Having introduced the research, defined its significance for the Republic of Nicaragua and it’s economy, and stated its purpose in the previous chapter, which is understanding the difficulties that coffee-pickers face as migrants and how does the law protect them as migrant workers. The following chapter provides an in –depth review of the most significant literature that supports this study.
Push-Pull Migration Theory
The Push-Pull migration theory was firstly analyzed by Everett S. Lee. In the Push- Pull theory geographers summarize the motivations for migration by considering how the relationship between the origin and destination are affected by push and pull factors. The Push factors exist at the point of origin and pull factor exist in the destination. This migration can only occur if the reason to migrate, which means the push is relieved by the corresponding pull at the next destination.
In the context of labor migration, push factors are often characterized by the lack of job opportunities in sending areas or countries, and pull factors are the economic opportunities presented in receiving areas or countries. (Muñiz & Lei & Schleicher, 2011)
Table 2.1.
7. Slavery or forced labor 8. Poor medical care Note. Adapted from “Human migration”, 2012.
The following figure explains the process of migration, according to the push and pulls theory:
Figure 2.1. Push and pull migration process. Adapt from “Migration Conceptual Framework:
Why do people move to work in another place or country?” by Muñiz Osvaldo, Li Wei, Schleicher Yvonne (March, 2011) AAG Center for Global Geography Education.
This theory is closely related to the labor migration process of coffee-pickers in Nicaragua, the pull factors are definitively the reasons why workers decide to migrate to different areas of the coffee producing regions, or even just for one farm to another, these laborers make their decisions to migrate based on the benefits that migration will bring to their incomes and life quality.
Neoclassical Economic Theory
The Neoclassical Economic Theory is the newest theory of migration and states that the main reason for labor migration is wage difference between two geographic locations. These wage differences are usually linked to geographic labor demand and supply. Labor tends to flow from low-wage areas to high-wage areas. Neoclassical economic theory is best used to describe transnational migration, because it is not confined by international immigration laws and similar governmental regulations. (Human Migration, 2012)
This is the process that occurs during the coffee harvesting in Nicaragua, the mobilization of labor workforce to the coffee production regions. During the coffee-picking season these laborers also migrate to different areas or farms within the same region in order to look for higher wages, therefore we can state that the main motivations for migration are related to economic aspiration.
Seasonal Migrant Labor
In recent years international migration has emerged as a major issue of research in the economic and sociological area (Borjas 2012), however at the same time internal migration has been overlooked, as the trend nowadays is international labor migration. Internal migration is a phenomenon that exists in every country of the world, but when seasonal harvesting comes the percentage of labor migration rises, hence seasonal migrant labor are in majority rural workers.
There are massive migration waves, which are usually seasonal and internal due to the production of different seasonal jobs (mainly in agriculture). These type of migration usually moves according to the Push and Pull Factors migration theory, because these laborers move to different areas according to its situation, in this specific case, the pull factors are better job opportunities as well as higher wages, which these laborers can’t find at the previous area, they were staying. Most workers migrating are seasonal migrants (From October to Summer season) the average duration of an immigrant away from home is 5.6 months. 91% of Seasonal migrants are men and their education levels are higher. (Haberfeld, Menaria, Sahoo, & Vyas, 1999)
The findings of many researches about the impact of seasonal migration indicate that seasonal migration among rural laborers has widespread for many reasons. Migrant labor is a compensating mechanism used by workers to reduce their disadvantageous position. A common characteristic of these laborers is the needs of improving their life quality. As Parrado & Cerruti (2003, p.104) said: “Economic motivations are of central importance for understanding migration decisions”. De Lima & Wright (2009), in their study done with migrant labors in Rural Scotland recognize that migrant workers may have various reasons for migrating, but most of the time labor migration has tended to emphasize economic drivers above all else.
