plays an important role since the only difference between the optimal output and the suboptimal one is the feature [voice]. To make the correct prediction, the constraint IDENT-IO (voice) should be ranked above the constraint that disfavors the voiced obstruent, namely, VOP, as illustrated in (71).. (71) The adaptation of // to [] and [k] // a. b. c.. 1 2. IDENT-IO (nasal). IDENT-IO (voice).  k . VOP *. * *!. 3.3.1.2 Voiceless Stops In this section, we will see the adaptations of voiceless stops. The voiceless stops that we examine here are /p, t, k/. All of the examples concerning the adaptation of voiceless consonants are given in table (72) and the percentages are given in (73).. 44.

(52) (72) Examples of the voiceless consonants adaptations a. b. c. d e f. Japanese      . Puyuma      . Gloss ‘oil paint’ ‘propeller’ ‘angel’ ‘soldier’ ‘choir’ ‘swordfish’. (73) Adaptation of consonant voiceless stops /p, t, k/ Japanese source. Puyuma correspondent . Number. . 1. t. . 44. 44. 100 %. k. . 110. 110. 100 %. . 21. 10. Total 22. Percentage 95 % 5%. To begin with, we will inspect how the voiceless labial /p/ is adapted. As can be seen in (73), one of the examples transfers from /p/ to [b]. The example is treated as exception because it is the only one datum in my fieldwork data that changes from a voiceless stop to a voiced stop. As mentioned in §3.3.1.1, there is a tendency for a voiced obstruent to turn into its voiceless counterpart. The alternation from voiceless obstruent to its voiced counterpart is not attested in other consonantal adaptations. Thus, it would be reasonable to treat the adaptation of /p/ into [b] as exception. The constraint ranking that we proposed to explain the adaptation of voiced stops is not capable of dealing with the adaptation of voiceless stops. Following the above ranking, we 10. The exception is //  [] ‘Egypt.’ 45.

(53) can notice that the voiced stops cannot be ruled out. Hence, to make a correct prediction, we need to introduce another local conjunction constraint [IDENT-IO(voice)&VOP]Seg. The constraint is introduced in (74).. (74) [IDENT-IO(voice)&VOP]Seg: A violation mark is given if and only if, within a scope of segment, IDENT-IO(voice) that requires the feature [voice] in the output has a correspondent in the input and VOP that disfavors the appearance of voiced obstruent are simultaneously violated.. The OT analysis of the adaptation of voiceless labial stop /p/ is in (75). As can be seen, outputs [f], [v] and [m] are rule out because they violate the dominant constraints, i.e., *f, *v and IDENT-IO(nasal) respectively. Then, the competition is between [p] and its voiced counterpart [b]. In tableau (75), we can see that [b] violates both IDENT-IO(voice) and VOP at the same time. If one of the constraints is moved to a dominant position, the voiced labial stop [b] can also be ruled out. The reason why we do not use this method is because it will result in wrong predictions in the adaptations of voiced stops. Thus, the conjoined constraint [IDENT-IO(voice)&VOP]Seg is crucial in the elimination of voiced stops when the input is voiceless stop.. 46.

(54) p. c.. f. d.. v. e.. m. VOP. b.. IDENT-IO (voice). b. [IDENT-IO (voice)& VOP]Seg. a.. IDENT-IO (nasal). [p]. *f. *v. (75) The adaptation of /p/ to [p]. *!. *. *. *. *. *. *! *! *!. *. The analyses of /t/ and /k/ are shown in tableau (76) and (77). Both of the consonants do not undergo any alternation during the adaptation. With the local conjunction constraint [IDENT-IO(voice)&VOP]Seg, the optimal outputs can always be selected successfully.. (76) The adaptation of /t/ to [t]. /t/ a.. t. b.. d. c. d.. n . e.. . IDENT-IO (nasal). IDENT-IO (retroflex). [IDENT-IO(voice) &VOP]Seg. IDENT-IO (voice). VOP. *!. *. *. *!. * *! *!. *. *. *. (77) The adaptation of /k/ to [k] IDENT-IO(nasal) /k/ a.. . b. c.. k . [IDENT-IO(voice) &VOP]Seg. IDENT-IO(voice). VOP. *!. *. *. *!. * 47.

(55) 3.3.2 Fricatives In this section, we examine the adaptation of fricatives /, , h, s, , z/. To begin with, we will make a research on how the voiceless labial fricative // is altered when it is borrowed. Before the research, the features of // and similar sounds are summarized in table (78).. (78) The feature matrices of [, f, v, p, m, h] . f. v. p. b. m. h. Major class. Sonorant. -. -. -. -. -. +. +. Manner. Continuant. +. +. +. -. -. -. +. Nasal. -. -. -. -. -. +. -. Strident. -. +. +. -. -. -. -. Place. Labial. √. √. √. √. √. √. Pharyngeal. Voice. -. -. +. -. +. +. -. From table (79), we can realize that when // is borrowed, it always changes into [h]. The examples of the adaptation are shown in (80).. (79) Adaptation of // into [h] Japanese source . Puyuma correspondent . 48. Number. Total. Percentage. 3. 3. 100 %.

