av.fut-chase-redup=2s.nom
'For instance, if he leaves for Kaohsiung or Pingtung, he wants to get assigned there, are you going to chase after him?'
So far, it has been observed that AV constructions mainly serve to highlight and focus on the A nominal. To illustrate this in another way, say, if only the Causer or only the Causee of a scene or an event were to be highlighted (each without regard for the other argument), then either the causative AV construction (13a) or the intransitive AV construction (13b) is employed, respectively. If both are to be highlighted, where in such an instance, one of the "Agents" becomes a Patient, the transitive PV
construction (13c) is recruited (see also 4.1).
(13) a.
pa-V
AV si Juan(causative
AV clause) b. VAVsi Pedro (intransitive
AV clause)c. VPV
ni Pedro si Juan
(transitive PV clause)The third type of AV causative clauses is based on an extended intransitive construction (EIC). This causative type has one more argument, namely, the Causer argument, than the basic EIC. The extended argument E remains the oblique argument in the causative clause, while the Agent in the EIC becomes an optional oblique argument in the causativized clause. As attested by our data (see 14 and 12), the Causee argument is always optionally omitted. The optional Causee argument in a causativized clause is always marked by the dative kang (see 11).
(14)
pa-palit=ka ana-ng high tech pa-palit=ka ana ? -nga high tech
cau-buy=2s.n that-lk high.tech'You have (somebody) buy you (that) high-tech (gadget).'
4. Morphological causatives
It is always the causee that has to change its syntactic relation in order to fit in with the increased valency of the causative verb; the cause, or the A argument, is the subject of the basic verb, but cannot remain as subject of the causative verb, this position being usurped by the causer. In Cebuano, the Causee moves out of the core and takes peripheral marking, except in NAV causative constructions derived from intransitive basic clauses (cf. table 4).
Figure 3.
Typical valency relations between basic and causative verbs (Comrie 1985: 342).
Basic Causative
Intransitive SUBJ SUBJ
DO
Monotransitive SUBJ DO
SUBJ DO IO
Ditransitive SUBJ DO IO
SUBJ DO IO OBL
As we have mentioned, Figure 3 is slightly modified in Cebuano (see Figure 4). In the case of intransitive clauses, the additional Causer argument in the causative clause may either be encoded as Nominative (Causer and Causee are conflated) and the resulting construction remains intransitive, or it is encoded as Genitive, and the
resulting construction becomes transitive. In both processes, the Nominative argument in the basic clauses remains Nominative-marked in the causative clauses.
Figure 4. Valency relations between basic and causative verbs.
Basic Causative NOM NOM
(OBL) Intransitive
NOM NOM GEN
Monotransitive GEN NOM
GEN NOM
OBL (optional causee)
Ditransitive GEN NOM OBL
GEN NOM OBL
OBL (optional causee)
In the case of the causativization of monotransitives and ditransitives in Cebuano, Bunye and Yap (1971) came up with the formulae shown in Table 3. However, we wish to introduce some revisions as it fails to capture certain aspects of Cebuano syntax that recent studies have already uncovered. For example, the type of AV causative clause that they describe is one that is based on an extended intransitive clause (EIC), which used to be treated as transitive constructions. This has to be clearly distinguished from the purely intransitive causative clauses. Hence, their description also fails to capture the fact that AV clauses in Cebuano can also serve to function as valency-reducing constructions as these constructions focus on the Agent and its actions. Therefore in some causative AV clauses, the number of arguments may stay the same as that of the basic clauses, as there is no additional argument that results from the causative process. In addition, the Causer in AV causative clauses is at the same time a Benefactee, so that AV causative clauses actually have a Benefactive reading. Our revision is shown in Table 4, which reflects the various types of AV
causative clauses that we have described earlier in section 3.
Table 3. (Bunye and Yap 1971: 104-109)
Case roles Nominative Genitive Oblique (Oblique)
AF mag-pa-V Causer Receiver Secondary Agent
PF gi-pa-V Agent Causer Receiver Beneficiary LF gi-pa-V-an Receiver Causer Secondary Agent BF (g)i-pa-V-an Beneficiary Causer Receiver
IF (g)i-pa-V Instrument Causer Receiver Secondary Agent
As for the transitive constructions, as is the general situation in many other languages, there is one more additional causer argument in the causative clauses than in the basic clauses. When the causer takes the slot occupied by the Causee argument in the basic clause, the cause argument becomes an optional argument marked oblique.
Table 4.
Case roles
Valence
change Basic clause Nominative Genitive Oblique (Oblique) Verbs
0 Predication Benefactee Causer
guapa 'be beautiful'
0 causative Lexical Benefactee
Causer Causee See Table 9-1
+1 Intransitive Causee Causer tindog 'stand'
+1 EIC Causee Causer Patient kaon 'eat'
+1 Ditransitive Patient Causer Goal (Causee) hatag 'give' +1 Transitive Locative
In our revision in Table 4, we actually find construction subtypes of each
causative verb form. PV causatives are derived from four types of basic clause constructions, and LV causatives from two types of basic clause constructions. In the following subsections, we will discuss PV causatives (4.1), LV causatives (4.2), and IV causatives (4.3).
4.1 PV causative constructions
PV causative constructions are derived from four types of basic clauses. The first two types are AV constructions, namely, intransitive clauses and EICs. Intransitive clauses have an Agent or an Undergoer that becomes a Causee when causativized; the EIC has the same situation but there is an extended argument that retains its oblique marking in the resulting causative clause. The excerpts below show the resulting causative clauses of EICs (15) and intransitive clause (16).
(15)
gi-hold, wa ? gi-pa-larga, kay ni-layas=kuno sa ilaha
pfv-detain neg pfv-cau-leave because av-leave=evid loc 3p.poss'(The officials) detained (him) and did not let (him) leave, because it was said that (he) left their (place) (without notifying anybody).'
(16)
daghan=man=ko-g dala, gi-pa-dala=ko
daghan=man=ko-ug dala, gi-pa-dala=ko
many=par=1s.nom-obl bring pfv-cau-bring=1s.nom