As mentioned above seasonal migrants are rural workers, these laborers are usually characterized by lower education levels and lower levels of income from agriculture therefore most of them migrate motivated for increasing their salaries. For example rural households in
India use migrant labor offer by their members to improve their well being by reducing the impacts of inferior conditions and raising their income levels (Haberfeld et. al 1999).
Seasonal migrant labors are a special type of migrant and special type of labors, these are characterized for facing many difficulties during their migration and as employees because are not considered valuable workforce however they are perceived as a necessary short-term measure as De Lima & Wright (2009) found in their research; in addittion most of them are not receiving the right treatment by employers as an important workforce. This fact is confirmed by many studies mostly conducted in the United States with Latin-Origin families as Parra-Cardona, Bulock, Imig, Villaruel & Gold (2006) found that the experiences of migrant labors and their families are extremely difficult and that these families continue to be part of the most economically disadvantaged groups.
A number of studies have identified that migrant and seasonal farmworkers as a special population of agricultural workers that due to barriers produced by poverty, face specially unique work-related challenges and challenges in perceiving and protecting themselves from risks (Halfacre-Hitchcock, McCarthy, Burkett, & Carvajal, 2006). As Luetchford (2008 p. 166) said:
“ In the face of this sense of shared destiny, landlessness and reliance on migrant labor remains an under-examined anomaly.” Their work related challenges are not the only concern when comes to migrant labor but the risks they face every day is also one of the most researched areas as Rust (1990, p. 1213) said: “ Migrant farmworker families are believe to experience poor health compared to the general population.”
Overall, Internal migrant labor is as important as international labor migration. Rural to Urban or Rural to Rural labor migrants are a vital workforce that should be considered such as, they are a vital labor sector for the economic development of the countries, therefore them and their families’ rights should be respected.
Migrant Labor in Nicaragua
Migrant labor in Nicaragua is not an unknown type of labor, international migration as internal migration is a common phenomenon in the country. Although, international migration is the most noticeable, internal migration which according to Rodriguez (2004) and Villa (1991) is the change of residency that a person carries out inside a country and crosses an official administrative border, occurs in Nicaragua for many reasons, but the most crucial one is for job-seeking opportunities.
Entire families move from one administrative region to another, which in the case of Nicaragua are called departments, as well as from one municipality to another, these family can move permanently or temporary, the research is focused on the seasonal migrant labors, specially coffee harvest labor, that usually moves from one municipality to another depending on the farms location for job-seeking purposes. The Push and Pull migration theory is fully applied by these Nicaraguan as the push factors at their home place or their previous work place are the reasons why they decide to leave, and the pull factors are the ones that usually lack at their previous location, therefore the new location provides the missing part of the previous one.
When the coffee picking season arrives, usually among the months of October or November, the labor workforce starts to locate the different farms where they want to work on, it doesn’t matter if it is far away from their hometowns but what really matters is the quantity of coffee available to pick in the farm, the benefits that the farm offers, or especially the payment per lata (If the wedge is higher) which means their earning potential is their main concern (Harworth 2012). The lata is the official and obligatory measurement in Nicaragua; The official price per lata is 27 Córdobas an equivalent of 1.1 US dollars . The lata is a box with the following dimensions:
Length: 10 inches/ 25.40 cm.
Wide: 10 inches/ 25.40 cm.
Depth: 12.5 inches/ 31.75 cm.
Farm owners also start looking for coffee pickers, and keep doing it even during the entire coffee harvest, as usually they face problems of workforce shortage since coffee pickers migrate from one farm to another without advice. 65% of those employed in the coffee sector in Nicaragua are seasonal workers (Vakis, Kruger, & Mason, 2004). It is s vital to attract harvesters and retaining them; the better the picking, the more workers earn. A farmer who sets a team to work on a poor patch will soon see the labor force dwindle, as they move away to richer fields.
In the early part of the harvest little or no help is required, but as the season gathers pace the farmer must be able to attract and retain a workforce (Luetchford, 2008).