(56) (80) Examples of the // adaptation. a. b. c.. Japanese   . Puyuma   . Gloss ‘Gospel’ ‘film’ ‘minute’. To analyze the adaptation of //, two other constraints, IDENT-IO(continuant) and *, need to be introduced. The constraints are given in (81-82). The analysis of the adaptation of // is illustrated in (83).. (81) IDENT-IO(continuant): Assign one violation mark for every feature change of [continuant] from input to output correspondent.. (82) *: Assign one violation mark for every voiceless bilabial fricative [].. From the tableau, we can notice at once that consonants [, f, v] are gotten rid of because they are not attested in any of the data. The candidate [m] is rejected, on account of its violation of IDENT-IO(nasal). The voiced bilabial stop [b] is ruled out due to the fact that it incurs a violation in [IDENT-IO(voice)& VOP]Seg. Notice that two candidates still survive, which does not conform to the statistics provided in (79). As can be seen from the feature matrices provided above, we can observe that the features of [] are very similar to that of [p] except for the values of the feature [continuant]. Therefore, the present study. 49.

(57) would like to assume [p] to be one of the possible candidates. If more data are recruited, the appearance of [p] as one of the outputs of // might be attested.. v. d.. 2. e. f. g.. *. *! *!. p m. 1. *. VOP. c.. IDENT-IO (continuant). f. IDENT-IO (voice). b.. [IDENT-IO (voice)& VOP]Seg. *!. IDENT-IO (nasal). . *v. a.. *f. //. *. (83) The adaptation of // to [h]. * *. *!. *. *. *. *. h b. *!. *. Following the discussion of the adaptation of //, we will examine the alternation of /, h, s, , z/ at the same time. The reason is that the candidates being inspected and the constraint ranking used to solve these sounds are similar. For the sake of convenience, we deal with them simultaneously. The features of these sounds are summarized in (84).. 50.

(58) (84) The feature matrices of [, s, z, h, ] . . s. z. h. t. d. Major class. Sonorant. -. -. -. -. +. -. -. Manner. Continuant. +. +. +. +. +. -. -. Strident. -. +. +. +. -. -. -. Coronal. √. √. √. √. √. √. Anterior. -. -. +. +. +. +. Distributed. +. +. -. -. -. -. Voice. -. -. -. +. -. +. Place. Pharyngeal. -. The results of the adaptation are listed in table (85). The examples are again given in table (86).. (85) Adaptation of /, h, s, , z/ Japanese source . Puyuma correspondent . Number. Total. Percentage. 4. 4. 100 %. . . 20. 20. 100 %. . . 46. 46. 100 %. . 31. . 1. . 3.  . 11. 32 3. 97 % 3% 100 %. (86) Examples of the /, h, s, , z / adaptation a. b. c. d. e. f. 11. Japanese      . Puyuma      . The exception is //  [hicuzi] ‘deacon.’ 51. Gloss ‘airplane’ ‘fertilizer’ ‘souvenir’ ‘sedan’ ‘handkerchief’ ‘preachment’.

(59) g.. . . ‘mass’. h. i. j. k. l. m. n. o..        .        . ‘gasoline’ ‘stockroom’ ‘news’ ‘photo’ ‘brush’ ‘magazine’ ‘elephant’ ‘boehmeria’. In explaining the adaptation of /, h, s, , z/, additional constraints need to be introduced. They are listed in (87-90). Again, constraints (87-89) are used because these consonants are not native sound in Nanwang Puyuma. The analysis is in tableau (91).. (87) *: Assign one violation mark for every voiceless palatal fricative [].. (88) *: Assign one violation mark for every voiceless post-alveolar fricative [].. (89) *z: Assign one violation mark for every voiced alveolar fricative [z].. (90) IDENT-IO(strident): Assign one violation mark for every feature change of [strident] from input to output correspondent.. 52.

(60) c.. z. d.. h. II.. /h/. e.. . f.. s. g.. z. h.. h. III.. *z. s. VOP. b.. IDENT-IO (voice). *!. IDENT-IO (strident). . [IDENT-IO (voice) & VOP]Seg. a.. I.. *. //. *. (91) The adaptation of /, h, s, , z /. *. *. *. *. *. *. *. *. *. *. *. *. *. *. *! *!. *. *! *! *!. *. /s/. i.. . j.. s. k.. z. l.. h. *!. m.. t. *!. n.. d. IV.. *!. * *!. *!. /z/ . o. p.. 2. s. q.. 1. z. *!. * *. r.. h. *!. *. s.. t. *!. *. t.. d. V.. //. u.. . v.. s. w.. z. x. y.. h . *! *!. *. *. * *!. * *!. *!. 53. *. *.