Coffee pickers are constantly moving from one farm to another, process that involves moving with their whole family to new different places, this is commonly seen when the quantity of ripen coffee in the farm is less than in others. When the season has ended in one area it is peaking in another part of the highlands, and harvesters can take the opportunity to migrate.
After that, they follow the peak harvest up the mountain where the fastest, easiest money is to be made and abandon farms at lower elevations early. As soon as a farmer's peak harvest is over the pickers start looking for greener pastures and start moving further up the mountain (Haworth, 2012).
Specially the young, have a more transitory life style and may best be described as semi-resident; they move frequently, often only short distances, from farm to farm within the locality, as they attach themselves to different employers. Eventually, especially if they have family elsewhere, they may move on to another part of the country in search of work or land. At the same time others move in to take their place as part of a pattern of shifting migration (Luetchford, 2008).
The process of migration of coffee pickers usually lasts, the period that the whole coffee harvesting lasts in Nicaragua, this is a difficult period that conveys a lot of challenges caused by this peripatetic situation. As Luetchford (2008) mentioned as result of his research done in Costa Rica with coffee pickers: “Farmers talk about pulling their children out of school, migration, and increased heath problems” (p.158) and “manual agricultural laborers ‘‘work the hardest, but earn the least,’’ and Nicaraguans are not exempted from this judgment. Migrant and seasonal farmworkers face greater risks at their workplace such as exposure of chemicals applied during the harvesting, transporting and processing of food (Halfacre-Hitchcock et al., 2006).
Coffee Harvest Season
Coffee is a complex agricultural product that changes from year to year and requires the utmost care in growing, harvesting, processing, roasting and brewing. This “golden bean¨ as it is called by coffee producers can’t be cultivated at any country. The location for coffee production needs to meet necessary characteristics to favor the coffee cultivation and it needs to be high enough in order to meet quality standards.
Coffee is grown in tropical locations between the Tropic of Cancer in the north and the Tropic of Capricorn in the south. This is known as the “bean belt.” Harvesting times vary considerably within the "bean belt" depending on the climatic conditions (Baskerville, 2012).
Coffee cherries are ripen at different times depending on the farm, the three and the climate. It may require from three to seven picking rounds to complete the harvest (Equal
Exchange, n.d). This is co-related with the migration of coffee pickers, because some of them move from farm to farm depending on how much is the quantity of ripens coffee cherries.
The harvest is a crucial time. It is when farmers learn how much coffee they have, which gives an indication of potential income, and allows them to compare with previous years and assess their attempts to negotiate the intricacies of production. It is also critical for social relations of production. Since even farmers, with only a hectare or two, struggle to manage the entire harvest using family labor, hired workers must be brought in. This means that the landowners need to start attracting coffee pickers to come to work in their coffee farms. In some countries the employers need to design strategies in order to attract as much as workforce possible.
High quality coffee comes from the middle of the harvest or what we call peak harvest. A coffee harvest produces volumes of cherries on a typical bell curve. Slow at first, gradually picking up volume until you reach the peak, then dropping off again (Haworth, 2012).
After the pruning stage is carried out, by one or two paid assistants, which usually stay in the farm as permanent workers the whole year. In the dry summer months from March to July the bushes flower and begin to bud, less work is required, and many farmers do without wage labor. This is a time for maintenance work, socializing, and recuperation in preparation for the intense activity of the next harvest (Luetchford, 2008).
Coffee Harvesting Process
During the coffee-harvesting season, every day is as similar as the other day for the coffee pickers and their families as well as the farm personnel, from the foreman (mandador) to the ladies in charge of preparing the food for workers. The day starts early morning, usually around four or five in the morning, when the breakfast is served for the workers that stay in the campamentos at the farms, the meal served is very simple, after that, they move to the coffee plantation (cafetales) that the mandador chooses, he is the one that supervises which are does the coffee is ready to be picked.
Pickers do not want to bother with older trees, or immature ones, or any parts of the farm that are not heavily producing. They are apt to skip rows or lots to get into the richer pickings.
This is why is very important to have a foreman supervising the pickers, preferably someone not related to the pickers to ensure fair play (Haworth, 2012). They usually wear clothes that helps them to protect themselves, such as caps or hats, long pants and long sleeves shirts to protect
from sun rays, and rubber boots that could prevent snake´s bite or accidental slip, it is common to see children their school uniforms to pick coffee.
These workers and their families harvest the coffee by hand into large baskets or sacks when the cherries are red and ripe. In some coffee farming communities, the coffee harvest is a rotating project where the entire community shares in the activity and moves from farm to farm as the crop ripens (Luetchford, 2008). The coffee cherry is collected in a large basket (canasta), which is secured to the waist of the picker by means of a rope padded with an agricultural sack.
The harvester removes all the red fruit as well as that which is ‘‘colored’’ yellow or orange, and therefore ripening. In theory all green coffee needs to be left for future rounds, that is how they spend the morning grind. They usually have lunch around eleven A.M or midday. Some of them bring their lunch and eat it at the plantations to avoid loosing time to go to wait for their meal to be served, as they want to collect as much coffee as they can.
The daily grind ends around four in the afternoon, and everyone is called to measure the quantity of coffee that each labor picked. From each worker’s basket the coffee is transferred to a sack, and finally measured in a box (lata) this is the unit of measurement used to calculate the quantity of coffee picked, each laborer is paid by lata collected. Usually only one the family members, is included in the payroll, but the coffee picked by the whole family (including children) is summed up. This is recorded everyday, so that on payday, the salary received by these labors is according to what they have collected. In the case of Nicaragua, each year before the coffee harvesting starts the government sets a specific price that has to be paid from the employer to the coffee pickers per lata, although this is not always followed.
A poor day’s picking would yield only 4 or 5 latas, but on a good day a fast picker can gather 12 or 15, and legends abound of individuals picking up to 20 latas in one day. Income during the harvest therefore depends on the dexterity and experience of the picker, not least in judging where to pick next, and managing the social relationships such movement requires (Luetchford, 2008).
As a conclusion coffee picking can be described as semi-skilled; the work itself is repetitive and monotonous, but at the same time it requires dexterity, and speed improves with practice, that’s why almost all the family members are considered capable to carry out this task.
The performance of coffee pickers is very important for the coffee harvesting season, therefore
the recruitment and management of this workforce should be considered as an important phase of the coffee harvesting process.
Coffee Harvesting in Nicaragua
The coffee picking season is the busiest time of the year for a coffee farmer. In Nicaragua there is a single harvest per year and it usually runs from October to February varying upon altitude, as previously mentioned. The whole country is involved in this season, as many of business owners are benefited by this, from the ones that supply the products necessary to pick coffee, transportation line owners and so on.
The variety of coffee produced in Nicaragua is called Arabica and it started to be cultivated in the fifties, and the first coffee cherries were planted on the Pacific’s plain mesa, by 1870 coffee was the most important product of foreign exchange in Nicaragua and in 1992 more land extension was dedicated to the coffee cultivation, more than any other product in the country (Equal Exchange, n.d). In the late 1990s coffee annually contributed US$140 million to the national economy and provided an equivalent of 280,000 permanent agricultural jobs (Bacon, 2005).
Most of the coffee production of Nicaragua comes from three regions within Nicaragua’s Central Northern Mountains. These regions include the Segovias (Estelí, Madriz and Nueva Segovia). The Matagalpa and Jinotega regions are also favorable for coffee cultivation; the farms of this area are the ones that were considered in this study. The outer regions of Matagalpa
Most of the coffee production of Nicaragua comes from three regions within Nicaragua’s Central Northern Mountains. These regions include the Segovias (Estelí, Madriz and Nueva Segovia). The Matagalpa and Jinotega regions are also favorable for coffee cultivation; the farms of this area are the ones that were considered in this study. The outer regions of Matagalpa